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Retracted studies the latest in a decadeslong abortion-science fight  – Rhode Island Current

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Retracted studies the latest in a decadeslong abortion-science fight  – Rhode Island Current


The U.S. Supreme Court will hear oral arguments March 26 in the case challenging federal approval of the abortion pill, mifepristone. (Getty Images)

Chris Adkins is worried.

The Georgia pharmaceutical sciences professor who sparked an investigation into scientific studies that led to recent news-making retractions is worried about the “appropriate legal action” researchers have vaguely told media outlets they’re pursuing.

But even more than being sued, Adkins is worried it might be too late to correct the scientific record about a key abortion drug in a high-stakes legal case that is currently before the U.S. Supreme Court. Because before the three studies produced by an anti-abortion think tank were probed and determined to have “fundamental problems with the study design and methodology,” two of them were directly cited by a federal judge in ruling the plaintiffs had legal standing in seeking to strip mifepristone of federal approval. And now the anti-abortion researchers have claimed the retractions are a result of pro-abortion politics while downplaying their own significant roles in the consequential case.

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“The main concern is that now, instead of focusing on the science, it’s going to be contorted and twisted as a political maneuver,” Adkins told States Newsroom in a phone interview. “I don’t mind my name being thrown out there. … But my initial concern was driven purely by the issues I had with the very science and the communication of that science.”

On Feb. 5, academic publisher Sage Journals announced it was retracting three of Charlotte Lozier Institute’s studies about abortion published in the journal “Health Services Research and Managerial Epidemiology” between 2019 and 2022. Among them was research that questioned the safety of mifepristone, a commonly used abortion and miscarriage medication. The reasons Sage cited included undeclared conflicts of interest involving several of the papers’ authors, who had an affiliation with “pro-life advocacy organizations that explicitly support judicial action to restrict access to mifepristone.” Some of the authors are plaintiffs or expert witnesses in the lawsuit.

While Adkins and California-based epidemiologist and reproductive health expert Ushma Upadhyay work to publish a scientific examination of the now-retracted research and the Supreme Court hearing looms large, experts say the nation’s highest court is unlikely to give serious consideration to the exposed ambiguities in a decision that could have repercussions beyond reproductive health care.

The main concern is that now, instead of focusing on the science, it’s going to be contorted and twisted as a political maneuver.

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– Chris Adkins, associate professor and director of assessment at South University School of Pharmacy* in Savannah, Georgia

From the beginning, reproductive health, pharmaceutical, and legal experts have warned that an outcome in favor of the anti-abortion medical groups and doctors who sued the U.S. Food and Drug Administration in November 2022 could limit access to mifepristone with a decadeslong record of safety and efficacy — and upend federal drug policy in the process.

“The failure to routinely engage in rigorous vetting processes undermines the integrity of our judicial system and raises concerns about our federal courts’ ability to appraise scientific and medical evidence presented in their courtrooms,” Adkins told States Newsroom in a follow-up written statement.

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The Charlotte Lozier Institute, the nonprofit research arm of the anti-abortion powerhouse Susan B. Anthony Pro-Life America, employs scholars who for decades have produced research used to defend anti-abortion laws. That work included the 2021 article that U.S. District Judge Matthew Kacsmaryk cited as evidence that plaintiffs had standing to sue and was published exactly one year before they filed suit in Amarillo, Texas, one of the most conservative federal district courts in the country. A couple months before filing the lawsuit, they registered a nonprofit called the Alliance for Hippocratic Medicine, which became the lead plaintiff in the case. The principal officer of the Alliance, according to the Internal Revenue Service, is Dr. Donna Harrison, an OB-GYN and the recently retired CEO of the American Association of Pro-life Obstetricians & Gynecologists (AAPLOG), which is also a plaintiff. Additionally, Harrison is one of the authors of three retracted studies.

The Charlotte Lozier Institute scholars have vigorously defended their research, while downplaying their significant roles in the FDA lawsuit.

“What happened to us has little or nothing to do with real science; it has everything to do with political assassination of good science,” said James Studnicki, Charlotte Lozier vice president and director of data analytics, in a video uploaded to a website the group recently launched to challenge the retractions. Studnicki was the lead author of the three retracted studies and an expert witness for the three red states that tried to intervene in the lawsuit alongside plaintiffs. The Supreme Court on Tuesday denied Missouri, Kansas, and Idaho’s motion to intervene.

Studnicki and Charlotte Lozier Institute senior research associate Tessa Longbons told States Newsroom in a written statement that this is a “baseless ideological attack” and that Sage has never “identified a single substantive objection to the studies.”

Meanwhile they maintain that the Supreme Court can overturn FDA policy on mifepristone on the basis of their work.

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“The Supreme Court can rely on our findings,” Studnicki recently told Science magazine.

Experts also have said they don’t believe the retractions will affect the Supreme Court’s ultimate decision.

“There’s been a lot of people who’ve been criticizing the science used [by plaintiffs] as junk science. And I think this is just further proof that it’s junk science,” Drexel University law professor and reproductive rights advocate David Cohen told States Newsroom. “That being said, I think that the judges will find a way to support the view that they feel like they want to reason towards, and two studies disappearing is not going to change that.”

Serious flaws were found in a 2021 paper that links the medication mifepristone to more emergency room visits. (Anna Moneymaker/Getty images)

A case that hinges on science

It took about four years before the U.S. Food and Drug Administration approved mifepristone in 2000 as part of a two-drug abortion regimen for first-trimester abortions: The mifepristone is taken first to block the hormone progesterone, followed by the ulcer medication misoprostol which causes the uterus to contract. After nearly two decades of data showing the regimen has a high rate of efficacy and a low rate of serious adverse events, the federal agency lowered the dosage and loosened restrictions.

But the Alliance for Hippocratic Medicine asked federal courts to order the FDA to revoke its approval of mifepristone, or at minimum roll back more recent changes authorizing its availability via telemedicine and at pharmacies.

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The case began with an initial victory for plaintiffs in district court, when Kacsmaryk ruled to suspend mifepristone’s FDA approval. The U.S. 5th Circuit Court of Appeals overturned the full drug suspension, but upheld the lower court decision to reinstate outdated restrictions. The U.S. Supreme Court will hear the case March 26.

Going back to the pre-2016 regimen in practice would mean shortening the gestational window the drug can be used, from 10 to seven weeks. It would require three in-clinic appointments and prohibit telemedicine and pharmacy dispensation. The old regimen also calls for a higher dose of mifepristone, which goes against current recommended guidelines.

Reproductive health experts say these FDA rollbacks would limit access to even more people, now that abortion is banned or heavily restricted in nearly half the country.

As States Newsroom has previously reported, the plaintiffs’ submitted evidence that mifepristone is a high-risk drug includes a small number of studies produced by a small anti-abortion medical community, along with anecdotes by the doctor plaintiffs. Defendants, in contrast, have submitted hundreds of studies.

Adding to this pool of research is a brand-new study in “Nature Medicine,” co-authored by Upadhyay, an associate professor at the University of California San Francisco, which found a low rate of serious abortion-related adverse events for patients who took medication abortion via telemedicine.

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But none of that has stopped the plaintiffs’ legal team, the powerful Christian right Alliance Defending Freedom (a funding source for the Charlotte Lozier Institute and co-plaintiff AAPLOG), from asserting publicly and in court that mifepristone is dangerous. One of the plaintiffs’ key claims that stems directly from the 2021 paper is that emergency room visits within 30 days following a medication abortion increased 500% from 2002 to 2015.

In this study, researchers looked at Medicaid data in 17 states between 1999 and 2015. They tracked patients who had had a procedural or a medication abortion and counted each time they went to an emergency department in the 30 days following those abortions.

Upadhyay said among her main concerns with the 2021 paper is that the researchers inflated their findings, and appear to conflate all emergency department visits with adverse events. She said they lumped in people going in for just observation to make sure bleeding is normal with people who needed significant intervention.

“A national study found more than 50% of ER visits after abortion involve observational care only — indicating that an adverse event did not occur. But even a visit that involves an aspiration procedure to treat retained products of conception after an abortion is not considered a true complication. It is expected that about 3-5% of people who have a medication abortion will require an additional procedure to complete the abortion,” Upadhyay told States Newsroom in a follow-up written statement. “Studnicki et al. sensationalize and obfuscate the growth in ER visits after medication abortion. The authors downplay that their data demonstrates the vast majority of postabortion ER visits were not abortion-related (based on ICD-9 codes) and abortion-related ER visits were uncommon.”

The Charlotte Lozier authors defended their study design in a rebuttal to Sage, and argued that abortion complications are typically underreported. “The ER visit can be for any number of complications and is, therefore, a broad proxy indicator for abortion-related morbidity,” they wrote.

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Adkins said also problematic was how the authors communicated their findings, ultimately concluding “mifepristone abortion is consistently and progressively associated with increased morbidity.”

“You know, scientists, we get so enrapt, and enveloped in our work, that we forget that the very language we use to describe our work is sometimes foreign to others,” Adkins said. “We have a duty to communicate our findings in a way that is accurate, honest, and can be interpreted by all. That’s difficult. And I think that the Studnicki articles, I think there are portions of it that take advantage of that to generate misinterpretation, and that is then turned around and used to fuel these lawsuits.”

Based on Adkins’ concerns, Sage re-examined the peer review process and found that one of the initial peer reviewers was an associate scholar with the Charlotte Lozier Institute. The publisher then enlisted a statistician and two reproductive health experts to newly peer review the Charlotte Lozier articles.

“Following Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE) guidelines, we made this decision with the journal’s editor because of undeclared conflicts of interest and after expert reviewers found that the studies demonstrate a lack of scientific rigor that invalidates or renders unreliable the authors’ conclusions,” reads Sage’s public note on the retractions.

As part of their rebuttal to the retractions, the Charlotte Lozier team has said the process is double-blind, so the researchers couldn’t have known who the peer reviewer was.

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Studnicki was on the journal’s editorial board until last fall, but the journal’s editor-in-chief dismissed him after the journal and Sage decided to retract the papers.

“The editorial board members at HSRME (Health Services Research and Managerial Epidemiology) act as ambassadors of the journal and in turn, of the Publisher to help uphold the highest standards of quality and integrity in scholarly publishing,” Dr. Gregory M. Garrison wrote Studnicki in an email dated Nov. 14, 2023, and shared by Charlotte Lozier. “In light of the decision to retract three research articles where you are an author, I believe that your term as editorial board member must now come to an end.”

The Charlotte Lozier team has insisted the retraction of their research is based on politics rather than science. But research experts say retraction is a high bar to clear, and journals are reluctant to retract in fear of lawsuits.

Ivan Oransky, who teaches medical journalism at New York University and co-founded the blog Retraction Watch, told States Newsroom that retractions are slightly on the rise because of the rise of fraudulent paper mills. But he said a lot of mediocre science goes under the radar unless someone brings it to the attention of the journal.

“There are an awful lot of other papers that should also probably be retracted,” Oransky said. “If you were to hold all papers to the same actual standards, far more would be retracted.”

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Pharmaceutical professor Chris Adkins and epidemiologist and reproductive health expert Ushma Upadhyay are working to publish a scientific examination of the now-retracted research used to challenge federal approval of the abortion medication mifepristone. (Courtesy Chris Adkins)

Conflicts of interest 

In their Assault on Science website, the Charlotte Lozier team refers to Adkins, an associate professor and director of assessment at South University School of Pharmacy* in Savannah, Georgia, as someone who “supports abortion.”

As Adkins told States Newsroom last year, the fall of Roe v. Wade on his birthday coupled with a baby on the way made him more concerned about reproductive rights. But the once conservative Texan said he had never formally advocated for abortion access. In his spare time, he reads FDA news, which is how he eventually fell down a rabbit hole trying to understand how this research was produced and whether it was ideologically biased. After reaching out to the journal and publisher, Adkins started consulting with reproductive health experts and earlier this year was invited to sign onto an amicus brief filed in the FDA case, of over 300 reproductive health researchers, defending the science behind mifepristone. Adkins maintains that his major issue in this case is the lack of quality in the science used by plaintiffs.

“My decision to notify Sage was prompted following a federal district judge’s citation of the 2021 article, wherein language was used that was inconsistent and inaccurate relative to the cited work,” Adkins told States Newsroom. “I believe it is both a professional obligation and a right to bring attention to legitimate concerns within scientific and medical literature; this practice is not ‘activism’ — instead, it is the self-correcting feature of scientific progress.”

The Charlotte Lozier researchers have objected to a larger accusation of an ideological conflict of interest, arguing that many authors of reproductive health articles that have been published in Sage journals also advocate for abortion access.

But Sage defended its retraction decision.

“Investigations are often initiated from readers’ complaints, as was the case in this matter regarding an issue of the presentation of data, and in the course of the investigation the undisclosed conflicts of interest became glaring,” Sage attorney Ronni Sander wrote to Charlotte Lozier attorney David A. Shaneyfelt in a letter dated Nov. 21, 2023, published on the Assault on Science website. “However, the substantive findings by the reviewers were most significant in the determination that retraction of the articles was necessary under COPE … guidance.”

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Upadhyay says she agrees that most authors, including herself, are biased toward certain policy outcomes but are called as scientists to follow the science rather than their biases.

“As a health-care researcher, I have an interest in expanding access to abortion, because I believe abortion is healthcare,” Upadhyay said. “So everyone is going to come to a question with their own set of beliefs. … For me, the conflict of interest is more about the fact that Studnicki was on the editorial board and that the peer reviewers [it was only one peer reviewer, according to Sage] were from the same institution. And most importantly, that they can approach the research question with scientific integrity … that they acknowledge their bias but they still stick to scientific rigor. And that they did not do.”

And while the authors did declare that they were affiliated with the Charlotte Lozier Institute, they did not disclose the extent several of them are directly involved in the mifepristone lawsuit. Or that they received funding from the law firm suing the FDA.

The Alliance Defending Freedom in 2021 donated more than $27,000 to the Charlotte Lozier Institute and $25,000 to AAPLOG. Among the Charlotte Lozier’s “core activities” reported in its 2022 tax filing include producing white papers and studies cited in the case that overturned Roe v. Wade and in post-Roe cases since: “After the Court’s ruling in June 2022, CLI provided expert commentary and information in media and policy forums across the nation, contributing to the restoration of protective laws in place before the 1973 Supreme Court rulings in Roe and Doe.”

The filing also specifically references the research published in their 2021 paper: “Leveraging millions of data points from Medicaid claims data, Charlotte Lozier Institute scholars identified a dramatic spike in abortion pill related emergency room visits.”

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Influence of the retracted science

Upadhyay says that even if the retractions ultimately have no legal impact on the case, they matter.

“There’s a court of public opinion,” Upadhyay told States Newsroom. “If the public is made aware that this article was retracted and yet this article is part of the reason the plaintiffs have standing, I think that it will become even more clear that the ultimate decision the Supreme Court makes, if they do rule against access to mifepristone, it will become more clear that that decision was not based in science. So I still think it’s important that it was retracted before the deliberation.”

Attorneys for the Alliance Defending Freedom have said the retractions should have no bearing on the case.

“ADF has never relied on these studies for the issues that are currently before the Supreme Court,” ADF Senior Counsel Erik Baptist told States Newsroom in a written statement. “So this will not have any impact on the court’s consideration.”

However, ADF cited the research frequently to make its claims that mifepristone is a risky drug. “The number of chemical abortion-related emergency room visits increased by over five hundred percent between 2002 and 2015,” reads an ADF primer on the case. “Women can face severe bleeding and life-threatening infections — requiring emergency medical treatment, surgeries, blood transfusions, and hysterectomies — as well as the inability to have future successful pregnancies.”

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Kacsmaryk in turn cited the 2021 paper to argue plaintiffs’ standing “because they allege adverse events from chemical drugs can overwhelm the medical system.” He cited the 2022 paper using the same dataset in affirming plaintiffs’ claims that loosening FDA regulations has led to “‘many intense side effects’ and ‘significant complications requiring medical attention.’” The 2022 paper was cited just one day after the reactions in a brief filed by the intervening states.

The researchers themselves claim they have been influential.

“Sage is targeting us because we have been successful for a long period of time,” Studnicki says in his video uploaded to the Charlotte Lozier’s Assault on Science website. “These findings have been used in a legal action in many of the states. We have become visible. People are quoting us, and for that reason we are dangerous. And for that reason, they want to cancel our work.”

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RI Lottery Mega Millions, Numbers Midday winning numbers for May 8, 2026

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The Rhode Island Lottery offers multiple draw games for those aiming to win big.

Here’s a look at May 8, 2026, results for each game:

Winning Mega Millions numbers from May 8 drawing

37-47-49-51-58, Mega Ball: 16

Check Mega Millions payouts and previous drawings here.

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Winning Numbers numbers from May 8 drawing

Midday: 9-8-9-7

Evening: 7-9-8-9

Check Numbers payouts and previous drawings here.

Winning Wild Money numbers from May 8 drawing

10-13-15-16-30, Extra: 09

Check Wild Money payouts and previous drawings here.

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Winning Millionaire for Life numbers from May 8 drawing

14-16-21-43-51, Bonus: 03

Check Millionaire for Life payouts and previous drawings here.

Feeling lucky? Explore the latest lottery news & results

Are you a winner? Here’s how to claim your prize

  • Prizes less than $600 can be claimed at any Rhode Island Lottery Retailer. Prizes of $600 and above must be claimed at Lottery Headquarters, 1425 Pontiac Ave., Cranston, Rhode Island 02920.
  • Mega Millions and Powerball jackpot winners can decide on cash or annuity payment within 60 days after becoming entitled to the prize. The annuitized prize shall be paid in 30 graduated annual installments.
  • Winners of the Millionaire for Life top prize of $1,000,000 a year for life and second prize of $100,000 a year for life can decide to collect the prize for a minimum of 20 years or take a lump sum cash payment.

When are the Rhode Island Lottery drawings held?

  • Powerball: 10:59 p.m. ET on Monday, Wednesday, and Saturday.
  • Mega Millions: 11:00 p.m. ET on Tuesday and Friday.
  • Lucky for Life: 10:30 p.m. ET daily.
  • Millionaire for Life: 11:15 p.m. ET daily.
  • Numbers (Midday): 1:30 p.m. ET daily.
  • Numbers (Evening): 7:29 p.m. ET daily.
  • Wild Money: 7:29 p.m. ET on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday.

This results page was generated automatically using information from TinBu and a template written and reviewed by a Rhode Island editor. You can send feedback using this form.



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TGIF: Ian Donnis’ Rhode Island politics roundup for May 8, 2026

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TGIF: Ian Donnis’ Rhode Island politics roundup for May 8, 2026


The tectonic plates of Rhode Island politics keep shifting, but does the state really change? Thanks for stopping by. You can follow me through the week on Bluesky, threads and X. Here we go.

*** Want to get my column in your inbox every Friday? Sign up right here ***

Listen up: Ocean State Media now has a single powerful statewide radio frequency at 103.7

1. STORY OF THE WEEK

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Fifteen years after starting his first term in the Rhode Island House of Representatives, Chris Blazejewski has ascended to the pinnacle of power, winning an overwhelming 65-10 vote Thursday to become the new House speaker. Blazejewski’s path was paved when he teamed up with Joe Shekarchi on the leadership team after Nicholas Mattiello lost his state rep seat in 2020. Over time, a few things stand out about the 46-year-old lawyer variously known as Chris, Blaz, and Blaze. He has impressive academic credentials, including two degrees from Harvard. Blazejewski is known for his devotion to his wife, Ami Gada, and their two young children, Aria and Liam. Blazejewski represents a safely Democratic seat based in Fox Point. He was a loyal ally to Shekarchi, patiently biding his time. At his essence, Blazejewski has an appreciation for progressive politics, but he’s also an institutionalist steeped in the culture of the House of Representatives and grounded by the fiscal challenges of Rhode Island’s budgetary outlook. A fanciful skit for the bygone Providence Newspaper Guild Follies could feature Blazejewski pursuing a utopian scheme – perhaps nationalizing Rhode Island’s strategic reserve of coffee milk. Back in the real world, though, a number of factors – including the array of Democratic views in the House and the state’s structural deficit – seem likely to temper the new speaker’s progressive impulse. In the first question he took after his win, Blazejewski told me his core values as a Democrat include helping working people, improving healthcare and public education, protecting the environment and guarding against federal overreach. The devil is in the details, of course, and the proof of how Blazejewski influences state policy will be in the pudding. He’ll have his initial test next month when the House rolls out its version of the budget, with a big potential impact from President Trump’s spending bill.

2. WINDS OF CHANGE

Speaker Blazejewski is 17 years younger than his predecessor and he’s one of just six state representatives left from the incoming class of 2010. (The others are Reps. David Bennett of Warwick, Teresa Tanzi of South Kingstown, Ray Hull of Providence, Robert Phillips of Woonsocket and GOP House Leader Michael Chippendale of Foster). His ascent reflects generational change and how progressives have nudged the House in a more progressive direction over the last 15 years. Blazejewski’s predecessor in District 2, David Segal – once dubbed the hippest guy in state government – was among those who came to the House chamber to congratulate him. Segal was part of an early boomlet of progressive wins in the House, along with Chris Fierro and the late Ray Sullivan. But none of them stayed long. Instead, the growing proportion of women lawmakers over time has fueled a move away from the socially conservative/pro-2A Democratic center of gravity that formerly typified the House. That also explains how former House Majority Whip Katherine Kazarian of East Providence made history this week, beaming in her new role as the first female majority leader in the House. “I have a feeling, Katie,” Blazejewski said in his speech from the rostrum, “that this is not the last of your firsts.”

3. REALITY CHECK

The passing of the torch from Joe Shekarchi to Chris Blazejewski mixed celebration and bittersweetness in the House chamber. For Blazejewski, it’s the culmination of a long journey. It’s also the end of an era for Shekarchi, whose voice broke with emotion as he gave a parting speech reflecting on more than five years in what is sometimes called Rhode Island’s most powerful political post. He took credit for changing the House culture “into a more positive member-driven body where all perspectives are heard, respected and valued.” Speaking to what he sees as his legacy, Shekarchi cited progress on housing, healthcare, education funding, pay equity and other issues. There was a buzz of goodwill in the House chamber for the departing speaker and the new team rising in power. But Rhode Island’s thorniest challenges – the housing crisis, insufficient drivers of economic growth, under-performing public schools, and lower insurance reimbursement than in neighboring states – never remain far away.

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4. NEXT STEP

Roger Williams University School of Law professor Michael J. Yelnosky is the most outspoken critic of former Speaker Joe Shekarchi’s application to move directly to the Rhode Island Supreme Court from the General Assembly. Shekarchi said he has studied the revolving door law and is convinced it doesn’t apply to the Supreme Court. A complaint filed by Yelnosky with the state Ethics Commission may be taken up during the commission’s next meeting, on June 2. A number of prominent people, including Gov. Dan McKee and candidate Helena Foulkes, have said they don’t see a problem with Shekarchi’s application. Speaking from the rostrum Thursday, Speaker Blazejewski said he believes Shekarchi will make a great justice.

5. THE MILITARY

The Pentagon’s recent $25 billion estimate for the cost of the war in Iran doesn’t come close to resembling the true amount, according to Stephanie Savell, director of the Costs of War Project at Brown University. “That is just the very smallest tip of the iceberg,” Savell said during a One on One interview with me this week. The bigger point is the huge amount of economic cost being accumulated by the U.S., she said, with no end in sight. Savell said the U.S. now owes $31 trillion in debt, largely from post-9/11 wars and a series of tax cuts, and she said 15% of the federal budget goes for that each year. “I have to get in front of my college students and tell them ‘Our leaders have made a decision to saddle you with a tremendous amount of debt that’s gonna affect all of the things that you care about,’” Savell said. We also talked about drones, Rhode Island’s defense sector, whether other forms of spending are more efficient and more.

U.S. Rep. Gabe Amo joined CNN to talk about the cost of gas.

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Stephanie Savell, director of the Costs of War project at Brown University, says much of the United States’ massive defense budget could be better spent on education, health care and green energy

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6. CITY HAUL

Providence City Councilor Ana Vargas pulled in the biggest campaign fundraising of her career – more than $16,000 – as the council was approaching a vote on rent stabilization. Landlords flooded her campaign account, as my colleague Ben Berke reports, and she took their side in two votes. As Ben reports, “Prior to the rent control debate, Vargas had been one of the city council’s least prolific fundraisers, raising an average of $873 per quarter. She began 2026 with just $426 in her campaign account, and received only two campaign contributions all of last year.” Vargas declined an interview request and she did not respond to additional requests for comment.

Providence City Councilor Ana Vargas is one of 6 councilors to vote against a rent control ordinance.

Providence City Councilor Ana Vargas supported rent control during her election campaign. As she prepared to vote on it, she received the largest political donations of her career

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7. BARGAIN HUNT

Democrat Wil Gregersen got in touch after going unmentioned in last week’s column in an item on first-quarter fundraising by candidates for governor. As Gregersen noted, he has more in his campaign account ($473.60) than some of those who were mentioned. “I’m serious about my candidacy,” he wrote. “Money is corrupting, and I’m purposely staying off the usual path candidates take to get elected.” Gregersen, a librarian in Warwick, proposes single-payer healthcare, a publicly owned energy utility and more – without explaining how he would pay to do this. Candidates like Gregersen and independent candidate for governor Paul Rianna Jr. run in every statewide election cycle, attracting a small amount of votes. Like it or not, campaign fundraising is a big part of our politics – a situation intensified by the U.S. Supreme Court’s Citizens United decision in 2010. The only counter-example in recent Rhode Island history is the late Robert “Cool Moose” Healey, who won 21% of the vote for governor in 2014 while barely spending any money. But that was after a half-dozen or so runs for statewide office and Healey understood how to use schtick to gain wider recognition. Something he told me in 2002 about the challenge facing third-party candidates seems apt for those hoping to run a statewide campaign without significant fundraising: “It’s about being outside the mainstream, being able to challenge the status quo. As one person said to me, `You can’t beat City Hall, but you can piss on the steps.’”

8. THE KIDS ARE NOT ALRIGHT

The latest data from Rhode Island KIDS COUNT shows that more Rhode Island children (16.3%) live in poverty than the national average. The rate in Newport, a city known more for tourism and Gilded Age mansions, is 32%. “We see kids with mental health challenges, challenges in school, difficulty in school, mental behavioral health,” KIDS COUNT Executive Director Paige Parks told Luis Hernandez in an interview. “It all stems from poverty.” She urges state lawmakers to continue to invest in early childhood programs and Rhode Island Works, a workforce development program for low-income families.

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9. RI POLI-MEDIA PEOPLE ON THE MOVE

State Rep. Julie Casimiro (D-North Kingstown) is not seeking re-election, and former Sen. James Sheehan – motivated by the controversial sludge proposal – may run for the seat. Casimiro had been considered a top target for the League of Rhode Island Businesses …. Nick Fede, who spoke with me for a previous story about the challenge facing small brewers in RI, has won election as president of American Beverage Licensees, a leading national trade association …. Haley Gervino is the new executive director of the Rhode Island Coalition Against Gun Violence. A graduate of Providence College and Brandeis University, she serves as VP of operations for Sisters in Public Health …. Will this be the year when Drinking Liberally seeds new statewide leaders? Speaker Blazejewski hosted the bygone beer-and-chat series at the Wild Colonial back in the day. Another host was Kim Ahern, one of four Democrats running for AG …. Danica Iacoi, who served as chief legal counsel for former Speaker Nicholas Mattiello, is back in that role with Blazejewski.

10. OLD SCHOOL

Eighty percent of Americans think there should be age caps on serving in Congress, according to a new NPR/PBS News/Marist poll. As NPR’s Elena Moore reports, “The current Congress is now the third-oldest in U.S. history, and has seen five members die since last March. Each was 65 or older. For some voters, the widening age difference between them and members of Congress is contributing to an already growing disconnect that they feel with leaders.”

11. KICKER

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Betting has become inextricably intertwined with professional sports, with predictable results. Now, as NPR’s Luke Garrett reports, campaign staffers are getting in on the action, making thousands by betting on their own candidates. What could possibly go wrong, eh? U.S. Rep. Seth Magaziner said his office has implemented a prohibition on participating in prediction markets or wagering on political, legislative, regulatory, geopolitical or other outcomes.



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RI Lottery Numbers Midday, Numbers Evening winning numbers for May 7, 2026

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The Rhode Island Lottery offers multiple draw games for those aiming to win big.

Here’s a look at May 7, 2026, results for each game:

Winning Numbers numbers from May 7 drawing

Midday: 9-3-7-1

Evening: 1-8-1-8

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Check Numbers payouts and previous drawings here.

Winning Wild Money numbers from May 7 drawing

12-13-19-22-29, Extra: 02

Check Wild Money payouts and previous drawings here.

Winning Millionaire for Life numbers from May 7 drawing

05-08-21-44-48, Bonus: 01

Check Millionaire for Life payouts and previous drawings here.

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Feeling lucky? Explore the latest lottery news & results

Are you a winner? Here’s how to claim your prize

  • Prizes less than $600 can be claimed at any Rhode Island Lottery Retailer. Prizes of $600 and above must be claimed at Lottery Headquarters, 1425 Pontiac Ave., Cranston, Rhode Island 02920.
  • Mega Millions and Powerball jackpot winners can decide on cash or annuity payment within 60 days after becoming entitled to the prize. The annuitized prize shall be paid in 30 graduated annual installments.
  • Winners of the Millionaire for Life top prize of $1,000,000 a year for life and second prize of $100,000 a year for life can decide to collect the prize for a minimum of 20 years or take a lump sum cash payment.

When are the Rhode Island Lottery drawings held?

  • Powerball: 10:59 p.m. ET on Monday, Wednesday, and Saturday.
  • Mega Millions: 11:00 p.m. ET on Tuesday and Friday.
  • Lucky for Life: 10:30 p.m. ET daily.
  • Millionaire for Life: 11:15 p.m. ET daily.
  • Numbers (Midday): 1:30 p.m. ET daily.
  • Numbers (Evening): 7:29 p.m. ET daily.
  • Wild Money: 7:29 p.m. ET on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday.

This results page was generated automatically using information from TinBu and a template written and reviewed by a Rhode Island editor. You can send feedback using this form.



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