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Mohsen Mahdawi, Columbia Student Detained by Trump Administration, Is Freed

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Mohsen Mahdawi, Columbia Student Detained by Trump Administration, Is Freed

Mohsen Mahdawi, an organizer of the pro-Palestinian movement at Columbia University, was freed from federal custody on Wednesday, more than two weeks after immigration officials detained him and sought to rescind his green card as part of a widening crackdown against student protesters.

In releasing Mr. Mahdawi on bail, Judge Geoffrey W. Crawford of Federal District Court in Vermont drew parallels between the current political climate and McCarthyism.

“This is not the first time that the nation has seen chilling action by the government intended to shut down debate,” Judge Crawford said.

The release of Mr. Mahdawi, a permanent legal resident, is a defeat for the Trump administration, though it does not mean the end of the federal government’s action against him. His immigration case will continue, but he will be able to fight it from outside a detention facility.

Mr. Mahdawi struck a defiant tone after his release.

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“I am saying it clear and loud, to President Trump and his cabinet: I am not afraid of you,” he said.

The secretary of state, Marco Rubio, has argued that protesters like Mr. Mahdawi have spread antisemitism, while demonstrators say criticism of Israel’s actions in Gaza is not antisemitic.

Tricia McLaughlin, a spokeswoman for the Department of Homeland Security, denounced Judge Crawford’s decision in a post on social media.

“When you advocate for violence, glorify and support terrorists that relish the killing of Americans and harass Jews, that privilege should be revoked and you should not be in this country,” Ms. McLaughlin said, without offering any evidence to support her accusations.

Mr. Mahdawi, 34, had been in custody since April 14, when immigration officials detained him at an appointment in Vermont, where he is a resident, that he thought was a step toward becoming a U.S. citizen.

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In granting the release of Mr. Mahdawi, Judge Crawford cited his extensive ties to his community and said he did not pose a danger to the public. He noted that the court had received more than 90 submissions from community members, academic experts and professors who know Mr. Mahdawi, “many of them Jewish,” attesting to his character and consistently describing him as “peaceful.”

The judge also spoke of the “extraordinary circumstances” of Mr. Mahdawi’s detention and the present moment in history.

Michael Drescher, the acting U.S. attorney in Vermont, who argued on behalf of the Trump administration, said that immigration officials had solid legal reason to detain Mr. Mahdawi as they considered his deportation case.

Mr. Drescher noted that Mr. Mahdawi is not a U.S. citizen and has access to resources that would enable him to leave the country. “His detention is not illegal,” Mr. Drescher said.

Judge Crawford’s Burlington courtroom was packed on Wednesday with supporters of Mr. Mahdawi, who remained hushed as the judge issued his order. A few began clapping as Mr. Mahdawi was allowed to collect his belongings and leave immediately.

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Dressed in a plaid suit and wearing gold wire-rimmed glasses, Mr. Mahdawi draped a kaffiyeh around his shoulders. As he walked out of the courthouse to a jubilant reception, he raised his hands in the peace sign.

“They arrested me. What’s the reason? Because I raised my voice, and I said no to war, yes to peace,” Mr. Mahdawi said. “Because I said, ‘Enough is enough. Killing more than 50,000 Palestinians is more than enough.’”

A green card holder for the past 10 years, Mr. Mahdawi was not accused of a crime. Rather, Mr. Rubio wrote in a memo justifying his arrest that his activism “could undermine the Middle East peace process by reinforcing antisemitic sentiment.”

Mr. Rubio has said that immigration authorities have the right to eject even legal residents from the country for protest activities that the government says harm America’s foreign policy interests.

Mr. Mahdawi’s lawyers had requested a temporary restraining order to prevent federal officials from transferring him to a more conservative jurisdiction.

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That tactic was used in the detention and attempted deportation of at least four other college demonstrators, including Mahmoud Khalil, a legal permanent resident and Columbia graduate who has been in a Louisiana detention facility since last month.

Another federal judge in Vermont, William K. Sessions III, swiftly granted that request, ordering that Mr. Mahdawi, who grew up in a Palestinian refugee camp in the West Bank, not be removed from the United States or transferred out of Vermont until he ordered otherwise.

Judge Crawford then extended the decision to keep Mr. Mahdawi in the state until Wednesday’s ruling.

Shortly after Mr. Mahdawi’s release, his lawyers said that he would be allowed to finish his academic program at Columbia.

“Today’s victory cannot be overstated. It is a victory for Mohsen who gets to walk free today out of this court,” said one of the lawyers, Shezza Abboushi Dallal.

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“And it is also a victory for everyone else in this country invested in the very ability to dissent, who want to be able to speak out for the causes that they feel a moral imperative to lend their voices to and want to do that without fear that they will be abducted by masked men.”

Even though Mr. Mahdawi is still at risk of deportation, his release from detention will give him a much stronger chance to challenge the government’s allegations, said Joshua Bardavid, an immigration lawyer in New York.

“It is so much more difficult to fight a case from detention, first and foremost, because the government gets to choose the venue,” Mr. Bardavid said. “Generally speaking, a case is heard where you are detained, and certain courts are known for being much more government-friendly than other locations.”

Because Mr. Mahdawi was released in Vermont, his case is likely to be heard in the Northeast, Mr. Bardavid said.

The Trump administration had sought to deport Mr. Mahdawi using the same legal provision that it used to detain Mr. Khalil in Manhattan before transferring him to Louisiana.

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The government has contended that his presence is a threat to the foreign policy and national security interests of the United States. Federal officials have argued that pro-Palestinian demonstrators have enabled the spread of antisemitism, but they have not provided evidence of that.

Anna Kelly, a White House spokeswoman, said the administration regards studying in the United States as “a great privilege, not a right,” and that any noncitizen who harms national security or commits a crime “should be promptly deported.”

In April, an immigration judge in Louisiana found that federal officials could deport Mr. Khalil, and the Department of Homeland Security later denied him permission to attend the birth of his first child, who was delivered at a New York hospital.

In recent weeks, Mr. Mahdawi had been in hiding, worried about being arrested by immigration police after Mr. Khalil was detained at campus housing at Columbia. He asked the university for help but did not receive it. An extreme pro-Israel group, Betar, had warned on social media that he was next to be detained.

But he was determined to appear for an interview he had been told was related to his naturalization, even though he feared it was a trap. He alerted Vermont’s senators and representative in case things went wrong, and before the appointment, he studied the Constitution, preparing for a naturalization test.

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Instead, immigration officers, some with their faces covered, placed Mr. Mahdawi in handcuffs and arrested him, according to a statement released by Vermont’s congressional delegation, Senators Peter Welch and Representative Becca Balint, both Democrats, and Senator Bernie Sanders, an independent.

On Wednesday, the lawmakers expressed relief that Mr. Mahdawi had been freed from detention and said that his constitutional right to due process had prevailed. They said that he had done nothing wrong and had been unfairly targeted by the federal government.

“The Trump administration’s actions in this case — and in so many other cases of wrongfully detained, deported, and disappeared people — are shameful and immoral,” they said in a statement. On Columbia’s campus, the news of Mr. Mahdawi’s release from federal custody was hailed as an important first step.

Gabriella Ramirez, a second-year graduate student and member of the University Senate who knows Mr. Mahdawi, said she was “very encouraged to see the justice system at work with Mohsen’s release from unlawful detention.”

She added: “I remain hopeful that we will see a similar outcome for my classmate Mahmoud Khalil.”

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Anvee Bhutani and Carolyn Shapiro contributed reporting.

New York

Vote on the 17 Ways Mamdani Could Improve NYC

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Vote on the 17 Ways Mamdani Could Improve NYC

A new mayor, a fresh start — you know the drill. There are as many ideas out there for how Zohran Mamdani can now improve New York’s urban environment as there are New Yorkers.

I canvassed a few dozen planners, architects, academics, community leaders, neighborhood organizers, developers, housing and transit experts and former city government officials. I gave them no budgets or time lines. They gave me a mayoral to-do list of ideas big, small, familiar, deep in the weeds, fanciful and timely.

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What follows is a small selection, with some kibitzing by me. You can vote “love it” or “skip it” below and help determine the ranking of priorities. Feel free to leave eye rolls and alternative proposals in the comments section.

Check back in the coming days to see how the ranking has changed and we will let you know the ultimate results on Jan. 13.

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Get your votes in before polls close on Jan. 12, 2026.

1

Create many thousands more affordable housing units by converting some of the city’s public golf courses into mixed income developments, with garden allotments and wetlands.

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2

Deck over Robert Moses’s Cross Bronx Expressway and create a spectacular new park.

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3

Devise a network of dedicated lanes for e-bikes and electric scooters so they will endanger fewer bicyclists and pedestrians.

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4

Pedestrianize Lower Manhattan. Not even 10 percent of people there arrive by car.

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5

Build more mental health crisis centers citywide.

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6

Provide more clean, safe public pay toilets that don’t cost taxpayers $1 million apiece.

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7

Convert more coastline into spongy marshes, akin to what exists at Hunter’s Point South Park in Queens, to mitigate rising seas and floods.

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8

Dedicate more of the city budget to public libraries and parks, the lifeblood of many neighborhoods, crucial to public health and climate resilience. The city devotes barely 2 percent of its funds to them now.

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9

Follow through on the Adams administration’s $400 million makeover of once-glamorous Fifth Avenue from Central Park South to Bryant Park, with wider sidewalks, reduced lanes of traffic, and more trees, restaurants, bikes and pedestrian-friendly stretches.

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10

Do away with free street parking and enforce parking placard rules. New York’s curbside real estate is priceless public land, and only a small fraction of residents own cars.

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11

Open the soaring vaults under the Brooklyn Bridge to create shops, restaurants, a farmers’ market and public library in nascent Gotham Park.

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13

Persuade Google, JPMorgan or some other city-vested megacorporation to help improve the acoustics as well as Wi-Fi in subways, along the lines of Citibank sponsoring Citi Bikes.

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14

Overhaul freight deliveries to get more 18-wheelers off city streets, free up traffic, reduce noise, improve public safety and streamline supply chains.

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15

Rein in City Hall bureaucracy around new construction. The city’s Department of Design and Construction is full of good people but a longtime hot mess at completing public projects.

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16

Convert more streets and intersections into public plazas and pocket parks. Like the pedestrianization of parts of Broadway, this Bloomberg-era initiative has proved to be good for businesses and neighborhoods.

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17

Stop playing Russian roulette with a crumbling highway and repair the Brooklyn-Queens Expressway before it collapses.

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Congestion pricing after one year: How life has changed.

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Congestion pricing after one year: How life has changed.

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Since congestion pricing began one year ago, about 11 percent of the vehicles that once entered Manhattan’s central business district daily have disappeared.

This may not seem like a lot. But it has changed the lives — and bank accounts, bus rides and travel behavior — of many.

“There’s less traffic and more parking.”

“I only drive if I have to move something large or heavy.”

Sometimes I skip lunch at work to make up for the driving tax.”

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“I visit my elderly parents less often.”

“I complain to myself every time I have to pay the fee and I’m STILL 100% in favor of it.

“I am returning my leased car six months before the lease expires.”

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One year after the start of congestion pricing, traffic jams are less severe, streets are safer, and commute times are improving for travelers from well beyond Manhattan. Though these changes aren’t noticeable to many, and others feel the tolls are a financial burden, the fees have generated hundreds of millions of dollars for public transportation projects. And it has probably contributed to rising transit ridership.

The program, which on Jan. 5, 2025, began charging most drivers $9 during peak travel times to enter Manhattan below 60th Street, has quickly left its mark.

To assess its impact, The New York Times reviewed city and state data, outside research, and the feedback of more than 600 readers with vastly different views of the toll.

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Some groused about high travel costs. Others cheered for a higher toll. Many shared snapshots from their lives: quieter streets, easier parking, costlier trips to the doctor.

Many findings from a Times analysis a few months into the experiment have held up. The program so far has met nearly all of the Metropolitan Transportation Authority’s goals, although more evidence is needed on some measures. And one question remains unresolved: whether a federal judge will decisively shield the program from efforts by the Trump administration to end it.

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“Despite the threats to shut it down,” Gov. Kathy Hochul said in an interview, “the cameras are still on, and business is still up, and traffic is still down. So it’s working.”

Here’s the evidence one year in:

1. Fewer vehicles

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About 73,000 fewer vehicles are entering the central business district each day, a number that has added up in the first year to about 27 million fewer entries. The decline, compared with traffic trends before the toll, has been remarkably stable across the year:

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Average daily entries to the central business district

The central business district includes the congestion tolling zone and adjacent highways excluded from the tolls. Source: M.T.A.

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All other consequences of congestion pricing flow from this one — that fewer people are choosing to enter the area by private vehicle.

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“I never drive into the city anymore. I only take the subway. It’s a relief.”

Philip Zalon Brooklyn

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“I’m much more aware of driving into Manhattan and avoid it unless I have to haul a lot of stuff like a car load of Girl Scout cookies.”

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Jacob White Queens

By influencing that one decision, the policy can also affect commute times, transit reliability, road safety, street life and more (as we’ll get to below).

One clear sign that behaviors are changing: Every weekday, there is now a spike in vehicles entering the zone right before the toll kicks up to $9 at 5 a.m., and right after it declines to $2.25 at 9 p.m.

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Personal vehicle entries into the central business district

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Average weekday entries from Jan. 5 through Nov. 30, 2025, by 10-minute intervals. Source: M.T.A.

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“I’ve decided to get up earlier to get the lower price.”

Eric Nehs Manhattan

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“It is exhausting to plan the trip to cross the line at 9 p.m.

Paul S. Morrill Manhattan

2. Faster traffic

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The first consequence of those fewer vehicles is that traffic is now moving faster for the drivers who remain, and for the buses that travel those same roads. And this turns out to be true inside the congestion zone, near the congestion zone, and even much farther away.

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Change in vehicle speeds, 2024-25

Speeds from January through November of each year during peak toll hours. Source: M.T.A., HERE Traffic Analytics.

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“Taking my kid to [doctor’s] visits in 2024 was a nightmare, every time. … After congestion pricing, it’s been noticeably less aggravating.”

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Josh Hadro Brooklyn

Many readers, however, told us they didn’t believe they could see the benefits; the changes aren’t always easy to perceive by the naked eye. Readers also frequently said they believed the gains from congestion pricing were more apparent in the first months of the year and had waned since. The city’s speed data generally suggests that these improvements have been sustained, although some of the largest gains were recorded in the spring.

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Average vehicle speeds in the congestion zone

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Source: M.T.A., HERE Traffic Analytics.

But for some travelers, the speed gains have been much larger, particularly those who cross through the bridge and tunnel chokepoints into and out of Manhattan:

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Speeds are for the inbound direction of travel. Source: M.T.A., HERE Traffic Analytics.

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“Traffic approaching the [Holland] tunnel has saved me 15-30 minutes on the rides back to New York and given me hours of my time back.”

Salvatore Franchino Brooklyn

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“On a typical 8 a.m. commute, there is so little traffic into the [Lincoln] tunnel that it looks like a weekend.”

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Lisa Davenport Weehawken, N.J.

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“I haven’t used the Lincoln Tunnel all year, probably will never use it again.”

Steven Lerner Manhattan

Improvements have also been more notable for commuters who take longer-distance trips ending in the congestion zone. That’s because those 73,000 vehicles a day that are no longer entering the zone have disappeared from surrounding roads and highways, too.

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Commuters from farther out are seeing accumulating benefits from all these sources: faster speeds outside the congestion zone, much faster speeds through the tunnels and bridges, and then the improvements inside Manhattan. And people who travel roads outside the congestion zone without ever entering it get some of these benefits, too.

An analysis by researchers at Stanford, Yale and Google confirmed this through the program’s first six months. Using anonymized data from trips taken with Google Maps, they found that speeds improved after congestion pricing more on roads around the region commonly traveled by drivers heading into the central business district. That’s a subtle point, but one many readers observed themselves:

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“Noticeably fewer cars driving, even way out in Bensonhurst!”

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Charles Haeussler Brooklyn

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Even across the river in Bergen County, I feel that we benefit.”

Michelle Carvell Englewood Cliffs, N.J.

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“I supercommute weekly from Kingston by bus. Each week, my bus round trip is 30-60 minutes faster than it was before congestion pricing.”

Rob Bellinger Kingston, N.Y.

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3. More transit riders

Public transit will benefit from congestion pricing as its proceeds are invested in infrastructure upgrades; in the first year, the toll is projected to raise about $550 million after accounting for expenses, $50 million more than the M.T.A. originally predicted. But transit also stands to benefit as bus speeds improve on decongested roads and as more commuters shift to transit.

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On bus routes that cross through the congestion zone, speeds increased this year, in notable contrast to the rest of the city. These improvements follow years of declining bus speeds in the central business district coming out of the pandemic.

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Change in bus speeds, 2024-2025

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Local bus routes

Express bus routes

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“The crosstown buses are faster than they used to be, even during peak commuting times.”

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Marc Wieman Manhattan

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“Have gratefully noticed that they’re more on-time.”

Sue Ann Todhunter Manhattan

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“It has significantly improved my bus trips from N.J., cutting about 20 minutes of traffic each way.”

John Ruppert New Jersey

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Paid transit ridership is up this year compared with 2024 across the subway, M.T.A. buses, Long Island Rail Road and Metro-North Railroad as transit has continued its recovery from pandemic declines. About 300,000 more people are riding the subway each day — far more than the 70,000 cars that have been taken off the road in the congestion zone. So while congestion pricing is probably contributing to rising transit ridership, it’s not the main driver of it.

All of these added transit riders do, however, help explain why congestion pricing has not dampened activity in the busiest parts of the city, as critics feared. People are still coming, just not necessarily by private car.

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“I finally taught myself to use the subway. Between the tunnel toll, congestion pricing and parking, I’m saving an enormous amount of money, time and inconvenience.”

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Daniel Ludwig Weehawken, N.J.

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“It’s made using the bus for short trips a more appealing option.”

John Buckholz Brooklyn

In fact, overall visits to the business district aren’t down — they were up by about 2.4 percent over the previous year, according to the city’s Economic Development Corporation. And restaurant reservations on the platform OpenTable were up inside the zone as well, by the same amount as the increase citywide.

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Tom Harris, the president of the Times Square Alliance, which represents 2,600 businesses, said he had initially received complaints from some businesses. But he was pleasantly surprised that they soon stopped.

“We’re thrilled we have not seen negative impacts to local businesses,” he said. “It seems like it has been absorbed.”

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4. Better quality of life

These primary shifts — fewer cars, less congested roads, more transit riders — have in turn produced a number of other effects that might more broadly be thought of as changes to qualify of life. Readers described experiencing safer crosswalks, less stressful bike rides and what feels like cleaner air.

In city data, the number of complaints to 311 for vehicle noises like car honking has declined significantly inside the congestion zone, compared with the rest of Manhattan.

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Change in vehicle noise complaints, 2024-25

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From Jan. 5 to Nov. 30 in each year. Source: N.Y.C. 311 data.

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“Sometimes it’s almost — dare I say it? — quiet.”

Daniel Scott Manhattan

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“Midtown is so much quieter now.

Melanie DuPuis Manhattan/Hudson Valley

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“It turns out that mostly when people say ‘New York is noisy’ they really mean ‘cars are noisy.’”

Grant Louis Manhattan

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And the perception that roads have gotten safer is also borne out by crash data. The number of people who were seriously injured in a car crash decreased citywide, but the improvement was more pronounced in the congestion relief zone.

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Change in number of people seriously injured in a crash, 2024-25

Number of people who were seriously injured in a crash from Jan. 1 through Nov. 30 of each year. Source: Sam Schwartz Transportation Research Program/Hunter College analysis of N.Y.P.D. crash data.

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“Nobody’s trying to run me over.”

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Alice Baruch Manhattan

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Fewer cars honking, fewer cars running red lights, fewer cars blocking crosswalks.”

Charlie Rokosny Brooklyn

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“The number of blocked crosswalks have gone down significantly!”

Samir Lavingia Manhattan

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Amid these positive changes, however, other readers described distinct declines in their quality of life, often stemming from the cost of the toll. These deeply personal observations have no corresponding measures in public data. But they make clear that some of those 27 million fewer driving trips weren’t simply replaced by transit or forgone as unnecessary — they’re missed.

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“Sadly Manhattan is no longer an option for many things we once enjoyed.”

Linda Fisher Queens

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“Congestion pricing has made my world much smaller.”

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Justine Cuccia Manhattan

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“I’m more careful about choosing events to attend, so I go to fewer of them.

Karen Hoppe Queens

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“I will not use doctors in Manhattan, limiting my health care choices.”

David Pecoraro Queens

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One final aim of congestion pricing — improved air quality — has the potential to benefit everyone in the region. But the data remains inconclusive so far. A recent study from researchers at Cornell found a 22 percent improvement in one air quality measure over six months. But another analysis, by the Stanford and Yale authors, found little to no effect on air quality using local community sensors and comparing New York with other cities. And the M.T.A.’s own analysis of the program’s first year found no significant change in measured concentrations of vehicle-related air pollutants.

That doesn’t mean benefits won’t become clearer with more time and data. But the open questions about air quality underscore that even one year in, even with all the evidence gathered, there are still some effects we don’t fully understand.

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“As an asthmatic, I can also palpably feel improvements in the air quality.”

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Rob Hult Brooklyn

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“It’s allowed me to believe that perhaps America can change for the better.”

Hanna Horvath Brooklyn

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“As a car owner myself, I think it’s fair that the cost of driving is now being passed from city residents onto the drivers.”

Vincent Lee The Bronx

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“I don’t like the cost but I also can’t deny its effectiveness.”

Jon Keese Queens

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Read the Indictment Against Nicolás Maduro

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Read the Indictment Against Nicolás Maduro

intentionally and knowingly combined, conspired, confederated, and agreed together and with each other to violate Title 18, United States Code, Section 924(c).
35. It was a part and an object of the conspiracy that NICOLÁS MADURO MOROS, DIOSDADO CABELLO RONDÓN, RAMÓN RODRÍGUEZ CHACÍN, CILIA ADELA FLORES DE MADURO, NICOLÁS ERNESTO MADURO GUERRA, a/k/a “Nicolasito,” a/k/a “The Prince,” and HECTOR RUSTHENFORD GUERRERO FLORES, a/k/a “Niño Guerrero,” the defendants, and others known and unknown, during and in relation to a drug trafficking crime for which they may be prosecuted in a court of the United States, to wit, for MADURO MOROS, CABELLO RONDÓN, and RODRÍGUEZ CHACÍN, the controlled substance offenses charged in Counts One and Two of this Superseding Indictment, and for FLORES DE MADURO, MADURO GUERRA, and GUERRERO FLORES, the controlled substance offense charged in Count Two of this Superseding Indictment, knowingly used and carried firearms, and, in furtherance of such crimes, knowingly possessed firearms, and aided and abetted the use, carrying, and possession of firearms, to wit, machineguns that were capable of automatically shooting more than one shot, without manual reloading, by a single function of the trigger, as well as destructive devices, in violation of Title 18, United States Code, Sections 924(c)(1)(A) and 924(c)(1)(B)(ii). (Title 18, United States Code, Sections 924(o) and 3238.)

36.

FORFEITURE ALLEGATIONS

As a result of committing the controlled substance offense charged in Count One of this Superseding Indictment, NICOLÁS MADURO MOROS, DIOSDADO CABELLO RONDÓN, RAMÓN RODRÍGUEZ CHACÍN, the defendants, shall forfeit to the United States, pursuant to Title 21, United States Code, Sections 853 and 970, any and all property constituting, or derived from, any proceeds the defendants obtained, directly or indirectly, as a result of the offenses, and any and all property used, or intended to be used, in any manner or part, to commit,

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