Massachusetts
Everything you need to know about the MBTA Communities law but are perhaps afraid to ask – The Boston Globe
And it’s controversial. Housing is a lightning-rod issue, particularly when it is proposed close to home. Already, one town is in court battling the state over the law, and a few other communities have publicly considered following suit.
All of that has propelled the law into the spotlight and created a lot of confusion about what it actually does.
Here’s what you need to know about MBTA Communities, and what it might mean for your community.
What is the law?
MBTA Communities was included in a broad economic development bill that was signed into law in early 2021 by then-Governor Charlie Baker.
Very simply, it requires 177 communities, mostly in Eastern Massachusetts, to write new land-use rules allowing multifamily housing by-right — meaning developments do not need a special permit — in at least one district of town. The district should be within a half-mile of a transit station, if the town has one, and provide a density of at least 15 units per acre — which could be a single five- to six-story building, or a cluster of townhouse condos.
Communities have quite a bit of flexibility on where to place their zone and what to allow in it. A town could draw a relatively small zone that allows for denser, taller buildings, or a larger zone (or zones) that keeps buildings smaller.
What are the guidelines and how were they created?
The statute itself is relatively short and charges the state housing office with creating the law’s parameters — which it did in August 2022.
The most significant piece of the guidelines created “unit capacity” targets that each community’s zoning must hit. The state established four categories of communities with varying levels of obligation under the law.
The first — rapid transit communities, the 12 cities and towns served by the T’s light rail system (the Red, Orange, Green, and Blue lines) — have the greatest obligation, a requirement to create zones that would, theoretically, allow for enough units to increase their housing stock by 25 percent or more. So if a town has 7,500 housing units, they’d have to allow for an additional 1,875. The 12 rapid transit communities had to draw up plans by the end of 2023.
The other categories — commuter rail, adjacent community, and adjacent small town — have lesser obligations. Commuter rail communities, for example, must zone for an additional 15 percent of existing units. Adjacent communities have to zone for five percent. Their plans are due by the end of this year — setting up key votes at spring and fall town meetings in many communities.
Does the law require communities to build all this housing?
No. Not at all. MBTA Communities only requires towns to write new zoning rules. Building the housing is largely up to the market, and that’s where things start to get really complicated.
For starters, those “unit capacity” numbers the state requires are basically a measurement of what would get built in a given zone if the land was entirely empty. Of course, in urban and suburban Massachusetts, empty land is exceedingly rare. And many towns are targeting their most developed areas — downtowns — for their new zoning.
When the state says Newton needs to create a zone that can accommodate 8,330 units, it really means that, in a theoretical scenario where every building in whatever zone the town draws is razed to the ground and then rebuilt at maximum density and height allowed under the zoning, 8,330 units could fit there.
Of course, there are lots of buildings already there. They’re owned by someone. That owner would have to agree to sell before any developer could replace them with something bigger. Most won’t.
There’s also the economy. Interest rates and construction costs are already slowing new housing construction. And — if a town rezones two-story parcels to hold three stories, as Brookline and Newton did last year — there’s not much money in it for a developer, who would have to buy the building, raze it, and then rebuild it just to add one additional floor of apartments.
At its core, MBTA Communities is a zoning law, not a housing production requirement. It asks towns to update antiquated rules that were often passed after towns were built out with more modern ones. That will spark some new development, but only so much.
Does the MBTA have anything to do with the law?
No. Despite the name, the MBTA is in no way involved in the law. MBTA Communities simply applies to cities and towns that have an MBTA stop or are adjacent to a community that has one.
The idea behind the law is to create housing near transit stations — many (though not all) of which are in relatively dense town centers. It aims to encourage transit use and walkability, and it means that most of the density that might result from the law would be clustered near transit stations, generally not in the single-family neighborhoods many residents want to protect.
Whose law is it, anyway?
The law was signed by Baker, but it wasn’t his idea. Housing advocates and some legislators had been kicking around a transit-oriented housing law for the better part of a decade before MBTA Communities was tucked with little fanfare into a 3,000-page economic development bill. Baker did resist calls to veto the measure though, and his administration wrote the guidelines that communities are grappling with today. Governor Maura Healey inherited the rollout of MBTA Communities when she took office in 2023 and has enforced it enthusastically.

What’s going on in Milton?
Because the Mattapan Trolley runs along its northern edge, Milton is classified as a rapid transit community under the guidelines and was supposed to pass new zoning rules by the end of 2023. It did, with a compliant zoning plan that was approved by Town Meeting late last year.
But opponents quickly forced a referendum, and in February, the town’s voters overturned that zoning plan, making Milton the first community in the state to be formally out of compliance with the law.
Attorney General Andrea Campbell sued the town a few weeks later, and the case is set to be heard by the Supreme Judicial Court this fall. Milton, in its legal filings, has claimed that the law’s guidelines are not legally enforceable and put too great a burden on towns. It objects in particular to the town’s “rapid transit” classification, saying the train is too slow and doesn’t hold enough passengers to be in that category. (The state has rebuffed multiple requests from town officials to have Milton reclassified.)
Communities across Eastern Massachusetts are watching closely.
Does the state have legal authority over zoning?
This question is really at the heart of the debate over MBTA Communities, and it’s a question that will be answered by the Supreme Judicial Court later this year.
In their filings, attorneys for Milton argue that the town has constitutional claims to local zoning control under Home Rule, the amendment that grants municipalities the ability to pass their own local rules. They’ve also argued that the attorney general does not have the legal standing to force local governments to adopt certain zoning provisions.
Campbell, as the state’s chief law enforcement officer, sees it differently. MBTA Communities is a state law, she argues, and towns are obligated to comply. Legal experts have told the Globe recently that zoning powers ultimately lie with the state. Municipalities, they say, are creatures of the state, and there are other longstanding state zoning laws that override local control.
The SJC will ultimately rule on a couple of key questions, including whether and to what extent municipalities are obligated to comply with the requirements” of MBTA Communities “and the related [guidelines] issued by what is now the Executive Office of Housing and Livable Communities,” according to recent filings.
Whatever the ruling, it will have huge implications on local zoning and the state’s broader efforts to address the housing crisis.
Andrew Brinker can be reached at andrew.brinker@globe.com. Follow him @andrewnbrinker.
Massachusetts
A 5,000-square-foot solution to the Massachusetts housing crisis – The Boston Globe
Andrew Mikula is chair of the Legalize Starter Homes ballot committee.
I came across Baxter Village after a Google Maps perusal of one of the country’s fastest-growing regions. Completed in 2014 and billed as a “traditional neighborhood development” with a walkable town center and intimate, tree-lined residential streets, the village is downright idyllic. The architecture is clearly inspired by early 20th-century New England — a Norman Rockwell-style vista of homes with raised front porches, wood clapboard siding, steep roofs, and dormer windows.
But Baxter Village isn’t located in New England. It’s in South Carolina, about 15 miles south of Charlotte.
The reality is that 15 miles outside of Boston, Worcester, or Lowell, Baxter Village would almost certainly be illegal, for a variety of reasons. First, the development’s home lots are small, often only slightly larger than a basketball court. Local zoning codes in suburban Massachusetts frequently preclude such small lots, and New England in particular has high minimum lot-size requirements for new homes, compared to most of the country.
Given that Massachusetts has the nation’s toughest home buying market for young adults, many voters are open to reducing these lot-size minimums. A May 2025 Abundant Housing Massachusetts/MassINC poll found that 78 percent of Massachusetts voters support “allowing homes to be built on smaller lots,” and 72 percent support allowing the subdivision of large lots into smaller lots. Doing so would open up more housing options in the suburbs, creating opportunities to build smaller, lower-cost homes suitable for first-time buyers and downsizing seniors, colloquially called “starter homes.”
That’s why 12 housing experts — urban planners, academics, land use attorneys, and advocates — and I recently filed a petition with the Massachusetts attorney general’s office that would make it legal to build on lots about the size of a basketball court (5,000 square feet) statewide. As long as the lot has access to public sewer and water service, as well as a 50-foot border with the street, the site could host a single-family home, although it may be subject to other regulations like wetlands protections and limits on short-term rentals.
Our committee — Legalize Starter Homes — cleared the first signature-gathering hurdle needed to place this measure on the ballot this year, and Secretary of State William Galvin’s recent certification has advanced this potential ballot question to the next step in the process.
Research has shown that Massachusetts’ large minimum lot-size requirements increase home prices and reduce new production. One Harvard study found that in Greater Boston, a quarter-acre increase in the minimum lot-size requirement was associated with 10 percent fewer homes permitted between 1980 and 2002. Separately, a 2011 study found that Eastern Massachusetts minimum lot-size requirements can increase home prices by as much as 20 percent or more and that these price effects tend to increase over time.
Other states have acted on such facts amid a nationwide housing crunch. In June, Maine capped minimum lot sizes in “designated growth areas” statewide at 5,000 square feet when served by public sewer and water systems. This is remarkable given that Maine has both a less severe housing shortage than Massachusetts and a much larger volume of undeveloped, inexpensive land.
The Massachusetts Legislature has tried to enhance the production of starter homes before, offering incentive payments under Chapter 40Y to municipalities to adopt new zoning districts that allow for them. But more than three years after Chapter 40Y was enacted, the state has yet to finalize regulations that would allow for these zoning districts to be created. Meanwhile, builders struggle to justify much new construction given high interest rates, tariffs on building materials, and labor shortages in the trades.
Our ballot petition creates a framework for allowing starter homes that is more easily implemented and doesn’t require municipalities to adopt new zoning. And unlike the MBTA Communities Act, it would solely allow for the creation of single-family homes, most of which would probably be owner-occupied.
Recent public polling data, research findings, precedents in other states, and the urgent and extreme nature of Massachusetts’ housing shortage all suggest that now is the right time to limit minimum lot sizes in places with sufficient infrastructure for new housing. The result could be a far-reaching expansion of opportunity for a new generation of homeowners in Massachusetts.
Massachusetts
Police to address Princeton death during child sexual abuse material investigation
Authorities will speak Friday after a death occurred while police were serving a search warrant for child sexual abuse material in Princeton, Massachusetts.
The subject of the search warrant “was a person of trust in communities in Worcester and Middlesex Counties,” Massachusetts State Police said.
Authorities said little about the case ahead of the press conference, which will begin at 6 p.m. and be streamed in the player above.
State police will be hosting the conference, which will include Princeton Police Chief Paul Patricia, Worcester County District Attorney Joseph Early Jr. and Middlesex County District Attorney Marian Ryan.
Check back for more as this story develops.
Massachusetts
Mass. unveils $250 million in subsidies to protect residents from premium hikes – The Boston Globe
Audrey Morse Gasteier, executive director of the Massachusetts Health Connector, said the financial bulwark that benefited 270,000 residents is “part of the reason that we’re hanging in there in terms of enrollment and keeping people covered.”
But Thursday’s announcement won’t translate into any additional help.
Healey’s news conference coincided with the beginning of an election year in which three Republicans are vying for her job and voters are expected to be particularly focused on the state’s high cost of living. One survey last year found Massachusetts had the second highest cost of living in the country. People who saw their insurance premiums increase this year said it was one pricey bill amid an onslaught of growing expenses.
“I can’t believe how much it is when we go to the grocery store. Our electricity has gone up,“ said Judith O’Gara, whose family was hit with a $400 increase a month in insurance premiums for their ACA plan in January. ”We were just bracing ourselves to try to stretch the paycheck further.”
O’Gara, of Millis, is a part-time editor at community newspapers, and her husband is a self-employed computer animator and mural artist. She has added hours at work, she said, but it still wasn’t enough to qualify for health coverage through her employer, leaving the couple to buy insurance through the connector.
Healey also used the news conference to weigh in on a high-profile effort in Congress to revive the federal subsidies. Also on Thursday, the US House, with help from 17 Republican defectors facing competitive reelection races, passed a bill that would extend the subsidies for another three years. A small group of senators is considering proposing their own extension of the subsidies.
“We need to see people in Congress step up and take action and fight the president on this and get him to focus on the domestic agenda and how to make life more affordable for people,” Healey said.
The governor said she didn’t announce the influx of funds earlier because she had hoped Congress would act before the end of 2025.
“We gave up until the deadline to see if they take action,” she said.
ACA open enrollment extends through Jan. 23.
The infusion of funds from the Commonwealth Care Trust Fund brings the state’s total commitment to the insurance marketplace to $600 million, which Healey said is the largest support from any state in the country.
Federally subsidized insurance policies were first made available to people making less than 400 percent of the federal poverty level, or about $128,600 for a family of four, in 2009 under President Barack Obama’s ACA, also known as Obamacare. In 2021, Congress made those subsidies more generous for many recipients and extended them to people earning up to 500 percent of the federal poverty level. The expanded tax credits doubled participation in the ACA exchanges over the past four years, and by last year 337,000 people in Massachusetts received subsidized insurance through ConnectorCare.
The increases were slated to expire after four years, and without congressional action to preserve them, premiums reverted to pre-2021 levels for this year. People earning more than 400 percent of the poverty level became ineligible to receive subsidized insurance. State officials have estimated roughly 300,000 people could become uninsured statewide over the next decade, in part due to the expiration of the tax credits.
Democrats staged a 43-day shutdown last fall, the longest in US history, in an unsuccessful effort to preserve the expanded subsidies.
The Commonwealth Care Trust Fund predates the 2021 coverage expansion, said Doug Howgate, president of the Massachusetts Taxpayers Foundation, a nonprofit budget watchdog, and was established to support ConnectorCare programs. Massachusetts has long had a robust public insurance program, and the 2021 expansion essentially allowed the state to shift the cost of subsidies it had been paying to the federal government. Tapping the trust fund now essentially returns Massachusetts to the support levels it provided prior to 2021, Howgate said.
Regardless of the timing of Healey’s announcement, it is a reality that Massachusetts has a uniquely robust commitment to health insurance access, Howgate said.
“I do think that the idea that the state is able to offset some of those impacts is an important message to get out there,” he said. “This is real money.”
According to Healey’s office, a 45-year-old couple with two kids making $75,000 in Fall River previously paid $166 per month for the lowest-cost coverage. Without state action, their premium would have more than doubled. But with the infusion from the trust fund, they will pay $206 per month.
There’s only so much the state can do to mitigate the impacts of the expired subsidies, though. Because Congress didn’t extend them, people between 400 and 500 percent of the federal poverty level simply are ineligible to sign up for subsidized policies through the ACA marketplace. There are roughly 27,000 people statewide who cannot benefit from the state’s effort to compensate for the lost federal money, and those people are among those facing the biggest new insurance expenses.
Christa, 56, a hair dresser, and her husband, Gary, 69, a truck driver, earn less than $105,750 annually combined, just shy of 500 percent of the poverty level. The couple, who asked not to be named to protect their privacy, went from paying $282-a-month for Christa’s insurance with no deductible, to a private plan costing $725 a month with a $2000 deductible.
Gary, who is enrolled in Medicare, is still counting on Congress for a reprieve.
“I believe the Senate will be forced to do something, and we’re hoping,” he said.
Jason Laughlin can be reached at jason.laughlin@globe.com. Follow him @jasmlaughlin.
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