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All Maine students can now get free lunches, no application needed. What does that mean for poverty data?

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All Maine students can now get free lunches, no application needed. What does that mean for poverty data?


Maine was one of the first states to pass legislation providing free school lunches to all students after pandemic-era funding expired — a policy that has been adopted in seven other states and is being considered across the country. 

But since the law took effect a year and a half ago, some districts have struggled with an unintended consequence: Now that parents no longer need to fill out applications to get their children access to free meals, officials have lost an important source of data on their district’s low-income households, information traditionally used for funding. 

The free and reduced-price meal application, a federal form sent home with students at the start of the school year, allows districts to determine what percentage of students qualify for free or reduced-price meals.

That information has traditionally been used to allocate funding to districts and schools, and identify whether students or teachers are eligible for certain grants or waivers. 

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But now that meals are free for all students, fewer parents are filling out the forms. In RSU 71 in Belfast, for instance, the district received just two forms last year. This year it has received none. 

Traditionally, districts have been reimbursed by the state for all meals. The federal government then reimburses the state based on the percentage of these meals that were free or reduced-price; if parents don’t fill out the forms, their children are considered able to pay for full-price meals, and the state gets a smaller payout.

Today, the state is still reimbursing districts for each meal they provide, but the question is how much the state is getting from the federal government, said Justin Strasburger, executive director of Full Plates Full Potential, a group that advocates for child nutrition.

“They should be getting the full amount for every student who qualifies, but we know that that’s underreported, and so that means the state has been on the hook for a larger percentage of that reimbursement than it should be,” he said.

His organization has tried to spread awareness about the usefulness of these forms, even as meals are free for all students. 

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“We’ve worked really hard to lead outreach campaigns to get people to fill out the application,” he said. “But it is one more hoop you’re asking people in poverty to jump through.”

Photo by Bob Nichols.

David Knight, an associate professor of education finance and policy at the University of Washington College of Education, said free and reduced meal data has always been a flawed metric for measuring student poverty “because it is a binary indicator of whether you’re eligible or not eligible.” 

Many who study education policy have wanted to move away from it for a long time, he said.

This school year, the Maine Department of Education stopped using free and reduced-price meal data to allocate Title I funding to low-income districts. Title I funding is federal money meant to supplement state and local education budgets with the goal of helping low-income students — who have consistently been shown to have worse educational outcomes than their wealthier peers — succeed in school.

And more than half of Maine’s districts have adopted school nutrition programs that don’t rely on these forms. 

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Despite the administrative challenges and questions about funding, experts and school officials say the move to universal free lunch has been an unequivocally positive development for students. 

In RSU 71, the director of school nutrition Perley Martin said the district is actually getting reimbursed more than before, as a greater number of students are eating breakfast and lunch at school. Last year the number of students eating breakfast was up by 19 percent and lunch by 9 percent. 

“So I’m not really seeing the impact of parents not filling out this form as far as the food service program,” Martin said.

But, he said the district’s Title I funding has been affected. The superintendent did not respond to questions about exactly how Title I funding has been impacted. 

According to state data, 38 percent of RSU 71 students qualified for free and reduced-price meals in the 2022-23 school year, compared to almost 56 percent in 2018. This shift does not correspond to a drastic change in poverty levels but is simply due to missing information, Martin said.

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The best idea for the state, Martin said, might be to find another way to collect data on economically disadvantaged students. 

“I don’t believe free and reduced lunch applications are going to come back,” he said.

This is something the Maine Department of Education has acknowledged.

“We’ve been hearing loud and clear from important stakeholders (…) about the unintentional negative impact of the incredibly positive move to universal free lunch for all students,” said Cheryl Lang, the ESEA federal programs director at the Maine Department of Education, in a video update last year. 

“This much-needed move had the consequence, as you know, of the reduction in families turning in those free and reduced lunch forms, which is what Title I has used for alternative data for small districts — districts under 20,000 — in reallocating Title I funding more accurately for our state.”

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Lang said the department was researching alternative ways to measure poverty under the parameters set by the federal government, focusing on “what will do the least harm to our districts.” 

While large districts such as Bangor and Portland schools are locked into the census formula the federal government uses for Title I funding, the state has the option to use other poverty data to allocate funds in smaller districts, Title I specialist Rita Pello explained in the video. 

In 2002, Maine decided that counting the number of free meals was the best way to measure student poverty in small districts — the method used until this year. But with the pandemic and Maine’s move to universal free meals, the context has changed, said Jessica Caron, another Title I specialist, in the video.

“Because students are eating for free, which we support completely, … there’s not as much incentive to fill out those forms. This is happening in Maine, and it is also happening across the country,” she said.

Rows of chocolate milk in a school cafeteria.
Despite the administrative challenges and questions about funding, experts and school officials say the move to universal free lunch has been an unequivocally positive development for students. Photo by Bob Nichols.

For the past three school years, the department and districts used pre-pandemic school lunch data to determine allocations, but now the federal Department of Education said that was no longer permissible. Maine education officials then started researching other ways of measuring student poverty in small districts. 

While some other states use census data, Caron said her department found that isn’t a reliable indicator of the poverty levels in rural districts.

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For this school year, the state decided to use direct certification data, which determines student eligibility for free or reduced-price lunch without household applications, instead looking at whether students qualify for SNAP or TANF benefits, or are in foster care, are part of a migrant family or have experienced homelessness. The department also applied to add MaineCare eligibility to the list and expects to hear back this spring, according to a spokesperson.  

The department then multiplies the number of students on the direct certification list by 1.6, per a federally approved formula, to bolster the poverty count. Pello said the department hoped this method would offer consistent data year to year, and keep small districts eligible that just barely meet the threshold. 

While school lunch forms are no longer used in the department’s Title I allocation, they are still required for child nutrition data collection, and can be used as one of the three data sources for Maine’s school funding formula.

When determining the share of local and state funding for each school, department officials use a mixture of the school lunch data, direct certification data and data collected via an alternative form, according to a department spokesperson. The newly introduced alternative form detaches family income collection from school meal data, and is only meant to be used to inform funding calculations. 

One school nutrition option that some districts adopted is the Community Eligibility Provision, a national program that allows schools in high-poverty areas to offer meals to all students for free. Under CEP, schools do not require parents to provide income information but instead rely on direct certification data.

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The U.S. Department of Agriculture, which oversees school lunch programs, recently lowered the threshold of low-income households necessary to participate in CEP from 40 to 25 percent. This change will go into effect in the next school year, making more Maine schools eligible for CEP.

As of the 2022-23 school year, 66 percent of eligible school districts in the state had adopted CEP.

RSU 10 in western Maine adopted CEP before the pandemic. All but two schools in the district are on CEP, and the district plans to switch those two this year, according to Jeanne LaPointe, the food nutrition director.

LaPointe said RSU 10 parents had been hesitant to fill out the school lunch eligibility forms. 

“Folks weren’t wanting to provide us that information because they felt it was too sensitive to be sending back into a school, and they felt that there were too many eyes on their private information,” she said. “CEP kind of cuts through all of that, and it just gets meals to kids. And it takes that financial burden off the families.”

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Maine

Maine Resiliency Center launches survey to gauge Lewiston shooting’s impact

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Maine Resiliency Center launches survey to gauge Lewiston shooting’s impact


LEWISTON (WGME) Nearly three years after the Lewiston mass shooting, the Maine Resiliency Center is asking the public to share how the tragedy has affected them and the community.

The nonprofit has launched a survey to better understand the impacts of the mass shooting in October 2023 and to help guide future support efforts.

The director of the Maine Resiliency Center said the ripple effects have spread widely and the organization wants to hear from anyone who has been affected.

“You could have been a service provider who is providing therapy or counseling for people; you could have been a funeral home director or city employee; you could be someone who lives in this community and knows somebody who is directly impacted or you could be directly impacted yourself. All of those opinions and information are really valuable to us as we look to support the broader community moving forward,” the director said.

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To take part in the survey, go to maineresiliencycenter.org.



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Maine’s high court keeps transgender athlete referendum off 2026 ballot

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Maine’s high court keeps transgender athlete referendum off 2026 ballot


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Our political journalists are based in the Maine State House and have deep source networks across the partisan spectrum in communities all over the state. Their coverage aims to cut through major debates and probe how officials make decisions. Read more Politics coverage here.

AUGUSTA, Maine — The Maine Supreme Judicial Court on Friday upheld Secretary of State Shenna Bellows’ decision to keep a referendum banning transgender girls from female school sports off the November ballot.

The high court ruled Bellows was “not only authorized but was constitutionally bound” when she moved in May to throw out more than 1,500 signatures gathered by out-of-state circulators who never agreed to submit to Maine’s jurisdiction.

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The unanimous ruling from the six-justice panel closes out a monthslong legal fight that began when Bellows’ office invalidated more than 12,000 signatures submitted by Protect Girls’ Sports in Maine, leaving the petition 532 signatures short of the 67,682 needed to qualify.

The group, backed heavily by Republican megadonor Richard Uihlein, had argued Bellows overstepped her authority by enforcing a settlement that ended a 2023 First Amendment lawsuit over Maine’s ban on out-of-state circulators, rather than letting Maine voters decide whether to loosen the state’s residency rules for petition circulators.

The court rejected that argument, finding Bellows was bound by the Maine Constitution’s residency requirement for circulators except where a federal injunction narrowly excused her from enforcing it, and that four nonresident circulators who never checked a box consenting to Maine jurisdiction fell outside that carveout.

Justices also rejected the campaign’s fallback argument that one circulator’s belated affidavit, filed months after the Feb. 2 filing deadline, should have salvaged her roughly 61 signatures, citing a state law requiring circulator affidavits to be filed when the petition is.

The decision effectively ends the campaign’s bid for the 2026 ballot, though the court noted proponents could still gather the roughly 500 additional signatures needed to try again for the 2027 ballot.

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Meet 16 obscure Maine Democrats shaping Graham Platner’s replacement

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Meet 16 obscure Maine Democrats shaping Graham Platner’s replacement


A handful of mostly unknown Democrats, including a retired art teacher, a candidate’s husband and a finance executive, will soon have unprecedented influence over the U.S. Senate race.

Maine Democrats are slated to host a 600-member convention this month, with roughly 500 of those members selected by the party’s 16 county apparatuses. Being a county chair is usually a low-key position. After Graham Platner’s Wednesday announcement that he will leave the race following sexual assault allegations, they are suddenly in a position of power.

Here are the 16 people tasked with creating a delegation to pick who will face off against Republican Sen. Susan Collins.

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Joseph Zamboni: Cumberland County

As Maine’s most populous county, Cumberland will have the largest delegation at the coming convention. Its party chair is health policy and law professor and pro-vaccine advocate. He currently serves as the chair of Portland’s zoning board and previously worked for the state and the federal Department of Health and Human Services.

Kathie Purdy: York County

York, the southernmost county, is the state’s second most populous. Its delegation will be led by Kathie Purdy, a former candidate for the state Legislature. She is a business owner in Saco and a bar manager in Ogunquit, according to her LinkedIn profile.

Harry Sanborn: Penobscot County

Alton resident Harry Sanborn is involved in local government, serving as a member of both the planning board and budget panel. He also serves as the town’s sexton. His wife, Laura, a former lawmaker and county commissioner, is a school board member for Regional School Unit 34.

Joanne Mason: Kennebec County

Kennebec’s Democratic Party chair is Joanne Mason, a nonprofit leader and the wife of Sheriff Ken Mason. According to her LinkedIn, she is president of the Family Violence Project, an Augusta-based nonprofit.

Carl Wilcox: Androscoggin County

From his social media history, Wilcox appears to be on the left of the party. In response to a white nationalist rally in DC last week, he posted that “billionaires control the media and the government sets the rules to funnel ever greater sums to the billionaire class,” echoing Platner’s anti-billionaire language. He hiked the entire Appalachian Trail in 2016.

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Alison Willette: Aroostook County

Willette has relatively little online presence, but the Aroostook County Democrats downplayed the chair’s role in a Thursday Facebook post, writing, “the process is still being hashed out, but I assure you all counties have representation involved and it is NOT a ‘cherry picked by the chair’ process!”

Aroostook’s delegation, likely to be the seventh-largest, could be a source of support for former Senate President Troy Jackson, an Allagash native who is running to replace Platner in his populist mold.

Bruce Bryant: Oxford County 

Oxford is one of the only counties with a chair that served in the state Legislature. Bruce Bryant was a Senator between 2002 and 2010. In 2024 he ran for state senate again, but lost to Republican Joseph Martin. On social media he voiced support for Troy Jackson when he was running for Governor.

Marcia Myers: Hancock County

Myers is a former news editor who now lives in Deer Isle. Her social media history shows posts invoking independent socialist Sen. Bernie Sanders and attending “No Kings” protests. She told MS NOW in June that Democrats in Hancock were “laser-focused on issues like healthcare and cost of living.”

Lise Ragan: Somerset County

Ragan is an Anson resident and former teacher who describes herself on Facebook as a “patriotic, very concerned American.” She told the Bangor Daily News she is “confident” the party can move forward with a new candidate for U.S. Senate.

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Greg Marley: Knox County

Rockland resident Greg Marley is married to the city’s former mayor and current state Rep. Valli Geiger, a Platner ally running to replace him. In response to a post by The Midcoast Villager about Valli’s interest, Marley posted that he “stand[s] beside this extraordinary woman every step of the way.” Geiger had been a close ally of Platner, who she says encouraged her to run.

Marley is a clinical director of suicide prevention at Maine’s chapter of the nonprofit National Alliance on Mental Illness.

Stanley Paige Zeigler: Waldo County

Zeigler is a former merchant mariner and state representative. He represented part of Waldo County between 2016 and 2024. He has been involved with environmental organizations like the Sierra Club and the Maine Bike Coalition.

Keith Mestrich: Lincoln County

Lincoln County’s chair is set for one of the smallest delegations, but he may have something that other party leaders lack and that many party voters have shunned over the course of Platner’s campaign — money and connections.

Keith Mestrich got his start in labor organizing and eventually became CEO of Amalgamated Bank, a union-owned financial institution. He is now a founding partner of Percapita, a financial tech firm providing an employee benefit platform for low-income workers. He also serves as the chair of the National Trust for Local News, whose Maine arm owns The Portland Press Herald and sister papers.

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Lisa Marin: Washington County

Washington County Democrats are led by a retired art teacher who worked at the Moosabec Community School District in Jonesport. The Downeast resident’s Facebook history shows that she has attended “No Kings” protests. She recently wrote a Press Herald op-ed condemning Republican gubernatorial nominee Bobby Charles.

Wayne Kinney: Franklin County

Kinney represents Farmington on the RSU 9 school board. His online presence is limited.

Deb Dagnan: Piscataquis County

Dagnan will lead the smallest county delegation. She had expressed skepticism about Platner after The New York Times published a story in June detailing claims of abuse by his ex-girlfriends. She told PBS ahead of the primary election that people were “waiting for the other shoe to drop after he gets the nomination.”

“Then what do we do?” she asked.

Daniel O’Connor is a Report for America corps member who covers rural government as part of the partnership between The Maine Monitor and the Bangor Daily News, with additional support from BDN and Monitor readers.

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