President Biden had just arrived back at the White House following a weekend at Camp David with his family, walking through the doors from the South Lawn shortly after 7 p.m. He had 45 minutes before he was to deliver remarks about the Supreme Court’s decision to grant immunity to Donald Trump for official acts he took as president.
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Biden family grapples with pressure on their patriarch to step aside
The president motioned to his son Hunter, who was standing nearby, asking him to listen and join the fine-tuning of the remarks that would be loaded into the teleprompter and delivered to a nation that had grown deeply skeptical of the president’s mental acuity in the aftermath of a stumbling, meandering debate performance four nights prior.
Hunter’s presence that evening raised eyebrows among some White House staffers, who saw it as a troubling sign that a politically problematic family member was taking a renewed part in official business. But for those in and close to the family, it was the latest sign that Hunter had stabilized his life and was assuming a role he’d long held inside his father’s orbit as a confidant and sounding board.
As remarkable as the past few weeks have been in the wider political universe, they have been equally turbulent inside the tight-knit Biden family, unfolding as the latest chapter in the clan’s long story of resolve amid tumult. Family members have flashed through a range of emotions, people close to them say — sadness, anger, determination — and are deeply frustrated by what they see as the betrayal and second-guessing of a man who has spent a half-century as a dedicated leader of the Democratic Party.
This picture of the Biden family in its patriarch’s hour of peril is based on interviews with multiple people with direct knowledge of the family’s thinking and private actions. They spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss sensitive matters related to the president’s inner circle.
Family members have often been with Biden in recent weeks as he seeks to ride out the political storm stemming from his debate performance. First lady Jill Biden joined him for a campaign swing in Pennsylvania. After he was diagnosed with covid-19 on Wednesday and with calls escalating by the day that he reconsider his decision to stay in the race, she joined him at their home in Rehoboth Beach, Del.
Hunter, who lives in California, flew out to meet Biden when the president was in Las Vegas recently for campaign events. They have remained in close contact, with Hunter following daily, often hourly, developments, on calls with his father and acting as a sounding board and a gut check. Other family members have been exchanging their usual daily phone calls and frequent text messages.
But in a family where any member can call an emergency meeting, no one has summoned the clan to discuss the patriarch’s political future, despite the extensive speculation from outsiders about some grand family council.
The family’s anger is driven in part by a conviction that Biden could have moved beyond a bad performance in a 90-minute debate if so many Democrats had not immediately joined forces against him. They have come to view the past few weeks as a Game of Thrones-style war among various factions of the party, with the loudest calling on him to depart coming from those he has fought against in previous battles. The tone some in the party are taking in their effort to push him out has only stiffened Biden’s resolve to stay in, they say.
“It’s like they don’t know he’s Irish,” said one person close to the family.
The most striking development in this private world may be the return of Hunter Biden to a central, supporting role, just weeks after his criminal trial made him a source of personal worry and political peril.
When he was convicted on June 11 of felony charges related to lying on a gun-purchase form, the family rallied behind him. His father called to make sure he was okay, then flew to Wilmington to embrace him on an airport tarmac.
But overnight, the father-son roles have been reversed: As Joe Biden fights for his political life, Hunter has talked with his father frequently, providing support amid a clamor of skeptical Democrats.
Interviews with several people close to family members say that, contrary to frequent depictions of Hunter and Jill Biden as irrational cheerleaders prevailing on the president to stay in while his political advisers press him to reconsider, the family dynamics are far more nuanced. The president throughout has been clear that he is not withdrawing, and they have affirmed all along that they are behind him no matter what. Biden may yet change his mind, and those close to the family say they would support that decision, too.
When it comes to Hunter Biden, the past few weeks have shown how a father and a son, each well-versed in tragedy and trauma, have handled a series of extraordinary difficult moments, their own and each other’s.
“The thing both of them care about more than anything else is not harming the other,” said one person close to the family. “It all has a Shakespearean quality to it.”
Surviving a legal blow
On June 11, at around 11:15 a.m., a federal jury in Delaware found Hunter Biden guilty of felony gun charges. His crime was lying on a form when he bought a gun in 2018, but the week-long trial laid bare, in sometimes painful detail, his humiliating and distasteful behavior when he was in the throes of a drug addiction.
Hunter hugged each member of his legal team after the verdict, thanking them and comforting his top defense attorney, Abbe Lowell, and whispering, “It’s all right.”
He then gathered with his friends and family in a crowded room nearby for what several who were there describe as an emotional scene where Hunter was stoic even as many were in tears after a devastating verdict that shocked some in his camp.
“Look guys, I’m going to be okay. This isn’t hell,” Hunter said, according to people who were there. “My addiction was hell. Whatever happens, I’m standing here today, and that’s what matters.”
The president, who was in Washington, called his son and hastily made plans to fly to Wilmington to see Hunter. They met on the tarmac at Delaware Air National Guard base, embracing each other before Hunter flew back to his home in Los Angeles with his wife and young son, Beau.
That evening, the president and first lady personally called some of those who had attended the trial to thank them and to ask how they thought Hunter was doing.
The answers that came back were that he seemed surprisingly strong. It was an unquestionably significant legal setback, one that could result in a prison sentence, but he seemed to have achieved some sense of personal stability.
Joe Biden soon left for the Group of Seven conference in Italy, joined by several of Hunter’s older daughters, including Naomi, who had testified at the trial.
The weekend at Camp David
About two weeks later, as the president’s fateful debate performance played out in Atlanta, Hunter was home in California. Jill Biden was with her husband. Biden’s grandchildren were scattered around the country.
Afterward, they knew the debate had not gone well and worried about the impression it left. But it did not alter their approach to the campaign.
Many outside the family thought Biden faced an immediate decision about whether to stay in the race, but that seems never to have been a question for the president himself. He saw the debate simply as a setback in an otherwise sound campaign, a hurdle in a life full of them. That attitude was adopted by the family largely without discussion.
“There is no walking into this as if he’s like, ‘Should I get out, should I not get out?’ That’s just not who Joe Biden is,” said one person close to the family. “It’s not like he was teetering until he talked to Hunter and Jill.”
By late Saturday night, some 48 hours after the debate, the whole family was at Camp David — not for some emergency council, but for a prearranged gathering in the days before Independence Day. Just weeks earlier, the question was how Hunter was faring against his detractors; now it was how Joe would face his.
The tone of that weekend, in private moments without political advisers, set the course for the tumultuous weeks to come: Biden was staying in and the family was backing him. The question was how to proceed with the race, not whether to.
Many in the family, like their patriarch, believe the election remains close. They dismiss polls that show otherwise and do not believe an alternative candidate would fare any better against Trump. Deep in Biden’s psyche is the conviction that he is an underdog who has consistently been underestimated by party leaders, only to prove them wrong.
But family members resist the idea that they are the ones driving the decision. They resent any notion that they are propping up the president. He is capable of making these weighty decisions as he always has, they say, with their input and backing.
There is also a redemptive quality to the family discussions.
Five years ago, when Biden decided to run for president, the family was deeply fractured in the aftermath of his son Beau’s death, dealing with divorce, affairs and addiction. Hunter was in some ways more distant from his father than he’d ever been.
This post-debate gathering at Camp David showcased a family that was largely united, with Hunter as present in his father’s life as he was before a drug addiction tore him away.
Clear-eyed about the danger
When they returned to the White House after the weekend at Camp David, the family stayed close. They celebrated the Fourth of July together. Ashley Biden was dancing on the portico, hugging her father’s waist from behind. One granddaughter, Maisy, wore a white T-shirt with “I [heart] Joe” written on it.
Jill stood by his side. They looked on as fireworks burst in the sky.
Hunter flew back to Los Angeles on July 5 and his father flew to Wisconsin for a campaign event. They have remained in close contact.
Biden remains certain he is the party’s best option, according to those close to the family, and they support him in that. But they also recognize that things can change quickly in politics and that Biden could be 100 percent in until he’s 100 percent out.
“Hunter would support anything his dad wanted to do and he trusts his dad’s judgment,” one person close to the family said. “If his dad said, ‘I can hand this off and I can’t do it,’ Hunter would say, ‘Dad you’re the best, I love you, I trust you and I support you.’”
Of anyone in the family, Hunter has faced the most scrutiny as a result of his father’s presidency. That arguably gives him an incentive to hope his father pulls out rather than endure a vitriolic reelection race potentially followed by four more years of an unwelcome spotlight.
But if Biden pulled out and Trump were to win, some family members worry that he would use the Justice Department to target Hunter.
In recent days, those close to the family have become more combative as a growing number of Democrats have publicly called for him to step aside. If Biden gets out, they say, he should make the decision based on his own political gut and not because of external pressures from figures such as George Clooney, former president Barack Obama or former House speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.).
Still, those in the family orbit say Biden’s relatives are not oblivious to the storms roaring around him, making the days ahead, even for them, difficult to predict.
“They are not in a bubble. They don’t have their head in the sand,” one person close to the family said. “They’ve been very clear-eyed about this from the beginning. And that has continued.”
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Takeaways From Marco Rubio’s Senate Hearing
Marco Rubio, the Republican senator from Florida named by Donald J. Trump to be the next secretary of state, was warmly welcomed by senators from both parties at his confirmation hearing on Wednesday. He has served for years on the Foreign Relations and Intelligence Committees in the Senate, and is known as a lawmaker devoted to the details of foreign policy.
“I believe you have the skills and are well qualified to serve as secretary of state,” Senator Jeanne Shaheen, Democrat of Hampshire, said in her opening remarks.
The notable lack of tension at the hearing indicated that Mr. Rubio would almost certainly be confirmed quickly.
Republican and Democratic senators agree on the biggest U.S. challenges.
From the lines of questioning, it was clear what senators want Mr. Rubio and the Trump administration to focus on: China, Russia, North Korea and Iran. Mr. Rubio himself pointed to those four powers — what some call an “axis” — in his opening remarks.
They “sow chaos and instability and align with and fund radical terror groups, then hide behind their veto power at the United Nations and the threat of nuclear war,” he said. As permanent members of the U.N. Security Council, China and Russia have veto power over U.N. resolutions.
Mr. Rubio repeatedly singled out the Chinese Communist Party for criticism, and, unlike Mr. Trump, he had no praise for any of the autocrats running those nations.
He did say the administration’s official policy on Ukraine would be to try to end the war that President Vladimir V. Putin of Russia started, and that leaders in both Kyiv and Moscow would need to make concessions. U.S. officials say Russia has drawn its allies and partners into the war, relying on North Korea for troops and arms, Iran for weapons and training, and China for a rebuilding of the Russian defense industrial base.
Rubio’s stance on Israel and Gaza is firmly within a foreign policy consensus in Washington.
Mr. Rubio defended Israel’s conduct in the war in Gaza, blaming Hamas for using civilians as human shields and calling the deaths of tens of thousands of Palestinians in Gaza, most of them non-combatants, “one of the terrible things about war.”
He expressed concern about threats to Israel’s security. “You cannot coexist with armed elements at your border who seek your destruction and evisceration, as a state. You just can’t,” he said.
When asked whether he believed Israel’s annexing Palestinian territory would be contrary to peace and security in the Middle East, Mr. Rubio did not give a direct answer, calling it “a very complex issue.”
Mr. Rubio’s hearing was about two hours in when the committee’s chairman announced that Israel and Hamas had sealed an agreement to begin a temporary cease-fire and partial hostage release in Gaza. An initial hostage and cease-fire agreement, reached in November 2023, fell apart after a week.
Rubio supports U.S. alliances, despite Trump’s persistent attacks on them.
Mr. Rubio called the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, which Mr. Trump has repeatedly criticized, “a very important alliance” and insisted that Mr. Trump was a NATO supporter. But he also backed Mr. Trump’s argument that a strong NATO requires Europe to spend more money on its collective defense.
The United States, he said, must choose whether it will serve “a primary defense role or a backstop” to a self-reliant Europe.
Though many Senate colleagues praised him, Rubio has detractors.
Some prominent Trump supporters remain distrustful of Mr. Rubio. They recall his vote to certify the 2020 election results despite Mr. Trump’s false claims of election fraud. And they consider Mr. Rubio’s foreign policy record dangerously interventionist.
Mr. Rubio has long been a hawkish voice on national security issues, often in ways that clash with Mr. Trump’s views, even if the ideas are conventional ones among centrist Republican and Democratic politicians.
In the past, Senator Rand Paul, Republican of Kentucky, has criticized Mr. Rubio for advocating aggressive American intervention overseas. Mr. Paul has been outspoken in pushing for less use of U.S. troops abroad and is skeptical about whether economic sanctions can lead to positive outcomes.
On Wednesday, Mr. Paul pointedly asked Mr. Rubio whether he saw any way to work with China rather then persisting in attacks on Beijing, and he also questioned the wisdom of many American and European policymakers who insisted that Ukraine must be admitted to NATO.
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Gaza ceasefire announced after 15 months of war
Israel and Hamas have agreed a ceasefire to halt the 15-month war in Gaza and free the remaining hostages, mediators said, raising hopes of an end to a devastating conflict that has shaken the Middle East and the world beyond.
But, despite celebrations erupting across the region, the office of Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu warned that some details still had to be finalised as of Wednesday night.
The multiphase agreement, due to take effect on Sunday, a day before Donald Trump returns to office as US president, was announced by Qatari Prime Minister Sheikh Mohammed bin Abdulrahman bin al-Thani. However, he noted that the parties still had to give final approval.
The agreement offers hope of a halt — and potentially an end — to a brutal war that has become the deadliest chapter in the decades-long history of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, leaving Gaza in ruins, consuming Israeli society, and pushing the Middle East to the brink of a full-blown war.
The fighting was triggered by Hamas’s brutal October 7, 2023 attack on Israel, during which fighters from the Palestinian militant group killed 1,200 people, and took 250 hostage, in the deadliest day for Jews since the Holocaust.
Israel responded with a ferocious offensive in Gaza that has killed more than 46,000 people and fuelled a humanitarian catastrophe in the enclave.
Previous attempts to broker a deal to end the conflict and secure the release of the 98 mainly Israeli hostages still in Gaza — not all of whom are alive — had repeatedly foundered when Israel and Hamas refused to make the necessary concessions.
But the re-election of Trump — who threatened that there would be “all hell to pay” if the hostages were not released before his inauguration — injected renewed momentum into the long-stalled talks.
Trump was among the first leaders to hail the deal on Wednesday, writing on his Truth Social platform ahead of the formal announcement: “WE HAVE A DEAL FOR THE HOSTAGES IN THE MIDDLE EAST. THEY WILL BE RELEASED SHORTLY.”
He added his national security team would “continue to work closely with Israel and our Allies to make sure Gaza NEVER again becomes a terrorist safe haven”.
In comments of his own hailing the deal, US President Joe Biden described the Doha-based talks as “one of the toughest negotiations I have ever experienced”.
He added that the agreement would “halt the fighting in Gaza, surge much needed-humanitarian assistance to Palestinian civilians, and reunite the hostages with their families after more than 15 months in captivity”.
But Netanyahu’s office said shortly after Trump’s announcement that there were “still several sections left open in the proposal and we hope that the details will be finalised tonight”.
A person close to the talks said a deal had been done after the Qatari prime minister had met Hamas and Israeli negotiators separately in a final push for an agreement.
But the person added that, while Hamas had agreed to the deal, conceding on one of its final demands, Israel had since “raised a new outstanding issue”. They said: “Mediators are working to resolve it.”
An Israeli official said that the final details which Netanyahu’s office said still needed to be finalised related to the identity of those Palestinian prisoners set to be released in exchange for hostages.
Israel’s government is due to vote on the deal, which is based on a three-phase proposal first outlined by Biden last year. Far-right ministers, including national security minister Itamar Ben-Gvir, have expressed opposition, but are not expected to be able to block the deal.
The first phase will involve a 42-day truce, during which 33 Israeli hostages — including children, all female prisoners, the sick and elderly — will be freed in exchange for Palestinian prisoners held in Israeli jails and a dramatic increase in humanitarian aid deliveries into Gaza.
The two parties would begin negotiating the second phase no later than day 16 of the truce. During this period the remaining hostages, including male soldiers, are meant to be released in exchange for more Palestinian prisoners.
If fully implemented, the second phase will also lead to a permanent ceasefire and the full withdrawal of Israeli troops from Gaza.
The final phase would involve the return of all the bodies of hostages who died, and the reconstruction of Gaza, under the supervision of Egypt, Qatar and the UN.
The talks over a deal intensified in mid-December after a ceasefire between Israel and Hizbollah in Lebanon.
A senior Biden administration official said one issue impeding the completion of the talks was Hamas’s refusal to acknowledge how many hostages it was holding and which ones would come out in the first phase of a deal.
The Palestinian group agreed at the end of December to a list of some 33 hostages, accelerating the end of the talks.
Biden’s top Middle East adviser Brett McGurk was joined in the last days of the talks by Trump’s Middle East envoy Steve Witkoff. A senior Biden administration official called it “a historic and crucial partnership” to finalise the arrangements.
The talks ran into the early hours of Wednesday, with McGurk, Witkoff and Egyptian and Qatari officials upstairs with the Israeli negotiators, and Hamas downstairs, nailing down dozens of final details.
Abu Shukri, a community organiser sheltering in the Maghazi refugee camp in Gaza, said people in the neighbourhood had lined the streets and balconies in anticipation of the announcement of the ceasefire deal. As news reached them, people shouted and shot in the air in celebration.
“We just thank God,” Abu Shukri said of the news. “But we’ve given our children, we gave our parents.”
Additional reporting by Malaika Tapper in Beirut and Neri Zilber in Tel Aviv
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