Nebraska
Can a Mechanic Running as an Independent Steal a Senate Seat From Republicans?
In an election year where the Senate map is objectively advantageous to Republicans, Texas and Florida have been seen as the two red states where a Republican seat could maybe flip if everything broke just right for Democrats.
Then in December, a poll from Nebraska showed a steamfitter and industrial mechanic, Dan Osborn, was beating incumbent Republican Sen. Deb Fischer by 2 points, 40-38 percent. In early May, Osborn’s campaign released a new poll from Public Policy Polling that had him down four points (37-33 percent with 30 percent undecided).
While some political watchers were skeptical of the early polling, it has directed attention to Nebraska. In June, for instance, Osborn received the endorsement of the United Auto Workers and was even promoted on social media by Julia Louis Dreyfus.
As eyes turned to Cornhusker State, a question began to emerge: Could Osborn, who was not just straying away from a typical Senate campaign playbook — but throwing it out — beat an incumbent Republican senator in a state that is widely seen as being ruby red? And could the Nebraska Senate race help Democrats maintain slim control of the Senate?
With the possibility for an upset in the air, both sides have pushed data making their respective cases. In mid-July, Fischer released a poll showing her up 26 points. A week later, Osborn’s camp highlighted a poll that showed him tied with Fischer at 42 percent.
Fundraising has shown a similarly mixed narrative. Osborn outraised Fischer in the second quarter ($1 million to $679,000), while Fischer’s over $3 million in cash on hand swamps his $650,000.
Osborn is no stranger to receiving national and local coverage. In 2021, he led the Kellogg’s Strike, which resulted in a new labor contract with wages increases and enhanced benefits. After he announced his run for Senate, he spent the first eight months of his campaign working 50 hours a week, continuing his apprenticeship, all while still having to go to school and pass tests.
Where handfuls of candidates running to be reelected or elected to the Senate can talk about the intricacies of courtrooms and boardrooms, Osborn is the only one simultaneously knocking doors while getting his EPA 608 license, which allows him to handle and purchase refrigerant.
But, what really sets his race apart is not just who he is, but how he is running. Osborn has positioned himself as an Independent. Or, as they say in Nebraska, nonpartisan.
Osborn is far from the first Senate candidate to run as Independent. Sen. Bernie Sanders of Vermont and Sen. Angus King of Maine have both run and won as such. In 2022, Evan McMullin ran as an Independent (and lost the race) for a Senate seat in Utah.
But, where McMullin ultimately accepted the Utah Democratic Party’s nomination, Osborn has disavowed the endorsements of any political parties or politicians. Where Sanders and King caucus with the Democrats, Osborn has made no such commitment.
In May, his campaign sent out a press release announcing this distinction.
“Probably no political campaign has ever done this but we want to put people above politicians, parties and profits,” Osborn was quoted as saying in the release. “Whether you are Republican, Independent, Libertarian, Democrat, I don’t care. I welcome all to join me to change Washington.”
This decision was met by swift rebuke from the Nebraska Democratic Party, who had planned to endorse him, and said they were now looking for write-in candidates.
Nebraska Democratic Party Chair Jane Kleeb said they have endorsed 11 Independent candidates this cycle, including two running for the legislature.
“We embrace Independents and have a now-long history of embracing Independents and supporting Independents,” Kleeb tells Rolling Stone. “I mean obviously our Party respects when a candidate changes their mind on an endorsement, but having Dan lead the Party on for months, telling us how critical the Democratic Party endorsement and infrastructure was for him winning the seat, and then him essentially saying, ‘No,’ once he knew the deadline was past for when we could have a candidate on the ballot, has left obviously a lot of Democrats in the state questioning the integrity of his campaign.”
Osborn disputed that characterization. “No one was led on,” he says. “I’ve been clear that I was not going to take the endorsement of any one party.”
A source close to the Osborn campaign points out that in a New York Times article about his candidacy in early March, Osborn said he was not sure he wanted the Democratic endorsement.
To add further political complexity to the already atypical dynamics of this race, Nebraska’s other Senate seat is also up this year in a special election — the first time both seats have both been on the ballot concurrently since 1954. In that race, the Nebraska Democratic Party does have a candidate, Preston Love Jr., who is challenging former Gov. and current Sen. Pete Ricketts, who secured that seat through appointment in 2023.
Osborn attributes his path to his candidacy with his ultimate decision to establish and maintain political independence. Members of the railroad unions who noticed his leadership in the Kellogg’s Strike recruited him to run, not a political party.
One of those people was Mike Helmink, a railroad employee and labor leader who himself started an exploratory committee to run for Fischer’s seat before ending it after being denied leave from work. Helmink — who is the treasurer for Nebraska Railroaders for Public Safety which has endorsed Osborn — thinks the nonpartisan path is one that could lead to a victory.
“There’s kind of a contrarian vibe to politics in the state,” Helmink says. “The Independents, or nonpartisans, are becoming a larger and larger group. We’ve got a large group of people that feel like their voice isn’t being heard.”
Helmink argues the Democratic message is not working outside of the cities of Lincoln and Omaha. The last Democrat to win statewide was former Sen. Ben Nelson in 2008.
“The only problem with Dan is he’s from Omaha,” Helmink says, laughing. “But, you know, at least he’s not one of the rich elite folks from Omaha. That helps. He works for a living. That definitely sells. So, yeah, we are highly optimistic we can replace Deb Fischer with Dan Osborn.”
While not having the money or infrastructure of a major party has its disadvantages, Osborn sees it as a strength. “The advantage is, being grassroots I’m not beholden to any party and I’m not beholden to special interests,” he says. “So nobody can tell this campaign how to think, what it is we should be doing, and the message that we should be portraying.”
Osborn doesn’t find it surprising that the race is close. Rather, he sees the explanation as pretty simple. “I think it’s the fact that people are frustrated, you know, with the parties catering to their extremes,” he says. “There’s around 300,000 registered nonpartisan voters in Nebraska. It’s the fastest growing demographic for registering voters.”
Nationally, the percentage of Independent voters is also at a high. Despite independents being a much larger voting bloc than either party, there are only four Independent senators currently in Congress: Sen. Kyrsten Sinema of Arizona and Sen. Joe Manchin of West Virginia, in addition to Sanders and King — and all four Caucus with Democrats. Sinema and Manchin are not running for reelection in 2024.
With that current reality in mind, Osborn says voters are always questioning who he plans to support for president (he has not committed to any of the candidates) and, if elected, which party he would caucus with.
“I think what they’re looking for when they ask that is ‘Oh, is he a Democrat? Or is he a Republican?’,” Osborn explains, saying many people think deep down you have to be one or the other. “Well, I’m gonna kinda call BS on that because I feel like I truly am an Independent. I’m for working people.”
Osborn said he sees his independence as something Nebraska voters should see not as a liability, but rather as a source of power for them and their state. “I’m an Independent and when I get to the United States Senate, I kind of want to be a maverick,” he says. “Why can’t I create an Osborn caucus? Or an Independent caucus? Especially if I’m the 51st swing vote in the United States Senate. People are gonna have to work with me.”
Before that can happen, he has his work cut out for him. Nebraska has a Republican governor and fully Republican congressional delegation. In 2020, former President Trump secured over 58 percent of the state’s popular vote.
Osborn’s campaign pushes back on the idea that Nebraska is irreversibly ruby red, highlighting the uniqueness of the state’s political system with its unicameral legislature that is technically bipartisan. Nebraska currently awards two Electoral College votes for the winner of the statewide popular vote, and one electoral vote for the winner of each congressional district (which delivered former President Trump four votes total, and President Joe Biden one vote in 2020.)
Osborn said he believes Nebraska’s identity of approaching the political system with its own individualized frame is what could allow him to be the first Independent U.S. senator from the state since George Norris won as one in 1936.
His platform certainly reflects that. As a union president and worker whose hand was severely injured on the job, it is fittingly pro-labor and pro-workers’ rights. Otherwise, it doesn’t fit into neat boxes during this hyperpolarized political moment in the country. Osborn actively calls for both the legalization of cannabis, and for the securing of the border. He supports both abortion rights and the Second Amendment — saying both are areas where he feels the government should not overreach.
Osborn says he does not see any of his stances as being at odds with each other, asserting that this range and nuance is common among the voters he meets on the trail, and when he knocks their doors.
This independence from existing parties and their established platforms, he argues, is the reason he can build the coalition of Nebraska voters necessary to win.
Nebraska
Newly reelected Nebraska Farmers Union president says current farm policy is ‘not working’
John Hansen, president of the Nebraska Farmers Union, will serve another two years at the helm after members re-elected him this month. He’s seen a lot of change in agriculture since 1990, but some things have stayed relatively the same, such as the price of a bushel of corn. Nebraska Public Media’s Jackie Ourada spoke with Hansen on “All Things Considered” about the state of agriculture, starting with how farmers are feeling about President Trump’s new $12 billion relief package that aims to offset damage done by tariffs.
Hansen: It plays to real mixed reviews for the folks who know how much money they lost in the first place thanks to the tariffs, which is somewhere, the Farm Bureau estimates, between $34 billion and $44 billion. We think $40 billion is a pretty good number. So, if you just lost $40 billion when you are already struggling financially, and you are already having to restructure your your farm loans to try to come up with more equity to replace the cash flow that didn’t work, and you already had done all that … So you lose $40 billion worth of value, and you get $12 billion paid back in some sort of fashion — not yet clear, who gets that. That $11 billion actually goes to the 20 crops, and then an additional $1 billion goes to specialty crops, so we’re certainly not going to be made whole. It’s better than a jab in the eye with a sharp stick, but not as good as being made whole.
Ourada: Farmers are, in Nebraska for the most part, going to, according to some of the economic surveys, benefit quite a lot from government payouts this year. So, I guess it’s difficult for me to hear that you guys have had a lot of calls about farmers being upside down, when the overall picture is that farmers are going to end up with a lot of economic benefits from the payouts from the government.
Hansen: So when you have commodity prices that are this low, and the reason you’re getting additional economic disaster assistance is because if you look at those prices, it’s a train wreck, a complete train wreck. So you’re helping try to offset that through some sort of federal economic assistance. But when you add that amount of assistance with the amount of shortfall that exists in commodity prices that tells you how far out of whack our farm policy and our trade policy is. We’re, unfortunately, in a situation where we’re forced to accept that those additional payments, although all farmers would rather get paid in the marketplace rather than through the mailbox with assistance from their tax-paying cousins and friends and brothers and sisters. And so we need to rethink about what we’re doing when we’re the world’s largest food producing nation, and we have a domestic farm policy and trade policy that puts family farmers and ranchers out of business, and that’s what we’re doing right now. Then it’s time to say, you know, big picture here, this is not working. The lack of stability is really difficult to navigate for somebody who’s on the receiving end of prices.
Ourada: What specifically would you like to see changed?
Hansen: Well, the whole structure. We don’t have really stability. We don’t have dependability. We don’t have any way to begin to cover cost of production. The cost of production that we have, just continues to go up and up and up every year. And yet, commodity prices are not tied to anything that reflects our cost of production. You can’t [say to] General Motors or Ford or or any major manufacturer, ”We want you guys to go out there and incur additional costs of operating every year. But we want you to sell your your end finished product for about the same thing that you know folks were buying it for 3030, years ago or more.” Their cost to the customer has to reflect their cost of production. And in the case of agriculture, farmers are price takers. We’re not price makers. We don’t set the price of what we produce, which is why the private, public partnership between agriculture and Congress needs to be rethought.
Ourada: I have a few friends who farm. They’re around my age, 30, and they are constantly griping, I would say is a good word about dad or grandpa not handing over the farm keys to them. And I’m thinking as you you’ve been with the Farmers Union now since 1990. What does your succession plan look like to the Farmers Union? What does the Farmers Union look like after John Hansen steps down?
Hansen: Well, that’s a great question. It’s one that’s an active discussion. Relative to farmers union, I made it clear at last this last year’s convention held a couple weeks ago, that we’re certainly looking for new folks to pick up the reins if they want to. And there’s a lifetime of opportunity and and in serving agriculture, I happen to think I have the best job in the state. So give me a call.
This interview has been edited for length.
Nebraska
FAFSA participation increases among Nebraska high school seniors
Nebraska
Nebraska Court of Appeals upholds conviction of Grand Island man in sexual assault case
GRAND ISLAND, Neb. — The Nebraska Court of Appeals has affirmed the conviction and sentencing of a Grand Island man charged with sexually assaulting a minor.
Cory Gilmore was sentenced in June to 36 to 48 years in prison on two counts of first-degree sexual assault. Court records said he was initially charged with first-degree sexual assault of a child, first-degree sexual assault and third-degree sexual assault of a child, but pleaded no contest to the two sexual assault counts as part of a plea deal.
According to an arrest affidavit, a report of a possible sexual assault came into the child abuse hotline that Gilmore sexually assaulted a minor girl when he was intoxicated.
A Grand Island police officer later interviewed the girl – who is younger than 19 years old – who said she was sexually assaulted by Gilmore from early 2021 to December 2023.
In his appeal, Gilmore claimed the District Court abused its discretion by imposing an excessive sentence. He also claimed his trial counsel was ineffective in failing to take the deposition of the alleged victim and failing to move to withdraw Gilmore’s plea before sentencing.
In its ruling, the Court of Appeals denied Gilmore’s claim of ineffective trial counsel. In his appeal, Gilmore said that at sentencing, he notified his counsel that he wished to withdraw his no-contest plea as he didn’t want to plead guilty or to say he did something he didn’t do.
The Court of Appeals said that at no point did Gilmore inform the District Court that he wished to withdraw his plea and that the District Court asked him if he made his plea “knowingly and voluntarily.”
The Court of Appeals also said in its order that at Gilmore’s sentencing hearing, the District Court looked at Gilmore’s risk to reoffend, his criminal history and the fact that he “showed no remorse for the trauma he has inflicted” in imposing its sentencing. The Court of Appeals said this was appropriate and that his sentencing was not excessive.
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