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Big old house provides a lesson in economics • Iowa Capital Dispatch

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Big old house provides a lesson in economics • Iowa Capital Dispatch


There was a big old house located at 502 South St. in Toledo, Iowa.

The dwelling has a living room, dining room, kitchen, den, and bath on the first floor, four bedrooms on the second. The basement is divided, with a gray painted cement floor, into a laundry room and the other half has a work bench and a furnace. To the side of the furnace was, in the late 1940s and early 1950s, a coal bin. Once or twice a year, a dump truck would pull up alongside the house, drop a chute down to the window and allow the coal to fill the bin.

My job, when I reached 10 or so, was to shovel the coal into a hopper, which then fed it down to the furnace where it would burn. Every so often, I would open the furnace door and pull out the “clunkers” (burned up coal) and place them in a bucket for emptying in the alley behind the house. The coal would burn, and the heat would spread up throughout the house.

In the spring, along the south side of the building, flowers would be planted and watered by pouring the water on top of the plant, soaking the ground and saturating the roots.

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I have now explained all you need to know about the differences between a conservative Republican economist and a Democratic one. Others may try to confuse you by talking about supply and demand, but economic policy is pretty much determined by where you put the emphasis, cutting taxes for the earners at the top of the scale or to those at the lower end.

For conservatives, the supply side theory holds that cutting government revenue (taxes) frees the money up to be used to create jobs to increase the supply of goods and services, thus causing the economy to grow. The more goods that are supplied to the market, the more the economy will grow and revenues will increase.

Democrats hold that emphasis should be placed on government spending, i.e. public works like roads, bridges and infrastructure that creates jobs, which provides the money necessary to purchase goods and grow the economy. Since consumer spending is the major engine that drives economic growth, it also increases government revenue.

One thing is for sure, whether you are liberal or conservative on government policy as it pertains to the tax code: In 2025, it is very likely changes will take place in tax revenue, if only because former President Donald Trump’s 2017 tax reductions are set by law to expire. If Trump wins, the tax cuts remain in place and will likely be expanded. But Vice President Kamala Harris, is not yet supporting further across-the-broad tax reductions, instead targeting increased tax rates for higher-income people, and at least extensions of the tax credits for lower-income individuals, like the earned income tax credit for children and a $25,000 credit for first-time home buyers.

There is a bit of irony in all of this. In 1935 a British economist, John Maynard Keynes, upset conventional thinking that the way out of recessions and depression was to balance the federal budget. Instead, he argued what is needed in down times is increased spending by the government. This proposition was, except within the Roosevelt administration, almost uniformly rejected. But by the 1970s, President Richard Nixon’s economic adviser Milton Friedman admitted, “we are all Keynesians now.”

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Taxes: Where do Trump and Harris stand?

All of which brings us to Arthur Laffer and his advocacy that high tax rates cause a loss of government money. He developed the Laffer curve, meant to illustrate that when tax rates get too high, they become counterproductive. Reducing tax rates will motivate people to work and produce more since they get to keep more of their own money, leading to more revenue; raising tax rates produces the opposite effect.

Now maybe to everyone’s surprise, and whether intended or not, Harris’ economic consultants are saying turn the Laffer curve upside down: Reduce taxes on the lower half of the economic scale and you will have individuals with money to spend.

That is really the choice the two candidates offer. If you are a supply conservative proponent, then you should stand in the shade of the elephant. If you believe in the Democratic reversal of Laffer’s proposal, ride a donkey. Pretty simple really — coal in the furnace or water on the flowers, just like when I was a kid.

This column was originally published in the Waterloo Cedar-Falls Courier.

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Iowa ‘illegal reentry’ law remains blocked, but 8th Circuit questions injunction’s breadth

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Iowa ‘illegal reentry’ law remains blocked, but 8th Circuit questions injunction’s breadth


A federal judge did not err when finding an Iowa immigration enforcement law likely unconstitutional, a federal appellate court ruled.

But it is sending the case back to determine whether the state should nonetheless be allowed to enforce the law in some cases.

The Eighth U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals’ Oct. 23 decision upholds an injunction blocking Iowa from enforcing Senate File 2340, which Gov. Kim Reynolds signed in April 2024 to make “illegal reentry” a crime under state law.

In a lawsuit bought by the Iowa Migrant Movement for Justice, Judge Stephen Locher ruled last year that immigration enforcement is explicitly a federal responsibility and Iowa’s law is invalid under the U.S. Constitution.

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“As a matter of politics, the new legislation might be defensible,” Locher wrote in June 2024. “As a matter of constitutional law, it is not.”

Thursday’s decision is technically the second time the 8th Circuit has ruled against the law.

Originally, Iowa was sued twice: by Migrant Movement for Justice and the Biden Administration. Locher granted injunctions in both cases, and in January, the 8th Circuit affirmed his ruling in the DOJ lawsuit and dismissed the second injunction as duplicative.

Shortly after, though, the Trump administration dismissed the federal government’s challenge, and the court agreed to rehear and rule on the injunction in the Migrant Movement for Justice case.

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What did Iowa’s immigration law do?

Under the 2024 law, entering or residing in Iowa after being deported from or denied entry to the U.S. or failing to depart when ordered became a state offense. It followed a similar law Texas adopted, both of which have since been blocked by courts.

The Iowa law also required judges to order anyone convicted under the law to return to their country of origin.

In his order blocking the law, Locher identified several problems: Most glaringly, a 2012 U.S. Supreme Court decision found that state-level immigration laws interfere with and are preempted by federal immigration enforcement.

In the case of Iowa, Locher noted, having state judges order people to leave the country bypasses the extensive and often case- and country-specific federal system to decide when, how, and to where a person can be deported.

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“This creates an untenable dichotomy between federal and state law in an area where the Supreme Court has recognized that the United States must speak with a single, harmonious voice,” Locher wrote.

The law also does not make any exceptions for people with current legal resident status. That’s a problem for several of the plaintiffs in the Migrant Movement case, who at one time were deported or denied entry but later were able to obtain legal residency.

While Attorney General Brenna Bird said she did not intend to enforce the law against legal residents, Locher noted county prosecutors would not be bound by her statement.

8th Circuit finds law likely unconstitutional

In it’s ruling Thursday, the 8th Circuit once again upheld Locher’s reasoning.

Judge Duane Benton wrote for the court that Iowa’s law intrudes into federal immigration authority even further than the Arizona law struck down by the U.S. Supreme Court in 2012.

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Allowing state officials not only to detain people for suspected immigration violations, but to order them removed from the country, with a potential prison sentence of 10 years, greatly exceeds the state’s powers under the U.S. Constitution, the court found.

The court rejected Iowa’s arguments in defense of the law, finding that many ran contrary to the plain text of the statute.

For example, where Bird argued the law only required the state to deliver aliens to a “port of entry” — namely, the Des Moines airport — and would have no effect outside the state’s borders, the appeals court noted the law requires migrants to leave the entire country, not just the state, under penalty of prison.

“Any enforcement of the act would likely conflict with federal law by interfering with the enforcement discretion that federal law gives to federal officers,” Benton wrote. “(Plaintiffs) have clearly shown that their facial challenge is likely to succeed on the merits because every application of the Act stands as an obstacle to the accomplishment and execution of the full purposes and objectives of Congress.”

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Yes, but: to whom does the injunction apply?

Locher’s injunction blocked any state agent, including county prosecutors, from enforcing the law against anyone. That may be too broad, the appellate court says.

In a June 2025 case against Donald Trump, the U.S. Supreme Court significantly limited the use of “universal injunctions” that apply beyond the parties in a particular case.

In light of that ruling, the 8th Circuit is directing Locher to consider whether he has authority to block enforcement by all state officers, as opposed to just those named in the lawsuit, and whether the law can be enforced against individuals who are not members of Iowa Migrant Movement for Justice.

Regardless of how the injunction may be modified, the lawsuit is likely to continue.

Locher’s June 2024 order put in place a preliminary injunction, blocking the state from enforcing the law while the case progressed. Barring further appeals, Thursday’s appellate decision means the case will continue before Locher for further proceedings before the court could potentially make its injunction permanent.

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William Morris covers courts for the Des Moines Register. He can be contacted at wrmorris2@registermedia.com or 715-573-8166.



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Iowa State Cyclones Defensive Coach Still Searching for Answers at Key Position

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Iowa State Cyclones Defensive Coach Still Searching for Answers at Key Position


Heading into their Week 8 bye, the Iowa State Cyclones had a few things that had to be addressed on the roster. On a two-game losing streak, there were plenty of things the coaching staff was looking to address.

For fans watching, the defense was certainly an area to emphasize. Before facing the Cincinnati Bearcats, the first team to hand the Cyclones a loss, they lost key contributors in their secondary in consecutive games.

First, it was Jeremiah Cooper, who didn’t suit up for the game against the Arizona Wildcats because of a knee injury. Prior to that game, it was revealed that he was dealing with a knee injury that would result in him missing the remainder of the season.

Against the Wildcats, their other starting cornerback, Jontez Williams, suffered an injury. He also suffered a season-ending knee injury, decimating the team’s depth at a key position defensively.

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Jeremiah Coope

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That left defensive coordinator Jon Heacock in a bind. Without Cooper and Williams, other players were going to be relied upon to step into sizable roles. But there were complications in getting them prepared on such short notice.

“The real emphasis became, ‘Who can help us? How do we get them enough reps without wearing them out and get them prepared to play in this stretch that we’re getting ready to get into?” Heacock said, via Alec Busse of Cyclone Alert, part of the 247Sports Network (subscription required).

The results were better than most people would have predicted. Especially when considering they were being thrown into the fire without the luxury of a bye to ease into things. However, the unit was far from as dominant when Cooper and Williams were patrolling the defensive backfield.

Brendan Sorsby and Kaidon Salter both picked apart the Iowa State defense with timely production. Big plays were created not only with their arms but also with their legs.

Credit should be given to Tre Bell, an FCS transfer, and Quentin Taylor, who stepped into roles bigger than anyone anticipated for them. But now it is up to Heacock to figure out a way not to burn them out.

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Jon Heacoc

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“We got to find guys that can give them a break,” Heacock said. “Some of those, they were playing close to 70 snaps in that game (at Colorado).”

Where will that help come from? The cornerback depth was already a bit thin before losing two starters. Beni Ngoyi, who has been contributing mostly on special teams, could see an increased role. Ditto for David Coffey, a redshirt freshman who is healthy and able to contribute.

The secondary is going to be tested in a big way coming out of the bye. This weekend, against the BYU Cougars, they will be tasked with slowing down Chase Roberts. The following week, it will be Jordyn Tyson of the Arizona State Sun Devils that they need to defend.

Top-tier cornerbacks have trouble slowing those two down. The Cyclones coaching staff is going to have to get to work creating winning schemes. Generating more pressure on the opposing quarterback would be a good place to start to take some heat off the secondary.



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Here’s how D.O.G.E. Task Force would change Iowa

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Here’s how D.O.G.E. Task Force would change Iowa


DES MOINES, Iowa (Gray Media Iowa State Capitol Bureau) — It is 136 pages long, took seven months to put together, and looks to modernize, streamline, and reshape state and local governments in Iowa. It also already has opposition before any of the new ideas have been put into implementation.

On Tuesday, Governor Kim Reynolds, a Republican, released the Iowa D.O.G.E. (Department of Government Efficiency) Task Force’s report that the 15-member volunteer group submitted to her last month.

Reynolds said while discussing the task force’s 45 recommendations, “It is important that we never settle, that we continue to look for ways to be more effective, efficient and accountable to the taxpayers of Iowa.”.

Read the task force recommendations here.

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Task force members called for changing Iowa Public Employees’ Retirement System (IPERS) but not eliminating it. The report suggested keeping IPERS available for current state employeees but giving new employees the option of using IPERS or joining a defined contribution plan.

Members also suggested studying benefits that state workers receive and whether they contribute enough to their health care costs.

The task force called for incentives for teachers based on performance, a focus on expanding the number of instructors in high demand fields, and introducing work-based learning experiences to freshmen and sophomore high school students.

Utilizing technology so that artificial intelligence could take over some tasks in state government and freeing up workers to concentrate on other areas was also a suggestion. So was digitizing government forms.

The task force recommended sharing services whenever possible in local government, which could be part of an overall strategy of lessening expenses in local government to reduce property taxes.

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House Minority Leader Brian Meyer, a Des Moines Democrat, criticized the overall set of proposals.

“This Governor’s DOGE task force report is deeply disturbing, coming from individuals who’ve never worked a day in their lives. They’re attacking the very people who keep our communities strong, teachers, public safety officers, and other dedicated public servants,” Meyer said in a statement.

Other than stressing that she would preserve IPERS, Reynolds did not take positions on the list of recommendations. She could announce some of them as part of her 2026 legislative priorities when she delivers the annual Condition of the State Address in January.



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