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‘This is the way things are done in Illinois’: Defense attorneys begin cross-examining star witness | Capitol News Illinois

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‘This is the way things are done in Illinois’: Defense attorneys begin cross-examining star witness | Capitol News Illinois


CHICAGO – The former chief lobbyist for electric utility Commonwealth Edison has spent the last week telling a federal jury how he bent over backward to accommodate hiring requests from former Illinois House Speaker Michael Madigan.

Led by the prosecutor questioning him, ComEd exec-turned-cooperating witness Fidel Marquez repeatedly said he and other utility leaders agreed to hire or contract with the powerful speaker’s allies in order for Madigan “to be more positively disposed toward ComEd’s legislative agenda.”

Read more: ‘They were being paid as a favor to Mike Madigan’: Feds’ star witness takes stand

But on Tuesday, an attorney for Madigan co-defendant Mike McClain, ComEd’s longest-serving contract lobbyist, began his cross-examination of Marquez by drilling down on his previous testimony – and his guilty plea in 2020 for bribery conspiracy.

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“Are you not saying and are you not testifying at this trial that in your mind, the purpose of this conspiracy was to trade jobs at ComEd for Mike Madigan taking action?” Cotter asked, referring to action Madigan is alleged to have taken on legislation ComEd pushed in Springfield.

“I said it was to consider ComEd’s agenda favorably,” Marquez said.

“Right,” Cotter replied. “Not to trade jobs for action”

“Looking at it favorably, to my mind, is an action,” Marquez said.

Cotter’s line of questioning points to a U.S. Supreme Court decision this summer that narrowed federal bribery law to exclude “gratuities” – rewards given after an official action – and stipulated that bribery requires an agreement of an exchange prior to the action.

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Prosecutors, however, say their case isn’t affected by the ruling, as they’re pursuing a “stream of benefits” legal theory, wherein a pattern of corrupt exchanges over a long period of time is proof enough of a quid pro quo, even if there’s no smoking gun evidence of a handshake deal. The feds say that “stream of benefits” is more than covered by the 7 ½ years at issue in the case, which included dozens of job recommendations from Madigan and several large pieces of legislation ComEd pushed for, and in one case killed.

Read more: SCOTUS ruling could upend federal corruption cases for Madigan, allies | 4 decades after rising to power and nearly 4 years since his fall, former Speaker Madigan goes to trial

But Cotter on Tuesday was barred from asking Marquez whether he believed he’d done anything illegal – something he’d been allowed to ask Marquez during cross-examination in last year’s “ComEd Four” trial. That trial ended with unanimous convictions for McClain and three other former ComEd lobbyists and executives charged with bribing Madigan.

In his cross-examination of Marquez last March, Cotter noted that for more than a year after FBI agents approached him in January 2019, even after he agreed to become a cooperating witness, Marquez still insisted he hadn’t done anything criminal. His eventual guilty plea to a single conspiracy bribery charge in September 2020 was a purely opportunistic move to avoid prison time, Cotter alleged.

Read more: ‘You had a choice to make’: Defense paints cooperating witness in ComEd trial as opportunistic

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With the jury out of the courtroom, parties argued the contours of what Cotter could elicit during cross-examination, and Assistant U.S. Attorney Amarjeet Bhachu quoted from a report FBI agents prepared after an early interview with Marquez shortly after he agreed to become a government mole.

“The CHS (cooperating human source) does not believe this is right, but this is the way things are done in Illinois,” Bhachu read from the report.

But U.S. District Judge John Blakey blocked Cotter from referencing a claim made by Marquez during a January 2019 meeting with FBI agents that he hadn’t done anything illegal.

Before Cotter began questioning Marquez on Tuesday, Bhachu finished out four days of direct examination with several more examples of McClain pushing job recommendations from Madigan to Marquez.

In an August 2018 wiretapped phone call between McClain and Madigan, the speaker floated getting Jeffrey Rush, the son of then-U.S. Rep. Bobby Rush, a consulting contract with the Illinois Department of Corrections in the assumed future administration of Gov. JB Pritzker, who hadn’t yet won the governor’s mansion. Rush, Madigan acknowledged, “got himself jammed up” having a sexual relationship with a woman in a halfway house run by IDOC while he worked for the agency.

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“This is a guy that I’m gonna wanna help somewhere along the road,” Madigan said.

It wasn’t until six months later that McClain and Rush had a conversation about how McClain could help him find a job, and then another two months until McClain asked Marquez if ComEd could help. Marquez happened to be secretly videotaping the ask over lunch at the now-defunct Sangamo Club in Springfield, a hangout for many lawmakers and lobbyists. But Marquez declined, saying it would be “hard for me to place him in good conscience within the company” after McClain had outlined Rush’s indiscretion.

Madigan also tried to place Vanessa Berrios, the daughter of former Cook County Assessor and county Democratic Party chair Joe Berrios and sister of former Democratic state Rep. Toni Berrios, in a job at ComEd in late 2018.

“My thought was that there might be a place for her at ComEd,” Madigan said in a December 2018 wiretapped call with McClain.

The jury already saw emails last week showing ComEd’s parent company Exelon was ready to terminate Toni Berrios from its contract lobbying team at the end of 2016 but renewed her contract for 2017 after a McClain relayed a request from Madigan.

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Emails shown to the jury indicate McClain’s continued involvement with getting Vanessa Berrios a job, including one telling Marquez that Madigan asked about her weekly. But Marquez testified that she ultimately declined an interview.

In his 15 hours on the witness stand with Bhachu questioning him, Marquez testified about dozens of instances in which McClain passed along job recommendations from Madigan, from political allies to residents in his 13th Ward power base on Chicago’s Southwest Side.

Read more: Jury sees relentless ComEd job placement requests from Madigan co-defendant | ComEd lobbyist warned FBI mole to ‘keep Madigan happy’ and not mess with no-work contracts

But McClain had made himself indispensable both as Madigan’s self-described “agent,” and as ComEd’s chief lobbyist, so much so that even after his official retirement from lobbying in late 2016, Marquez found himself calling McClain enough for advice that he convinced his boss to create a consulting contract for him.

Before McClain officially became a ComEd consultant, he wrote an email to Marquez in early April 2017 asking if he wouldn’t mind if McClain continued his previous work of acting as the go-between for intern recommendations from the 13th Ward for ComEd’s summer internship program.

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“I am not asking for any money,” McClain wrote. “It just seems to be that maybe by next summer we may have someone employed that will have the trust of the 13th ward and you (ComEd). You and I have a system and so why have someone take it over when we will have to train from square one just to have someone else work with you next spring?”

The jury has previously heard that McClain was hoping longtime Madigan staffer Will Cousineau would take his place as ComEd’s lead contract lobbyist when Cousineau left the speaker’s office in the summer of 2017. Cousineau testified earlier in trial that after interviewing and a back-and-forth on salary, he ultimately took a full-time job at a lobbying firm, though he’d pick up ComEd as a client in 2018 and 2019.

By early 2019, however, there was still no one to replace McClain, and it was getting to be a burden on both McClain and the speaker. In a lengthy call Bhachu played toward the end of his direct examination, McClain and Marquez discussed the issue with former ComEd CEO Anne Pramaggiore, who’d been promoted to CEO of Exelon Utilities the year before.

“We’re in a conundrum,” McClain said, explaining that Madigan had called him and expressed mild frustration that he didn’t know who to turn to about issues related to ComEd or Exelon since McClain was no longer around as much in retirement.


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At the time, ComEd was advocating for an extension of a “sunset” the speaker’s team had insisted on including in an earlier law that gave electric utilities more predictable outcomes when asking state regulators to approve increases to electricity rates. Other energy and environmental interests were launching their own legislative efforts in hopes they could be tacked onto ComEd’s bill.

“The point person has to have his (Madigan’s) trust and also have the company’s trust … And that person’s gotta be very discreet,” McClain said, referring to a “code” the point person would implicitly understand. “So like, when all of a sudden I come to you and say, ‘Would you take a look at this resume?’ I mean, that’s like, ‘Will you drop and do and try to get this done as fast as possible?’”

McClain again floated Cousineau for the go-between role, and in a follow-up email said he’d sit down with Cousineau to talk about it, saying he “has our Friend’s confidence,” using a euphemism he often employed for Madigan.

“It is not an easy position,” he wrote. “Our friend is very, very cautious about letting people know and do what he needs done.”

Cotter spent his hours cross-examining Marquez Tuesday establishing McClain’s value to ComEd. Marquez acknowledged that McClain had done a lot of work to repair the relationship between ComEd and the speaker, which had been damaged around 2007 but had never been strong, as Madigan had long been a skeptic of utilities.

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He also acknowledged that ComEd received job recommendations from many sources, including then-Senate President John Cullerton and then-House GOP Leader Jim Durkin, in addition to other elected officials, ComEd contractors and employees. And as the lobbyist, and later consultant, McClain was assigned to maintaining the relationship between the utility and Madigan.

“So when Mike McClain communicated to you job recommendations from Mr. Madigan, that was part of his job?” Cotter asked.

“Yes,” Marquez replied.

Cotter also went through various lobbying efforts to show how McClain built coalitions in order to pass bills – and didn’t just place a call to the speaker. For example, when ComEd was trying to kill a 2018 effort by then-Attorney General Lisa Madigan, McClain got the speaker’s permission to kill his daughter’s bill, but McClain and other executives still had to put in massive work to get it done.

Cotter played a call between McClain, Marquez and Pramaggiore discussing the strategy to defeat the bill, which included calling on all stakeholders from faith leaders to ComEd’s large customers and vendors to organized labor, the constituency Madigan valued most.

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“At no point does Mr. McClain ever say, ‘Well why don’t I go talk to the speaker and see if I he can assist us in killing this bill?’” Cotter asked Marquez.

“He does not,” Marquez agreed.

Cotter is expected to finish his cross-examination Wednesday and pass the baton to Madigan’s attorneys.

 

Capitol News Illinois is a nonprofit, nonpartisan news service that distributes state government coverage to hundreds of news outlets statewide. It is funded primarily by the Illinois Press Foundation and the Robert R. McCormick Foundation.

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5 tornadoes confirmed in Illinois from Friday’s storms

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5 tornadoes confirmed in Illinois from Friday’s storms


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from MON 12:00 AM CDT until MON 9:00 AM CDT, Lake County, Kankakee County, La Salle County, DuPage County, Northern Will County, DeKalb County, Southern Will County, Kendall County, Southern Cook County, Northern Cook County, Grundy County, Eastern Will County, Kane County, McHenry County, Lake County, Newton County, Jasper County, Porter County



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‘Credit card chaos’? Financial institutions bet big on repeal of first-of-its-kind Illinois law

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‘Credit card chaos’? Financial institutions bet big on repeal of first-of-its-kind Illinois law


“Credit cards may not work for sales tax or tips starting July 1.”

By now, you’ve heard that claim, but whether it’s true depends on who you ask.

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The ads — funded by the Electronic Payments Coalition of banks, credit unions and card companies — argue that Illinois lawmakers must repeal the state’s first-in-the-nation Interchange Fee Prohibition Act, slated to take effect July 1. That law prohibits financial institutions from charging “swipe,” or interchange, fees on the tax and tip portions of consumer bills and bans them from making up the fees elsewhere.

If it’s not repealed? “Credit card chaos” may ensue, the ads warn.

While the financial institutions are quick to cite a list of things that could hypothetically happen if the law isn’t repealed, it’s harder to pin down what’s being done and by who to comply with the law two years after it was signed.

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“The global payment system is not set up to where any one party to a transaction can make this happen on their own,” Ashley Sharp, of the Illinois Credit Union Association said at a Capitol news conference Wednesday. “There are multiple parties to every electronic transaction.”

The financial institutions are adamant that the global payment system as it exists today can’t discern the difference between tax, tips and total, and it would need to be retooled at a heavy cost to banks, card companies, merchants, point-of-sale companies and more.

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Instead of complying, they say, the card companies could decide to stop serving Illinois or drastically alter the way the consumer interacts with merchants at the point of sale.

An alternate reality

But as with all matters in Springfield, there’s another big-monied and powerful group on the other side of the issue. The Illinois Retail Merchants Association says the credit card companies already track all the information they need, and it’s a “complete fabrication” to say that it would take more than a mere coding change to implement the state law.

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Take your restaurant receipt, for example.

“You have the subtotal, the sales tax, the tip, if it’s applicable, and then the grand total, right? All they have to do is move their fee from the grand total to the subtotal,” Rob Karr, president of IRMA, said.

While card networks operate in over 200 countries with as many different laws, they say the only information the card processors ask for in any of them is the grand total. The receipt example, they say, erroneously conflates the point of sale with the actual processing of payments.

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In short, the two sides present starkly different realities — a muddying of the water that’s not uncommon at the Capitol.

But there is one concrete truth: The financial institutions have a lot to lose, and not just in Illinois.

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The tax and tip prohibition would shave approximately 10% off the revenue that banks and credit unions receive from retailers via interchange fees — a transfer of wealth likely to number in the hundreds of millions. It would also create massive noncompliance fines.

And then there’s the issue of precedent. The banks challenged the law but lost in court. Absent a successful appeal, the remaining battlefields would be other state legislatures.

If the card companies implement Illinois’ law, they’d be providing a blueprint for states across the nation to emulate — driving potential revenue loss into the billions.

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Thus far, Ben Jackson of the Illinois Bankers Association said, it hasn’t opened the floodgates, although some 30 states are considering similar action.

Still, it’s no wonder then, that the Electronic Payments Coalition has pulled out all the stops in its seven-figure ad campaign to repeal the law.

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How we got here

To fully understand the ongoing slugfest between banks and retailers, you have to go back to May 2024.

But first, an explanation of interchange fees. Each time a shopper swipes their credit or debit card, it sets off a complicated string of payments between banks. The retailer’s bank pays an “interchange fee,” typically around 1% to 2% of the transaction cost, to the consumer’s bank. The fees include both a set amount and a percentage of the transaction, but the credit card companies, namely Visa and Mastercard, control how they’re calculated.

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The financial institutions say interchange fees help fund credit card reward programs and security upgrades and provide compensation for bearing the risk of fraud. The hit to interchange revenue, Jackson said, would inevitably lessen reward program offerings. Sharp said credit unions, as not-for-profit cooperatives, use the revenue to offer lower rates to customers.

But the fees have long drawn the ire of retailers and small businesses, which sometimes pass the costs directly to consumers via a surcharge on bills.

It comes down to this: The retailers don’t think they should have to pay a fee on the tax and tip portion of a transaction that they don’t keep. And the financial institutions say if they’re handling those funds, they should be compensated for doing so via interchange fees.

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As for the Illinois law’s passage, it was, as the ads claim, tucked into the budget two years ago, giving little time for the bankers et al to mount an opposition campaign.

Gov. JB Pritzker and lawmakers agreed to raise about $101 million in revenue to plug a budget hole by putting a $1,000 monthly cap on the “retailer’s exemption,” a tax break retailers claim for being the state’s de facto sales tax collectors.

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But the retailers weren’t going to take that lying down, and IRMA successfully lobbied for the long-sought tax and tip exemption.

After the law passed, the financial institutions quickly sued.

To avoid uncertainty as the case played out, lawmakers delayed the measure’s effective date from July 1 last year to the same date this year.

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U.S. District Judge Virginia Kendall ultimately determined in February that Illinois is within its right to regulate the fees. She partially rejected a portion of the law that prohibited banks from sharing certain data, which the credit unions say creates different rules for different institutions and further uncertainty.

The case is now pending appeal, and the legislative process is starting anew.

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This time, the financial institutions have mounted a dual front in the court of public opinion.

The cost of compliance

Karr estimated the prohibition would bring in “north of $200 million” for retailers — essentially letting them pocket that sum instead of transferring it to the banks. A study by the Electronic Payments Coalition pegged the number at $118 million, estimating that about 40% of the interchange windfall would go to the 40 largest retailers.

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Even so, Karr said, the largest retailers are subject to the $1,000 monthly retailer exemption cap that accompanied the swipe fee ban, while smaller retailers don’t reach that mark. Add in their cut on reimbursed swipe fees, and it amounts to what Karr calls “the largest small business relief that Illinois has ever passed.”

But Jackson argued the cost of retailers complying could eat up any benefits for smaller retailers.

As for compliance, Kendall wrote in her February opinion that “It is an open question whether the transaction process could adapt to the impact of the IFPA in time.”

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“The Interchange Fee Provision is indisputably disruptive, requiring additional investments, hires, and new procedures to replace the current process for authorizing and settling debit and credit card transactions,” she wrote.

The financial institutions argue it can’t all be done by July 1. Kendall said the parties involved know what’s required of them.

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“But those procedural changes are the product of an ecosystem built by Payment Card Networks and financial institutions to facilitate consumer transactions,” she wrote. “And these entities understand the onus of IFPA compliance is on them.”

Per the coalition, compliance “would require coordination across the industry and regulators worldwide,” including with the International Organization for Standardization. It would also require more data collection, creating privacy concerns, they say.

Those global changes would require testing and certification of new equipment. Depending on their card companies or point-of-sale vendors, retailers may need to invest in new equipment, software and training.

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Banks and credit unions may also have to add staff to process rebates under the law. It allows retailers or their processing companies to petition their financial institutions for reimbursement on fees charged on tax and tips within 180 days of a transaction.

If financial institutions don’t comply within 30 days, the law provides for civil penalties of $1,000 per each transaction — and hundreds of millions of these transactions happen annually.

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So will that chaos come to fruition?

Instead of complying, according to the coalition’s literature, the card companies could just stop processing cards altogether in Illinois. They could also stop processing tax and tip portions or require two separate swipes for the subtotal and the tax and tip portion of bills.

Such claims aren’t uncommon in the legislature’s annual adjournment push.

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Sports betting companies, for example, threatened to leave Illinois when the state raised its gambling taxes in the same budget cycle that yielded the interchange fee prohibition two years ago. Instead, they adapted, because Illinois has a lot of bettors — and there’s even more card users.

Karr accused the coalition of ulterior motives in their use of hypothetical language.

“There is no need for chaos,” he said. “The only chaos is if the credit card companies impose it themselves on their consumers.”

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Ultimately, lawmakers will have to weigh how compelling the arguments are, if the courts don’t intervene first.

It’s possible that the 7th Circuit appellate court — or even the U.S. Supreme Court — gives the banks a win. But oral arguments are slated for May 13, meaning the appellate court might not rule by the time the law is slated to take effect.

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Adding a new wrinkle on Wednesday, the federal office of the Comptroller of the Currency, a subset of the U.S. Treasury Department, appeared poised to issue an order preempting Illinois’ law. It hadn’t been published as of late Wednesday, making its impact unclear.

“While the office has failed to explain their reasoning or allow public review, it’s clear the goal is an end-run around the legal process after a judge recently upheld the law,” Karr said.

As for the legislative prospects, state Rep. Margaret Croke, D-Chicago, says she’s seen enough to be concerned. The Democratic nominee for comptroller is sponsoring a bill to fully repeal Illinois’ interchange fee prohibition.

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But as of last week, she said she wasn’t planning to move it. Instead, she finds it more likely that lawmakers once again delay the law’s implementation.

“If this is a policy that the state of Illinois decides they’re going to want to have, then we need to make sure we’re doing it properly,” she said.

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This story was originally published by Capitol News Illinois and distributed through a partnership with The Associated Press.

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Likely tornado wallops small village in Illinois, ripping down power lines and stripping roofs

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Likely tornado wallops small village in Illinois, ripping down power lines and stripping roofs


LENA, Ill. (AP) — A likely tornado tore through a small village in northwest Illinois on Friday, ripping down power lines and trees, stripping roofs and forcing officials to shut down the community.

The storm caused “extensive damage” throughout Lena, with trees and other debris blocking roadways and “compromised structures” causing hazardous conditions, according to the Stephenson County Sheriff’s Office.

“We are extremely fortunate that this storm did not result in loss of life or serious injury,” Sheriff Steve Stovall said in a statement.

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The sheriff’s office announced Friday evening on social media that there would be no traffic in or out of the village until further notice. It later said entry was “strictly restricted.”

The National Weather Service said the damage was likely caused by a tornado and it would survey the area over the weekend.

Leo Zach, 14, had just gotten to the village’s high school’s band room for a music competition when the building started shaking and the power went out. He said the room was packed with students and some were very scared and had panic attacks.

“I’m definitely on the luckier side of how that could’ve happened,” he said. “I was just trying to stay calm, help other people.”

When they got outside, they found some of the windows blown out in the gym and part of the school’s roof ripped off.

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Photos and video posted online showed a garage totaled, bricks torn off of buildings and fences demolished.

Lena is a village of nearly 3,000 people, located about 117 miles (188 kilometers) northwest of Chicago.

A post on Lena’s Facebook page called the scene “devastating.”

“There will be challenges ahead, but we will rebuild, recover, and come through this stronger together,” the post said.

Rachel Nemon had been going to pick up her stepson from the village’s middle school when she had to pull into a car wash to take cover from the storm. She watched a large tree get ripped from the ground and sparks fly feet in front of her.

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“This is something that you see online, not in real life, especially in a small town in Illinois,” she said.

Gov. JB Pritzker said in a post on the social platform X that he’s been briefed on the damage and that the Illinois Emergency Management Agency is on the ground.

Copyright 2026 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed without permission.



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