Illinois
‘This is the way things are done in Illinois’: Defense attorneys begin cross-examining star witness | Capitol News Illinois
CHICAGO – The former chief lobbyist for electric utility Commonwealth Edison has spent the last week telling a federal jury how he bent over backward to accommodate hiring requests from former Illinois House Speaker Michael Madigan.
Led by the prosecutor questioning him, ComEd exec-turned-cooperating witness Fidel Marquez repeatedly said he and other utility leaders agreed to hire or contract with the powerful speaker’s allies in order for Madigan “to be more positively disposed toward ComEd’s legislative agenda.”
Read more: ‘They were being paid as a favor to Mike Madigan’: Feds’ star witness takes stand
But on Tuesday, an attorney for Madigan co-defendant Mike McClain, ComEd’s longest-serving contract lobbyist, began his cross-examination of Marquez by drilling down on his previous testimony – and his guilty plea in 2020 for bribery conspiracy.
“Are you not saying and are you not testifying at this trial that in your mind, the purpose of this conspiracy was to trade jobs at ComEd for Mike Madigan taking action?” Cotter asked, referring to action Madigan is alleged to have taken on legislation ComEd pushed in Springfield.
“I said it was to consider ComEd’s agenda favorably,” Marquez said.
“Right,” Cotter replied. “Not to trade jobs for action”
“Looking at it favorably, to my mind, is an action,” Marquez said.
Cotter’s line of questioning points to a U.S. Supreme Court decision this summer that narrowed federal bribery law to exclude “gratuities” – rewards given after an official action – and stipulated that bribery requires an agreement of an exchange prior to the action.
Prosecutors, however, say their case isn’t affected by the ruling, as they’re pursuing a “stream of benefits” legal theory, wherein a pattern of corrupt exchanges over a long period of time is proof enough of a quid pro quo, even if there’s no smoking gun evidence of a handshake deal. The feds say that “stream of benefits” is more than covered by the 7 ½ years at issue in the case, which included dozens of job recommendations from Madigan and several large pieces of legislation ComEd pushed for, and in one case killed.
Read more: SCOTUS ruling could upend federal corruption cases for Madigan, allies | 4 decades after rising to power and nearly 4 years since his fall, former Speaker Madigan goes to trial
But Cotter on Tuesday was barred from asking Marquez whether he believed he’d done anything illegal – something he’d been allowed to ask Marquez during cross-examination in last year’s “ComEd Four” trial. That trial ended with unanimous convictions for McClain and three other former ComEd lobbyists and executives charged with bribing Madigan.
In his cross-examination of Marquez last March, Cotter noted that for more than a year after FBI agents approached him in January 2019, even after he agreed to become a cooperating witness, Marquez still insisted he hadn’t done anything criminal. His eventual guilty plea to a single conspiracy bribery charge in September 2020 was a purely opportunistic move to avoid prison time, Cotter alleged.
Read more: ‘You had a choice to make’: Defense paints cooperating witness in ComEd trial as opportunistic
With the jury out of the courtroom, parties argued the contours of what Cotter could elicit during cross-examination, and Assistant U.S. Attorney Amarjeet Bhachu quoted from a report FBI agents prepared after an early interview with Marquez shortly after he agreed to become a government mole.
“The CHS (cooperating human source) does not believe this is right, but this is the way things are done in Illinois,” Bhachu read from the report.
But U.S. District Judge John Blakey blocked Cotter from referencing a claim made by Marquez during a January 2019 meeting with FBI agents that he hadn’t done anything illegal.
Before Cotter began questioning Marquez on Tuesday, Bhachu finished out four days of direct examination with several more examples of McClain pushing job recommendations from Madigan to Marquez.
In an August 2018 wiretapped phone call between McClain and Madigan, the speaker floated getting Jeffrey Rush, the son of then-U.S. Rep. Bobby Rush, a consulting contract with the Illinois Department of Corrections in the assumed future administration of Gov. JB Pritzker, who hadn’t yet won the governor’s mansion. Rush, Madigan acknowledged, “got himself jammed up” having a sexual relationship with a woman in a halfway house run by IDOC while he worked for the agency.
“This is a guy that I’m gonna wanna help somewhere along the road,” Madigan said.
It wasn’t until six months later that McClain and Rush had a conversation about how McClain could help him find a job, and then another two months until McClain asked Marquez if ComEd could help. Marquez happened to be secretly videotaping the ask over lunch at the now-defunct Sangamo Club in Springfield, a hangout for many lawmakers and lobbyists. But Marquez declined, saying it would be “hard for me to place him in good conscience within the company” after McClain had outlined Rush’s indiscretion.
Madigan also tried to place Vanessa Berrios, the daughter of former Cook County Assessor and county Democratic Party chair Joe Berrios and sister of former Democratic state Rep. Toni Berrios, in a job at ComEd in late 2018.
“My thought was that there might be a place for her at ComEd,” Madigan said in a December 2018 wiretapped call with McClain.
The jury already saw emails last week showing ComEd’s parent company Exelon was ready to terminate Toni Berrios from its contract lobbying team at the end of 2016 but renewed her contract for 2017 after a McClain relayed a request from Madigan.
Emails shown to the jury indicate McClain’s continued involvement with getting Vanessa Berrios a job, including one telling Marquez that Madigan asked about her weekly. But Marquez testified that she ultimately declined an interview.
In his 15 hours on the witness stand with Bhachu questioning him, Marquez testified about dozens of instances in which McClain passed along job recommendations from Madigan, from political allies to residents in his 13th Ward power base on Chicago’s Southwest Side.
Read more: Jury sees relentless ComEd job placement requests from Madigan co-defendant | ComEd lobbyist warned FBI mole to ‘keep Madigan happy’ and not mess with no-work contracts
But McClain had made himself indispensable both as Madigan’s self-described “agent,” and as ComEd’s chief lobbyist, so much so that even after his official retirement from lobbying in late 2016, Marquez found himself calling McClain enough for advice that he convinced his boss to create a consulting contract for him.
Before McClain officially became a ComEd consultant, he wrote an email to Marquez in early April 2017 asking if he wouldn’t mind if McClain continued his previous work of acting as the go-between for intern recommendations from the 13th Ward for ComEd’s summer internship program.
“I am not asking for any money,” McClain wrote. “It just seems to be that maybe by next summer we may have someone employed that will have the trust of the 13th ward and you (ComEd). You and I have a system and so why have someone take it over when we will have to train from square one just to have someone else work with you next spring?”
The jury has previously heard that McClain was hoping longtime Madigan staffer Will Cousineau would take his place as ComEd’s lead contract lobbyist when Cousineau left the speaker’s office in the summer of 2017. Cousineau testified earlier in trial that after interviewing and a back-and-forth on salary, he ultimately took a full-time job at a lobbying firm, though he’d pick up ComEd as a client in 2018 and 2019.
By early 2019, however, there was still no one to replace McClain, and it was getting to be a burden on both McClain and the speaker. In a lengthy call Bhachu played toward the end of his direct examination, McClain and Marquez discussed the issue with former ComEd CEO Anne Pramaggiore, who’d been promoted to CEO of Exelon Utilities the year before.
“We’re in a conundrum,” McClain said, explaining that Madigan had called him and expressed mild frustration that he didn’t know who to turn to about issues related to ComEd or Exelon since McClain was no longer around as much in retirement.
At the time, ComEd was advocating for an extension of a “sunset” the speaker’s team had insisted on including in an earlier law that gave electric utilities more predictable outcomes when asking state regulators to approve increases to electricity rates. Other energy and environmental interests were launching their own legislative efforts in hopes they could be tacked onto ComEd’s bill.
“The point person has to have his (Madigan’s) trust and also have the company’s trust … And that person’s gotta be very discreet,” McClain said, referring to a “code” the point person would implicitly understand. “So like, when all of a sudden I come to you and say, ‘Would you take a look at this resume?’ I mean, that’s like, ‘Will you drop and do and try to get this done as fast as possible?’”
McClain again floated Cousineau for the go-between role, and in a follow-up email said he’d sit down with Cousineau to talk about it, saying he “has our Friend’s confidence,” using a euphemism he often employed for Madigan.
“It is not an easy position,” he wrote. “Our friend is very, very cautious about letting people know and do what he needs done.”
Cotter spent his hours cross-examining Marquez Tuesday establishing McClain’s value to ComEd. Marquez acknowledged that McClain had done a lot of work to repair the relationship between ComEd and the speaker, which had been damaged around 2007 but had never been strong, as Madigan had long been a skeptic of utilities.
He also acknowledged that ComEd received job recommendations from many sources, including then-Senate President John Cullerton and then-House GOP Leader Jim Durkin, in addition to other elected officials, ComEd contractors and employees. And as the lobbyist, and later consultant, McClain was assigned to maintaining the relationship between the utility and Madigan.
“So when Mike McClain communicated to you job recommendations from Mr. Madigan, that was part of his job?” Cotter asked.
“Yes,” Marquez replied.
Cotter also went through various lobbying efforts to show how McClain built coalitions in order to pass bills – and didn’t just place a call to the speaker. For example, when ComEd was trying to kill a 2018 effort by then-Attorney General Lisa Madigan, McClain got the speaker’s permission to kill his daughter’s bill, but McClain and other executives still had to put in massive work to get it done.
Cotter played a call between McClain, Marquez and Pramaggiore discussing the strategy to defeat the bill, which included calling on all stakeholders from faith leaders to ComEd’s large customers and vendors to organized labor, the constituency Madigan valued most.
“At no point does Mr. McClain ever say, ‘Well why don’t I go talk to the speaker and see if I he can assist us in killing this bill?’” Cotter asked Marquez.
“He does not,” Marquez agreed.
Cotter is expected to finish his cross-examination Wednesday and pass the baton to Madigan’s attorneys.
Capitol News Illinois is a nonprofit, nonpartisan news service that distributes state government coverage to hundreds of news outlets statewide. It is funded primarily by the Illinois Press Foundation and the Robert R. McCormick Foundation.
Illinois
Illinois waives tax penalties for 11 counties hit by storms, including Stephenson and Winnebago
(WIFR/WREX) – Illinois leaders announce disaster tax relief for individuals and businesses in 11 counties affected by severe thunderstorms earlier this year.
The relief waives penalties and interest for taxpayers who cannot file returns or make payments on time because of the severe weather. It covers income, withholding, sales, specialty and excise taxes.
The tax relief applies to any area included in Gov. JB Pritzker’s state disaster proclamation.
Locally, this includes Stephenson and Winnebago Counties. Other counties across the state included in the proclamation are:
- Coles
- Cook
- Effingham
- Jefferson
- Kankakee
- LaSalle
- McLean
- Warren
- Woodford
The proclamation covers severe weather in these counties between March 10 and June 21.
“In the wake of these devastating storms, my administration is ensuring that impacted residents and businesses have the support they need to recover,” Pritzker said. “By offering temporary tax relief to individuals and businesses in 11 counties, we’re giving impacted communities the time and breathing room necessary to focus on recovery.”
Individuals and businesses located in those counties qualify for state tax relief. Any counties added later will also be eligible, according to the governor’s office.
Taxpayers seeking a waiver of penalties and interest should send a brief written explanation to the Illinois Department of Revenue regarding why they cannot file timely or pay. They should provide their full name, account number, mailing address and an estimate of when they believe they can file or pay their taxes. If using a Social Security number, include only the last four digits.
Requests may be submitted electronically to REV.DisasterRelief@illinois.gov or by postal mail using the address on the return. When submitting by mail, taxpayers should write “Severe Storms – Summer 2026” at the top of the return in red ink and attach or include the explanation for requesting abatement of penalties and interest.
Taxpayers who have already been billed for penalties should email REV.DisasterRelief@Illinois.gov and provide their name, business name, account numbers and the periods for which they filed late due to the storms to request penalty abatement. Taxpayers should also include “Severe Storms – Summer 2026” in any communications with the department when requesting relief.
Property owners who experienced damage should contact their county supervisor of assessments if they wish to apply for reassessment due to any property damage. The Motor Fuel Use Tax is not included in this disaster tax relief.
Copyright 2026 WIFR. All rights reserved.
Illinois
As Illinois enters 10th year under Evidence-Based Funding model, equity remains an elusive goal
Article Summary
- After nine years of funding schools under the Evidence-Based Funding model, wealth-based disparities in per-pupil spending have largely evened out, but residents of low-wealth districts still pay significantly higher property tax rates.
- Since the adoption of EBF, annual state funding of public schools has increased by more than $3 billion. But 63% of districts are still funded at less than 90% of their adequacy target.
- School district officials in both rich and poor districts credit the EBF system focusing resources where they are needed most and providing more certainty in funding.
This summary was written by the reporters and editors who worked on this story.
SPRINGFIELD — Illinois has made progress in recent years boosting funding for schools that serve some of the state’s poorest communities and leveling out some, but not all, of the wealth-based disparities in per-pupil instructional spending.
But as Illinois enters the 10th year of financing schools under the Evidence-Based Funding model — a formula adopted in 2017 that was supposed to improve both the adequacy and equity of the state’s school finance system — wide disparities still exist in the property tax system that funds more than half the cost of K-12 education.
An analysis of school finance data by Capitol News Illinois covering the nine-year period from 2017 to 2025 shows homeowners in the lowest-wealth districts pay tax rates that are double those in the wealthiest districts.
The findings are largely consistent with those of other researchers who follow school finance issues nationally.
“Given the design of EBF and the evidence basis on which it was built, this is about what I would expect. I mean, it’s actually a little better than I would have expected,” Bruce Baker, a school finance researcher at the University of Miami, said in an interview. “To a significant extent, it leveled out the resources, but it, by no stretch of the imagination, brought the state to equal educational opportunity.”
Evidence-Based Funding
The Evidence-Based Funding formula came about after years of negotiations among legislators and stakeholders who were searching for a way to reform what many considered to be the most inequitable school funding system in the country.
“I have always talked about Pennsylvania and Illinois as being kind of the equity trainwreck states,” Baker said. “Connecticut has taken Illinois’ place in that role.”
At that time, according to State Report Card data, Illinois was spending about $7 billion a year funding public schools, less than one-fourth of the total $28.4 billion being spent by the state’s public schools. Federal funding provided another $2.1 billion, or 7.5% of the total.
But more than two-thirds of the total, $19.3 billion, came from local revenues, primarily property taxes.
Meanwhile, there were vast disparities across the state’s school systems, both in terms of the taxes they levied on property within their boundaries and the money they spent educating their students.
The aim of the new formula was to improve both the adequacy and equity of school funding in Illinois. That involved establishing an “adequacy target” for each district, using research-based evidence to estimate the cost of educating each student in a district.
The formula was predicated on the idea that some students are more expensive to educate than others. That meant the adequacy target had to account for such things as the poverty rate within a district, the percentage of its students from non-English speaking backgrounds, the number of students receiving special education services and regional cost of living differences, among other factors.
“A district that’s 60% to 70% kids from low-income households, 20 to 30% non-English speaking kids, that school or district might need 40%, 50% or even 100% more in spending per pupil than a district that has no kids from low-income families and no kids who are English learners,” Baker said. “The per-pupil spending really needs to be differentiated based on the costs to achieve common outcomes.”
The law then called for increasing state funding each year by at least $300 million and earmarking the bulk of that money for the districts furthest below their adequacy target, with the goal of eventually getting all districts up to at least 90% of adequacy.
It also called for funding $50 million each year in property tax relief grants to reduce levies in certain high-tax districts. Districts are awarded grants based on a formula spelled out in statute. Districts are expected to use the grant funds to abate taxes they would otherwise levy.
At Gov. JB Pritzker’s urging, lawmakers did not fund the grants in the fiscal year that just ended June 30 but instead passed a bill calling for the Illinois State Board of Education’s Professional Review Panel to file a report assessing the impact of the program.
That report was released in March. It found that from 2015 through 2023, total property taxes collections grew in almost every district in the state, although the growth was slightly lower in districts that had received the grants than those that did not.
Lawmakers renewed the grant program for the fiscal year that began July 1 but extended the period in which districts must use the funds to abate taxes to three years.
In the years since the EBF formula was adopted, overall annual state funding for schools has increased more than $3 billion, to an estimated $10.8 billion in the fiscal year that just began.
Out of 850 elementary, high school and unit school districts in the state, according to ISBE’s EBF distribution data, the number of districts that are funded at or above 90% of their adequacy target has grown from 194 in fiscal year 2018 to 313 in 2026.
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But after nine years under the EBF model, that still leaves 537 districts, 63% of the total, funded at less than 90% of adequacy. ISBE reported during this year’s budgeting process that it would take an additional $3 billion to get all districts up to at least 90% of adequacy.
“We need more, and I have tried very hard, as you know, in very tight budget circumstances,” Pritzker said during a recent news conference. “We nevertheless increased funding for K-12 schools.”
But an analysis of school finance data covering the first eight years of the EBF formula shows the state has made only modest progress to improve the equity of its school finance system, either in terms of the taxes people pay to fund their local schools and the amount of resources those districts devote to classroom instruction.
Tax inequity
One of the hopes of the new funding system was that as state funding for schools increased, local districts would become less reliant on local property taxes.
At the time EBF went into effect, there were vast disparities among districts in terms of their relative wealth and the tax rates they levied.
According to data from the Illinois Local Education Retrieval Network, or ILEARN, in fiscal year 2017, the year before EBF took effect, district wealth ranged from a low of $20,449.57 in taxable property valuation per pupil to a high of $2.47 million.
Property tax rates among the districts also varied widely, from a low of $1.14 per $100 of equalized assessed valuation, or EAV, to a high of $21.82.
According to the data, people in the poorest 10% of districts in the state paid an average tax rate of $5.39 per $100 of EAV. That was more than double the average tax rate in the wealthiest 10% of districts, which was $2.50 per $100 of EAV.
Using a statistical tool known as regression analysis, the data showed that for every $10,000 increase in a district’s per-pupil property wealth, there was a corresponding $0.028 decrease in its property tax rate. And while other factors also influenced a district’s tax rate, property wealth explained 21% of the variation.
By 2025, the eighth year of the EBF formula, data from school districts’ annual financial reports showed those disparities had eased only slightly.
There was still wide variation in tax rates among school districts, from a low of $19,580 to a high of $3.3 million.
From 2017 through 2025, the average tax rate among the poorest 10% of districts fell considerably, to $4.81 per $100 of EAV. But that was still more than twice as high as the average tax rate among the wealthiest 10%, which was $2.40 per $100.
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Differences in per-pupil property wealth still explained about 21% of the variation in tax rates but the relationship was not as severe. In 2025, for every $10,000 increase in property wealth, there was a corresponding $0.018 decrease in tax rates.
Spending inequity
One area where Illinois appears to have made more progress is in directing new resources to districts serving large numbers of high-needs students.
The EBF formula is predicated on the idea that some students are more expensive to educate than others. The additional cost of educating those students — including low-income students, English language learners and students receiving special education services, among others — is used as a factor in calculating each district’s adequacy target and, eventually, how much new money they receive each year.
To measure how effectively Illinois was directing resources to high-need districts, CNI compared each district’s instructional expenses per-pupil with its percentage of low-income students, as reported in the ISBE’s annual Report Card data.
ISBE defines instructional expenditures as “the direct costs of teaching pupils or the interaction between teachers and pupils.” Low-income students are defined as those “who receive or live in households that receive Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program or Temporary Assistance for Needy Families benefits; are classified as homeless, migrant, runaway, Head Start, or foster children; or live in a household where the household income meets the U.S. Department of Agriculture income guidelines to receive free or reduced-price meals.”
In 2017, the year before EBF took effect, there were wide wealth-based gaps in instructional spending across all school districts in Illinois.
At that time, instructional spending averaged about $7,320 per pupil statewide. The average among elementary districts was below that level, at $6,822, while high school districts the average was $9,224.
Within elementary districts, however, the wealthiest 10% — those with the lowest percentage of low-income students — instructional spending per-pupil was 39% higher than it was among the poorest 10%.
Among high school districts, the wealthiest districts spent 29% more on average than the poorest districts.
Among unit districts, however, there was little difference in spending levels between wealthy and poor districts.
By 2025, the eighth year of the EBF program, the spending picture had changed considerably.
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First, the infusion of $3 billion in additional annual state funding boosted instructional spending across the board. That year, the statewide average was $10,601 per pupil, a 45% increase over 2017 levels.
In addition, many of the wealth-based disparities had been erased.
Among unit districts, the poorest 10% of districts actually spent about 29% more per-pupil on instruction than the wealthiest. Among elementary districts, spending levels were about even between rich and poor districts.
Among high school districts, however, wealth-based disparities persisted. There, the richest 10% of districts continued to spend about 29% more per-pupil on instruction than the poorest districts.
Chris Johnson, deputy superintendent at New Trier Township High School District in northern Cook County, one of the wealthiest districts in the state, acknowledged in an interview that his district is fortunate to have more than adequate resources. But he said that is not the fault of the EBF system.
“We were 91% funded by local property taxes, and so we have a long history of our community generously committing to support our schools,” he said.
In 2025, New Trier ranked third in the state among high school districts for per-pupil instructional spending, at just over $21,000. Its property tax base was also among the highest, at nearly $1.9 million per pupil, and it had one of the lowest property tax rates, at $1.92 per $100 of equalized assessed valuation.
As a result, New Trier receives very little state funding through EBF, which is designed to prioritize the neediest districts. But Johnson, who wrote his doctoral dissertation on the implementation of EBF, said he supports the system and believes it is performing as it was intended.
“It’s brought more money to Illinois school districts, and it’s done it in an equitable way that focuses on the districts that need the most support,” he said.
“What I found in my dissertation was that the function codes — the ways the district spent the money in their budgets — were aligned with the rationale for passing law,” Johnson said. “So, the categories in school district budgets related to instruction grew at a faster rate than expenditures related to some of the administrative and other expenses.”
One district official in a smaller rural school district said the EBF model was probably more useful in helping larger districts quantify their needs. “But like for ours,” he said, “it tells us that we need a 0.2 school psychologist and a 0.1 social worker. I can’t do a point one person.”
Overall, that official said the biggest benefit the EBF system has provided his district is greater certainty that state funding will arrive on time.
“I like the guaranteed money, you know. Making sure they’re gonna send us some money,” he said.
Some lawmakers, however, have expressed growing frustration with the slow progress being made in bringing all districts up to adequate funding levels.
Sen. Graciela Guzmán, D-Chicago, introduced legislation this year calling on the state to fund all districts at 100% of their adequacy target. Although the bill never advanced out of committee, it did receive serious discussion during one committee hearing in May.
“If the state says that a service is required, the state should fund it,” Guzmán said during that hearing. “And then if the state has defined what adequate education looks like, the state should also fund that. So, if we’re serious about equity, property tax relief and supporting public schools across Illinois, then we have to stop treating underfunding as if it is normal.”
How we reported this story
This story is based on analysis of publicly available data from several datasets maintained by the Illinois State Board of Education.
Information about school district property valuations and tax levies for fiscal year 2017 was obtained from the Illinois Local Education Agency Retrieval Network, or ILEARN. According to ISBE, there is a two-year lag in reporting that data. Therefore, the FY 2017 data was obtained from the FY 2019 report.
Property valuation and tax levy data for fiscal year 2025 was obtained from individual districts’ annual financial reports filed with ISBE. At the time this analysis was performed, data was available from 746 of the state’s 850 elementary, high school and unit districts.
Information about school districts’ instructional spending and low-income population was taken from annual report card data, available from ISBE’s Report Card Data Library.
Capitol News Illinois is a nonprofit, nonpartisan news service that distributes state government coverage to hundreds of news outlets statewide. It is funded primarily by the Illinois Press Foundation and the Robert R. McCormick Foundation.
Illinois
Cash App parent company agrees to $45 million settlement with Illinois, 44 other states
Illinois will get $1.1 million of a $45 million, 45-state settlement with money transfer app Cash App’s parent company, which was accused of misleading customers about the app’s security.
Block Inc. will face $55 million in civil penalties and also have to pay customers nationwide somewhere from $75 million to $120 million as part of the settlement, which includes the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau.
In a statement, Illinois Attorney General Kwame Raoul said the settlement holds the company accountable and requires it to “change its harmful practices.”
“Block told Cash App users their money was safe and falsely implied that the app worked like a bank, with the same protections,” Raoul said. “Block was aware that fraud on its platform was rising sharply and failed to warn users, strengthen protections or provide real help to users when things went wrong.”
A company spokesperson confirmed the settlement and said the company has made “significant investments in consumer protection, customer service, and compliance.”
“We share the commitment of the attorneys general to addressing industry challenges and continue to invest in operations and technology to promote a safe and healthy financial ecosystem,” the spokesperson said in a statement provided to the Sun-Times Wednesday night.
The lawsuit accused the company of not preventing fraud, and even of having systems that made it easier to commit that fraud. Minimal identity verification allowed someone to create fake or multiple accounts, and the company had no phone support line. Instead, customers who had been defrauded often were provided by those fraudsters with fake online customer support phone numbers, the suit alleged.
As part of the agreement, the company must offer at least 13.5 hours of human-staffed phone lines per day as part of 24-hour support, as well as reimburse customers for fraudulent transactions, stop marketing the app as safe and educate users about the dangers of fraud.
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