Illinois
Sean Casten: Illinois 6th Congressional District Candidate
IL-06 —Incumbent Sean Casten is running in the 6th Congressional District Democratic Primary on March 19. Casten is facing two challengers for his party’s nomination, including Charles Hughes, an operation technician from Chicago, and public health advocate Mahnoor Ahmad, of Oakbrook Terrace.
The remapped IL-06 includes all or sections of the suburban Cook Count communities of Alsip, Chicago Ridge, Palos Heights, Worth, Crestwood, Oak Forest, Oak Lawn, Tinley Park, Orland Park, Orland Hills, Palos Hills, Palos Heights, Hickory Hills, Justice, and extending into the Chicago neighborhoods of Clearing, Beverly and Mount Greenwood; and in DuPage, Downers Grove, Oak Brook, Oak Brook Terrace, Lisle, Wheaton, Glen Ellyn, Lombard, Elmhurst, Darien, Hinsdale and Willow Springs.
You can find Casten’s answers to the Patch candidate questionnaire below:
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Town/City of Residence: Downers Grove
Party Affiliation: Democrat
Find out what’s happening in Downers Grovewith free, real-time updates from Patch.
Position Sought:
U.S. House of Representatives, Illinois 6th Congressional District
Family: Wife Kara, daughter Audrey
Education: BA from Middlebury College, MS and MSEM from Dartmouth College
Previous or current elected or appointed office:
US Representative for Illinois 6th Congressional District
Campaign website:
CastenForCongress.com
The single most pressing issue facing our (board, district, etc.) is _______, and this is what I intend to do about it.
Across the country and in our district we have seen the devastating effects of letting corporations dictate our domestic and international policy. When we put profit over people we engage in never ending wars, and we destroy the planet. The answer must be to remove the influence of these corporations, and re-invest in ourselves and in our communities. We must remove people from power who spin the wheels and call it progress. We must remove those politicians who are beholden to these corporations and not to their neighbors. We must invest in infrastructure like our roads, libraries, schools, and repairs to our electrical grid. Furthermore, we need to increase funding to support young families such as affordable child care subsidies, paid parental leave, student loan forgiveness, elder care subsidies, and expanded access to healthcare.
The most frequent concerns I hear from my constituents are about the state of infrastructure in IL-06 and the challenges of finding workers for open vacancies. I’m proud to represent a district with a vibrant, diverse, and nationally-critical economy. From the financial sector jobs that employ so many in DuPage County to the high-tech jobs created by Argonne National Lab to manufacturing jobs in South Cook and the infrastructure and logistics hub that is the Belt Railway, and so many more – this is an economic hub.
Given the highways and rail lines that crisscross the region, it is also a place where the historic underinvestment in our infrastructure is most keenly felt. I’m proud of the work we did to pass the Infrastructure and CHIPS & Science bills in the last Congress which are investing in those physical resources and on-shoring more American manufacturing, and I’m proud of the more than $40 million we’ve brought to IL-06 as a result. At the same time, I’m concerned that on a national basis, Illinois is not obviously getting our per capita fair share of those dollars.
I’ve been in touch with White House staff who share this concern and am sympathetic to the pressures they are under both to deploy those dollars quickly and to prioritize investments in communities that have high-water labor and environmental standards. Too often, it is easier to move federal dollars into a community that has cheap labor and weak zoning rules and I fear that this may be hurting Illinois’ access to funds going to other states. With respect to labor shortages, Illinois has a more positive story to tell.
The record growth in job creation and record low unemployment rates are making it hard for all industries to attract talent – and giving workers unprecedented power to negotiate higher wages. Nationally, virtually all of the growth in the US workforce since the COVID downturn has been from the foreign-born population. As states like Texas have sent migrants to Illinois chasing short-term political gain, I’ve been impressed and humbled by the willingness of our communities to treat those migrants with dignity and have worked with the White House to make sure that they also secure temporary work visas. We have more work to do, but we are making progress and I’m confident that in the long term, this wave of immigrants – like every wave that has come before – will be the engine of long-term growth.
What are the critical differences between you and the other candidates seeking this post?
Back in 2018 I had no prior elected experience. Like my opponents today, I was running not on a record but on a promise of what I would do if elected. Over the course of almost 6 years since then, I’ve played a key role in the crafting of the Inflation Reduction Act through my service on the Select Committee on the Climate Crisis.
I have participated in two impeachments and one attack on the US Capitol. I’ve averaged one town hall a month to ensure open communications with all of my constituents. I’ve delivered over $5.8 million back to constituents through constituent services casework and helped to recover veterans benefits, social security funds, IRS refunds and more.
I’ve written multiple bills that became law, from the local (renaming a post office in Crystal Lake after a fallen Iraq war veteran) to the transformative (creating a $1B program to help deploy technologies that decarbonize energy-intensive sectors).
Throughout that all, I’ve been guided by the belief that there’s an awful lot more that unites us than divides us. The overwhelming majority of us trust science. The majority of us think markets are extremely powerful tools to harness ingenuity, but they require a functioning, ethical, and competent government to make sure everybody gets a fair chance. The majority of us think that democracy is worth defending. The majority of us think women should have full autonomy over their health care, and that all Americans should have access to affordable healthcare.
Most importantly, the overwhelming majority of us know that we are only as good as the world we leave to our children. I ask only to be judged on my record. Did I deliver on the promises I made in the last election? Did I rise up to the unexpected challenges of the day? Did I make myself available to constituents to explain those challenges, solicit your input and explain how decisions were made? I believe that I did, and hope I have done so in a manner sufficient to again earn your trust.
Describe the other issues that define your campaign platform:
My top priorities are combatting the climate crisis, protecting a woman’s right to choose, defending democracy, and lowering costs for families – like prescription drugs and child care. But, there are a plethora of issues I am working to address in Congress, like flooding, housing, health care, education, gun control, and many more. You can find full list of issues I’m focused on at Casten for Congress.
If you gain this position, what accomplishment would define your term in office as a success?
Ultimately, the only fair judgment of any politician is whether they left the office a little better than they found it. I ran on a promise in 2018 to do what my predecessor didn’t do. To hold town halls, to stand up to Donald Trump, to make decisions based on facts and science rather than political convenience. On those measures, I think I’ve succeeded in making this office better. But on the major points of the day, there is still much to be concerned about. We are still working to combat the climate crisis.
The GOP’s attack on women’s rights has put us in a more dire place than we were in 2018. The scourge of gun violence continues largely unabated. And while I’m proud of the work I’ve done to oppose those decisions and to make things better than they might otherwise have been, I’m not so naive as to suggest that we don’t have a lot more work to do.
As I said on the House floor last year, many of the things that would make our country stronger and safer are quite popular, but can’t find a legislative solution because of the structure of our government. To that end, I introduced a package of bills to reform the structure of the Senate, the Electoral College and the Supreme Court to improve the effectiveness of our Democracy. Those changes may seem too ambitious for a single member, and perhaps not possible in this moment.
But we should not lose sight of the fact that the government our founders created didn’t allow women, African Americans or Native Americans to vote. It didn’t allow for the direct election of Senators. It did not provide equal protection under the law. Our country’s progress has always depended on people who – in the words of Condoleezza Rice – “made the impossible inevitable”. My definition of personal success would be to do that for climate change and democracy reform.
Why are you running for office?
I’m running for office because I have more work to do and – quite frankly, I think I’m getting pretty good at it.
When I first ran in 2018 I had 20 years of private sector experience under my belt, including 16 as an entrepreneur. I had a theory of how government should work but had never held public office, nor did I have any experience working in a parliamentary body. My experience in meritocratic organizations didn’t fit comfortably in with a body that prizes seniority, nor had I ever held a job where I was immediately expected to make informed decisions on everything from government shutdowns to constitutional law to foreign policy. Six years later, I’ve had my share of legislative successes as described elsewhere in this questionnaire.
I’ve been one of just 12 members of the US government representing our country at the climate conference in Madrid in 2019 (and part of a much larger delegation at subsequent meetings in Glasgow and Sharm el-Sheik). I’ve formed and led caucuses to protect investors who want to invest in sustainably-oriented companies, served in leadership positions in environmental and energy caucuses, led the call for democracy reform – and yes, gained a fair amount of seniority. The work we have to do is not done. The ship of state that is the US government turns slowly, but I’ve been proud to play a role in helping steer it in the right direction, and have gotten a little better with each successive oar stroke. I’d like to keep rowing.
Explain your attitudes toward fiscal policy, government spending and how taxpayer dollars should be handled by your office?
Government debt as a percent of GDP is at an all-time high and we need to turn that around. However, government revenue as a percent of GDP is also near historic lows and we would be foolish to focus only on government spending to close that gap. Undoing the Trump tax cuts, that accrued primarily to the wealthiest Americans and corporations is both fair and fiscally responsible.
Fully funding the IRS so that they can prosecute tax cheats is also urgent. We made partial progress on fixing their historic shortfalls in the Inflation Reduction Act, but they still do not have the software or human resources necessary to go after the largest and most sophisticated tax cheats. But beyond that, we need to avoid the lazy narrative that “government should be run like a business” and never spend more than we take in – because no successful business operates that way.
Every business that ever borrowed money to build a new factory, just like every household that ever borrowed to buy a home spent beyond their revenue. But they built something that delivered future returns. When the US spends money on roads, bridges, early childhood education, courts to protect and enforce the rule of law, healthcare to ensure every American can live up to their full capacity, national labs and other R&D to build the technologies of the future… all of these are worthy investments, so long as the future return exceeds our cost of borrowing. Because while it is true that US debt is historically high, it’s also true that our economy is growing faster than all of our competitors and that countries around the world put trillions of dollars of their own currency in US Treasuries and US equities because they can earn a better return here then they can in their home countries. We should of course be fiscally responsible – but we should also acknowledge that there isn’t a country in the world that wouldn’t love to trade with our economic position. Let’s keep it that way.
What would you do to help constituents struggling with the ever-increasing cost of living?
During the COVID-19 economic downturn, the entire global economy saw a surge in inflation. The global nature of that inflation should have made it clear that it was not to be blamed on any one country’s fiscal or monetary policy, but actually reflected significant – and, largely transitory – supply/demand imbalances as consumption in certain sectors collapsed and decades of “just in time” manufacturing/inventory systems were unprepared for that level of volatility. Since then, the US has not only had stronger growth than all other OECD countries but also – somewhat uniquely – has been able to deliver wage growth that on average has outpaced inflation. By comparison, the “low inflation” era from 2000 – 2020 generally saw wage growth lag inflation, contributing to ever-increasing wealth inequality.
Today’s economic data is helping more Americans build more wealth, closing historic gaps even as inflation is still a bit higher than we’d like. To be sure, those economic averages don’t apply to every American. Also, the way we define inflation excludes the cost of housing which continues to rise much faster than the rest of the economy. The last 4 years have been great for the wealth of homeowners, but lousy for aspiring first-time buyers. Since 2020, we’ve provided direct funding to the neediest through economic impact, child tax credits and business “PPP” loans which required businesses to use the majority of those loans to cover payroll. Those payments have all substantially ended but made a big difference in keeping folks afloat. As we move forward we should make the child tax credit permanent.
While that was in place, child poverty in the US fell by nearly 40%. My Republican colleagues refused to extend it when it expired and I hope in the next term we are able to make it permanent. We also need to continue to strengthen workers’ rights to ensure that economic gains are shared by company owners and employees. I was proud to sponsor the Protecting the Right to Organize (PRO) Act and pass it on the floor in the last Congress, but was frustrated that we could not get through the Senate. It will be critical to pass that soon in order to ensure that wage growth continues apace with economic activity.
Finally, we need to make housing affordable for all income levels in America. Many of the barriers to housing are local (zoning rules, NIMBYism, etc.) but federal support for low-income / affordable housing, ensuring full enforcement of the Fair Lending Act to undo the legacy of redlining and creating the fiscal conditions to encourage the Federal Reserve to lower interest rates will be key to the next Congressional term.
Regarding the migrant crisis: Should the Biden Administration stiffen requirements for asylum seekers, and should Texas provide more notice to Illinois when busing migrants to the Chicago area?
It should be lost on no one that the party of Donald Trump sees value in a broken immigration system – the better to sell fear and mobilize reactionary voters, and it is hard to see that political dynamic changing soon. What Governor Abbott is doing is a heartless, shameful, and inhumane political stunt. Yes, he should absolutely provide more notice to Illinois. With respect to asylum seekers, it is important to separate the local from the national.
Locally, we’ve all seen municipal resources stretched as immigrants with few, if any, resources require housing, vaccination, and other social services while they wait for their asylum hearing. I’ve been tremendously impressed by the humanity and dignity our local mayors and citizens have shown in support of their need but appreciate the fiscal constraints they are all under. In January, Rep. Bill Foster, Rep. Lauren Underwood, and I led a letter to President Biden urging him to use all available tools to support both the City of Chicago and the suburbs as they navigate the challenges caused by the arrival of migrants.
I’ve also pushed the White House to shorten and simplify the work visa process so that these asylees can get jobs to cover their expenses and not depend on local services. Which brings us to the national data. We have a very strong economy that is consistently creating more jobs than workers. The Congressional Budget Office recently estimated that the recent increase in net immigration to the United States will add $7 trillion in economic activity to the US over the next decade as these working-age immigrants offset the demographics of an aging native-born population. Countries in Asia and Europe are looking at long-term structural slowdowns in part because they have not been as attractive to, nor as welcoming of immigrants as the United States. There always has been, and probably always will be a xenophobic backlash against immigration to the United States. But the moral and economic case for immigration has always been strong and our historic success has always depended on our nation’s ability to prioritize the latter over the former.
Should state or federal funding be provided to help municipalities address the arrival of asylum seekers?
Yes. I have pressed the White House to make sure that as immigrant processing facilities are shifted from border states to Illinois, we ensure that the federal resources also flow to our municipalities. We have also been pushing consistently to expedite the provision of temporary work visas so that immigrants who are awaiting their asylum hearings can earn a paycheck to help feed themselves, grow our economy, and minimize the draw on local social services.
Is the federal government doing enough to secure the borders? Why or why not?
No, but I don’t think that is the biggest problem with our immigration system. Immigration policy has to do two things: provide border security to keep the “bad guys” out and provide immigrant processing to welcome the “good guys” in. Statistically, the latter group has always been the larger of the two. The current surge of immigrants to the United States is unprecedented which means that both parts of our immigration system are now underfunded. Our office regularly works with refugees and asylum seekers who are facing 12 – 24 month waits for asylum hearings as courts struggle to get through the current backlog. Given the value those immigrants provide to our economy and culture, we need to increase funding for those processing resources along with increases in border security.
Should the US stop funding Israel and support a ceasefire in Gaza?
I have consistently called for the creation of conditions that will lead to a permanent peace – with two, fully autonomous states at peace with each other between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean Sea. Hamas’ stated goal to eliminate the state of Israel is inconsistent with that peace – but so too is the rhetoric from the far right in the Israeli Knesset.
I have recently traveled to Israel and the West Bank as part of a Congressional delegation meeting with leaders in Israel and the Palestinian Authority, along with the United Nations, NGOs, civil society on both sides of the Green Line, and diplomats from other Arab nations. We are in an extremely volatile period right now but there is a potential deal that has the support of most parties which would combine a permanent ceasefire with the release of all hostages, the removal of Hamas from Gaza, recognition of a Palestinian state, elimination of settlement expansion and settler violence in the West Bank and normalization of relations with Israel and Palestine and the surrounding Arab nations. Any one piece of that package will be opposed by most of the players who need to sign off but the package in its entirety has a very real possibility of success. The United States is the only party with the diplomatic power to force that package forward and the prudent course for US diplomacy is to push the entire package, not just single components.
Should the U.S. continue providing aid to Ukraine?
Yes. The United States is the only country that can effectively advocate for the rule of law, democracy, and the post-WWII order. When we step back from those responsibilities other countries step in. As it was put to me when I was in Madrid for COP-25 by a European parliamentarian: “bad things happen when the United States doesn’t lead.” We have an obligation to continue to send aid to Ukraine. By providing weapons and significant sanctions we have not only saved Ukrainian lives but sent a strong signal to countries that would like to upend the rule-of-law systems that have provided 75 years of peace (most notably, Russia and China) that the US and our allies will not tolerate their aggressions. I am deeply troubled by the failure of Republican leadership in Congress to stand up to Vladimir Putin in support of our Ukrainian friends and fear for their lives and European stability if we do not provide that aid very soon.
Should candidates be disqualified from holding office if they faced misdemeanor charges related to Jan. 6, 2021?
The plain text of Section 3 of the 14th Amendment is quite clear: “No person shall be a Senator or Representative in Congress, or elector of President and Vice-President, or hold any office, civil or military, under the United States, or under any State, who, having previously taken an oath, as a member of Congress, or as an officer of the United States, or as a member of any State legislature, or as an executive or judicial officer of any State, to support the Constitution of the United States, shall have engaged in insurrection or rebellion against the same, or given aid or comfort to the enemies thereof. But Congress may, by a vote of two-thirds of each House, remove such disability.” Note that this says nothing about whether someone was charged or convicted of misdemeanor (or felony) offenses. It is the act of “engaging in insurrection of rebellion” that is disqualifying. And while that may raise due process concerns, the alternative is unworkable. Consider that the drafters of the 14th Amendment took a political decision not to prosecute Jefferson Davis but all understood he was disbarred for future office. Consider also that anyone who successfully completed an insurrection would then never be charged or convicted by a government they controlled. One need look no further than the waves of pardons Trump issued (and the even larger number that were requested by sitting members of Congress who supported his efforts in the final days of his Presidency) to see that limitation.
What else would you like voters to know about yourself and your positions?
I ran for Congress in 2018 having spent 20 years in the private sector running companies that were dedicated to profitably reducing greenhouse gas emissions. It was the conceit of those companies – and my Congressional career since – that there is no conflict between our wallets and our morals; there is only a conflict between the interests of energy producers (who want to sell as much of their product as possible at as high a price as possible) and the interests of energy consumers (who want access to clean, reliable energy at the lowest possible price.)
Since coming to Congress, I’ve been able to bring that perspective to the Select Committee on the Climate Crisis, where I served for two terms and where we wrote the report that became the Inflation Reduction Act – a consumer-focused bill that is the biggest climate bill ever passed by any government anywhere. But that conceit – that there is a win/win provided we craft regulation to align profit incentives with the public interest, and that no business in any industry ever comes to Washington to ask for a change in the status quo – has informed all of our other legislative efforts as well. Pushing for expansions in the Affordable Care Act as a way to lower healthcare costs for all.
Pushing to give women the right to choose because a society where all are equal is also a society where all are productive. And pushing to expand the promise of our democracy over those who derive power from minoritarian institutions like the Senate, the Electoral College, and the Supreme Court.
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Illinois
Brad Underwood finally mastered Illinois’ winning formula
Happy Friday, Illinois Land!
Instead of doing the usual column with post-Thanksgiving word puns involving side dishes and jokes about turkeys, I will use my time to point out a few things that I now know about college basketball in 2025, and the place that Illinois occupies inside of that stratosphere.
I will also discuss where Illinois fits into the landscape of the Big Ten. I think you’ll like how I see that unfolding. My pending Big Ten Analysis will highlight the lack of good depth in the conference.
It is not exactly a banner year for the Big Ten in men’s college basketball. To say the least.
Despite the fact that the Big Ten has dropped in the national landscape, and despite the fact that Illinois lost to a True Elite in 2025 against Alabama in Birmingham by double digits, it’s great beyond words to have a head basketball coach leading your program playing basketball the way it needs to be played at this present date.
Brad Underwood has turned Illinois into a National Program. Do not confuse this with being a national powerhouse.
As I see it, here are the five levels of Illinois basketball. National Championship Contender can replace Blue Blood for Illinois. There was no way for me to get in a shot at Indiana and its fans unless I constituted it this way.
For reference: Indiana is now No. 61 in KenPom (76 in OER, and 51 in DER). I was told that they are the conference favorite. I was also told Illinois cannot play defense. More on this in a bit.
- Conference Bottomfeeder (Year 1-2): 26-39 in his first two seasons, 11-27 in the Big Ten. I would call this 1990s Era coaching. Up the line, full court pressure, etc.
- Respected NCAA Tournament Team (Year 3+): This will be five-straight non-bubble NCAATs for Underwood, six if you count the COVID-19 cancellation of 2020.
- Big Ten Power (Year 3+): In turn, this makes you a Final Four contender on semi-annual basis, at a minimum. I don’t mean make a Final Four, but be a Top Four seed. No one believes that NC State had a better season than Illinois last year.
- National (and International) Program (Year 4+): Playing games on CBS on Thanksgiving by request, re-hiring arguably the country’s top assistant coach (Orlando Antigua), signing two potential lottery picks from two countries outside the United States. I could go on, but I won’t. You get it.
- Blue Blood (Never): This outdated term continues to keep Indiana fans from jumping off the nearest bridge for the last three-plus decades. Illinois will never be here. UCONN can’t get into the club with six National Championships since 1999.
Having said that, I’m going to say this.
John Calipari is in the Naismith Memorial Basketball Hall of Fame. He has taken three different programs to the Final Four: Massachusetts, Memphis and Kentucky. He is an all-time great coach with a dazzling record (814-260, for a .758 winning percentage).
Calipari won an NCAA Tournament and cut down the nets in 2012, his third year in Lexington leading the Cats. He was outstanding at Kentucky (410-123), winning games at a .769 clip during his 15-year tenure.
He inexplicably missed the NCAA Tournament twice, going just 9-16 in 2021. His last three years, Kentucky lost 30 games and twice in the NCAAT to vastly inferior teams against No. 15 St. Peter’s and last year against No. 14 Oakland.
Please read the words I type. Do not create a false narrative around comparing Calipari and Underwood, in totality.
Underwood certainly has not had the career of Calipari — it’s not close — nor will he likely end up in the Hall of Fame anywhere outside of Champaign. Not impossible, but not likely.
Looking to the future, it’s clear which coach of the pair from the Thanksgiving matchup in Kansas City has the brighter future. This isn’t close, either.
While Underwood’s Illini blitzed Arkansas with a barrage of threes, high ball screens and floor spacing for play makers, Calipari and Kentu…Arkansas…had a plan “to attack the rim all game,” according to Calipari post-game.
Arkansas ATTEMPTED 17 threes. Illinois MADE 15. Illinois was +30 in in this category.
Frees (points at the free throw line) and threes (points behind the arc) is something I look at during every halftime, and after every game.
Illinois was +29 in this category. BU’s squad scored 90 points on the elite Arkansas defense, which was ranked No. 8 in KenPom DER prior to the contest.
The Illini had 60 of their 90 points (67.7%) of their points on Frees and Threes. Check on this stat every game that Underwood and Illinois play the entirety of the season. It will likely tell the story.
Factor in 2P% defense and you can get the winner of every game Illinois plays this year. The defensive strategy of Illinois is to defend the bucket and the arc. Despite giving a bucket full to Alabama in the lone loss (100-87), Illinois is currently No. 21 in DER.
Let’s take a look at pace of play, and how it affects efficiency, from a large scale perspective. What Illinois is doing is hard to copy.
For that matter, the Illinois offense is now No. 18 in OER (Offensive Efficiency Rating). Of the top 21 in DER on KenPom, Illinois has the FASTEST tempo, at No. 36.
In summary, Illinois plays in the Top 10% in pace of play and ranks even better in efficiency at both ends. It’s not only extremely difficult to do, but largely unnecessary.
When you play fast and efficient on offense, defense lessens in importance in direct correlation with how more efficient your offense can be. In short, play fast and good on offense and you outscore your opponent and win based on simple math.
Here are the avearages for defensive and offensive efficiency. The lower the number, the faster the pace.
Top 5 DERs in terms of pace average: 260.6
Top 5 OERs in terms of pace average: 66.8
Illinois pace of play: 36 (Top 21 in both DER and OER)
I know it’s a lot of numbers. I get it. Underwood has embraced the numbers game and turned Illinois from a Big Ten Bottomfeeder to a National Program.
You may not like it, but you’re gonna learn to love it.
Please take The Scientific Poll.
Poll
What is the win ceiling for Illinois men’s basketball in 2024-25?
This is threes and frees. This is creating space. This is the winning formula.
This is Illinois Basketball.
Illinois
Kasparas Jakucionis scores a season-best 23 points as Illinois tops No. 19 Arkansas
KANSAS CITY (AP) — Freshman Kasparas Jakucionis scored a season-high 23 points, Tomislav Ivisic had 21 points and 10 rebounds and Illinois beat No. 19 Arkansas 90-77 on Thursday in the Thanksgiving Hoops Showcase.
Jakucionis hit two free throws to give Illinois a double-digit lead with 3:49 remaining in the game. Arkansas had a turnover and a missed jumper on its next two possessions and Jakucionis hit an open 3-pointer to make it 85-71 at 2:42.
Kylan Boswell added 18 points for Illinois (6-1). Head coach Brad Underwood broke a tie with J. Craig Ruby (1922-36) for fifth place in program history with 149 wins.
Adou Thiero went 12 of 21 from the line and scored 26 points for Arkansas (5-2). Zvonimir Ivisic had 13 points, six rebounds and two blocks.
Takeaways
Tomislav Ivisic won the battle against his twin brother, Zvonimir. Along with his double-double, Tomislav Ivisic made 6 of 9 3-pointers and blocked three shots. The 7-foot-1 center, playing his first college season, had 13 points and seven rebounds in the first half.
Key moment
Illinois stated the game on a 21-6 run and maintained at least a nine-point lead the rest of the way. Ben Humrichous made the Illini’s fifth 3-pointer with 12:36 left in the first half while Arkansas was 3 of 9 from the field.
Key stat
Illinois made 55% of its shots in the first half, including 9 of 16 from 3-point range, while Arkansas was 0 for 7 from long distance and shot 44% overall. The Illini finished 15 of 31 from distance. Arkansas shot 5 of 17 beyond the arc.
Up next
Arkansas plays at Miami in the second SEC/ACC Challenge on Tuesday. Illinois plays at Northwestern on Dec. 6 to begin Big Ten play.
Illinois
Park Ridge, Illinois house left uninhabitable after fire
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