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Sean Casten: Illinois 6th Congressional District Candidate

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Sean Casten: Illinois 6th Congressional District Candidate


IL-06 —Incumbent Sean Casten is running in the 6th Congressional District Democratic Primary on March 19. Casten is facing two challengers for his party’s nomination, including Charles Hughes, an operation technician from Chicago, and public health advocate Mahnoor Ahmad, of Oakbrook Terrace.

The remapped IL-06 includes all or sections of the suburban Cook Count communities of Alsip, Chicago Ridge, Palos Heights, Worth, Crestwood, Oak Forest, Oak Lawn, Tinley Park, Orland Park, Orland Hills, Palos Hills, Palos Heights, Hickory Hills, Justice, and extending into the Chicago neighborhoods of Clearing, Beverly and Mount Greenwood; and in DuPage, Downers Grove, Oak Brook, Oak Brook Terrace, Lisle, Wheaton, Glen Ellyn, Lombard, Elmhurst, Darien, Hinsdale and Willow Springs.

You can find Casten’s answers to the Patch candidate questionnaire below:

Find out what’s happening in Downers Grovewith free, real-time updates from Patch.

Town/City of Residence: Downers Grove

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Party Affiliation: Democrat

Find out what’s happening in Downers Grovewith free, real-time updates from Patch.

Position Sought:

U.S. House of Representatives, Illinois 6th Congressional District

Family: Wife Kara, daughter Audrey

Education: BA from Middlebury College, MS and MSEM from Dartmouth College

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Previous or current elected or appointed office:

US Representative for Illinois 6th Congressional District

Campaign website:

CastenForCongress.com

The single most pressing issue facing our (board, district, etc.) is _______, and this is what I intend to do about it.

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Across the country and in our district we have seen the devastating effects of letting corporations dictate our domestic and international policy. When we put profit over people we engage in never ending wars, and we destroy the planet. The answer must be to remove the influence of these corporations, and re-invest in ourselves and in our communities. We must remove people from power who spin the wheels and call it progress. We must remove those politicians who are beholden to these corporations and not to their neighbors. We must invest in infrastructure like our roads, libraries, schools, and repairs to our electrical grid. Furthermore, we need to increase funding to support young families such as affordable child care subsidies, paid parental leave, student loan forgiveness, elder care subsidies, and expanded access to healthcare.

The most frequent concerns I hear from my constituents are about the state of infrastructure in IL-06 and the challenges of finding workers for open vacancies. I’m proud to represent a district with a vibrant, diverse, and nationally-critical economy. From the financial sector jobs that employ so many in DuPage County to the high-tech jobs created by Argonne National Lab to manufacturing jobs in South Cook and the infrastructure and logistics hub that is the Belt Railway, and so many more – this is an economic hub.

Given the highways and rail lines that crisscross the region, it is also a place where the historic underinvestment in our infrastructure is most keenly felt. I’m proud of the work we did to pass the Infrastructure and CHIPS & Science bills in the last Congress which are investing in those physical resources and on-shoring more American manufacturing, and I’m proud of the more than $40 million we’ve brought to IL-06 as a result. At the same time, I’m concerned that on a national basis, Illinois is not obviously getting our per capita fair share of those dollars.

I’ve been in touch with White House staff who share this concern and am sympathetic to the pressures they are under both to deploy those dollars quickly and to prioritize investments in communities that have high-water labor and environmental standards. Too often, it is easier to move federal dollars into a community that has cheap labor and weak zoning rules and I fear that this may be hurting Illinois’ access to funds going to other states. With respect to labor shortages, Illinois has a more positive story to tell.

The record growth in job creation and record low unemployment rates are making it hard for all industries to attract talent – and giving workers unprecedented power to negotiate higher wages. Nationally, virtually all of the growth in the US workforce since the COVID downturn has been from the foreign-born population. As states like Texas have sent migrants to Illinois chasing short-term political gain, I’ve been impressed and humbled by the willingness of our communities to treat those migrants with dignity and have worked with the White House to make sure that they also secure temporary work visas. We have more work to do, but we are making progress and I’m confident that in the long term, this wave of immigrants – like every wave that has come before – will be the engine of long-term growth.

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What are the critical differences between you and the other candidates seeking this post?

Back in 2018 I had no prior elected experience. Like my opponents today, I was running not on a record but on a promise of what I would do if elected. Over the course of almost 6 years since then, I’ve played a key role in the crafting of the Inflation Reduction Act through my service on the Select Committee on the Climate Crisis.

I have participated in two impeachments and one attack on the US Capitol. I’ve averaged one town hall a month to ensure open communications with all of my constituents. I’ve delivered over $5.8 million back to constituents through constituent services casework and helped to recover veterans benefits, social security funds, IRS refunds and more.

I’ve written multiple bills that became law, from the local (renaming a post office in Crystal Lake after a fallen Iraq war veteran) to the transformative (creating a $1B program to help deploy technologies that decarbonize energy-intensive sectors).

Throughout that all, I’ve been guided by the belief that there’s an awful lot more that unites us than divides us. The overwhelming majority of us trust science. The majority of us think markets are extremely powerful tools to harness ingenuity, but they require a functioning, ethical, and competent government to make sure everybody gets a fair chance. The majority of us think that democracy is worth defending. The majority of us think women should have full autonomy over their health care, and that all Americans should have access to affordable healthcare.

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Most importantly, the overwhelming majority of us know that we are only as good as the world we leave to our children. I ask only to be judged on my record. Did I deliver on the promises I made in the last election? Did I rise up to the unexpected challenges of the day? Did I make myself available to constituents to explain those challenges, solicit your input and explain how decisions were made? I believe that I did, and hope I have done so in a manner sufficient to again earn your trust.

Describe the other issues that define your campaign platform:

My top priorities are combatting the climate crisis, protecting a woman’s right to choose, defending democracy, and lowering costs for families – like prescription drugs and child care. But, there are a plethora of issues I am working to address in Congress, like flooding, housing, health care, education, gun control, and many more. You can find full list of issues I’m focused on at Casten for Congress.

If you gain this position, what accomplishment would define your term in office as a success?

Ultimately, the only fair judgment of any politician is whether they left the office a little better than they found it. I ran on a promise in 2018 to do what my predecessor didn’t do. To hold town halls, to stand up to Donald Trump, to make decisions based on facts and science rather than political convenience. On those measures, I think I’ve succeeded in making this office better. But on the major points of the day, there is still much to be concerned about. We are still working to combat the climate crisis.

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The GOP’s attack on women’s rights has put us in a more dire place than we were in 2018. The scourge of gun violence continues largely unabated. And while I’m proud of the work I’ve done to oppose those decisions and to make things better than they might otherwise have been, I’m not so naive as to suggest that we don’t have a lot more work to do.

As I said on the House floor last year, many of the things that would make our country stronger and safer are quite popular, but can’t find a legislative solution because of the structure of our government. To that end, I introduced a package of bills to reform the structure of the Senate, the Electoral College and the Supreme Court to improve the effectiveness of our Democracy. Those changes may seem too ambitious for a single member, and perhaps not possible in this moment.

But we should not lose sight of the fact that the government our founders created didn’t allow women, African Americans or Native Americans to vote. It didn’t allow for the direct election of Senators. It did not provide equal protection under the law. Our country’s progress has always depended on people who – in the words of Condoleezza Rice – “made the impossible inevitable”. My definition of personal success would be to do that for climate change and democracy reform.

Why are you running for office?

I’m running for office because I have more work to do and – quite frankly, I think I’m getting pretty good at it.

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When I first ran in 2018 I had 20 years of private sector experience under my belt, including 16 as an entrepreneur. I had a theory of how government should work but had never held public office, nor did I have any experience working in a parliamentary body. My experience in meritocratic organizations didn’t fit comfortably in with a body that prizes seniority, nor had I ever held a job where I was immediately expected to make informed decisions on everything from government shutdowns to constitutional law to foreign policy. Six years later, I’ve had my share of legislative successes as described elsewhere in this questionnaire.

I’ve been one of just 12 members of the US government representing our country at the climate conference in Madrid in 2019 (and part of a much larger delegation at subsequent meetings in Glasgow and Sharm el-Sheik). I’ve formed and led caucuses to protect investors who want to invest in sustainably-oriented companies, served in leadership positions in environmental and energy caucuses, led the call for democracy reform – and yes, gained a fair amount of seniority. The work we have to do is not done. The ship of state that is the US government turns slowly, but I’ve been proud to play a role in helping steer it in the right direction, and have gotten a little better with each successive oar stroke. I’d like to keep rowing.

Explain your attitudes toward fiscal policy, government spending and how taxpayer dollars should be handled by your office?

Government debt as a percent of GDP is at an all-time high and we need to turn that around. However, government revenue as a percent of GDP is also near historic lows and we would be foolish to focus only on government spending to close that gap. Undoing the Trump tax cuts, that accrued primarily to the wealthiest Americans and corporations is both fair and fiscally responsible.

Fully funding the IRS so that they can prosecute tax cheats is also urgent. We made partial progress on fixing their historic shortfalls in the Inflation Reduction Act, but they still do not have the software or human resources necessary to go after the largest and most sophisticated tax cheats. But beyond that, we need to avoid the lazy narrative that “government should be run like a business” and never spend more than we take in – because no successful business operates that way.

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Every business that ever borrowed money to build a new factory, just like every household that ever borrowed to buy a home spent beyond their revenue. But they built something that delivered future returns. When the US spends money on roads, bridges, early childhood education, courts to protect and enforce the rule of law, healthcare to ensure every American can live up to their full capacity, national labs and other R&D to build the technologies of the future… all of these are worthy investments, so long as the future return exceeds our cost of borrowing. Because while it is true that US debt is historically high, it’s also true that our economy is growing faster than all of our competitors and that countries around the world put trillions of dollars of their own currency in US Treasuries and US equities because they can earn a better return here then they can in their home countries. We should of course be fiscally responsible – but we should also acknowledge that there isn’t a country in the world that wouldn’t love to trade with our economic position. Let’s keep it that way.

What would you do to help constituents struggling with the ever-increasing cost of living?

During the COVID-19 economic downturn, the entire global economy saw a surge in inflation. The global nature of that inflation should have made it clear that it was not to be blamed on any one country’s fiscal or monetary policy, but actually reflected significant – and, largely transitory – supply/demand imbalances as consumption in certain sectors collapsed and decades of “just in time” manufacturing/inventory systems were unprepared for that level of volatility. Since then, the US has not only had stronger growth than all other OECD countries but also – somewhat uniquely – has been able to deliver wage growth that on average has outpaced inflation. By comparison, the “low inflation” era from 2000 – 2020 generally saw wage growth lag inflation, contributing to ever-increasing wealth inequality.

Today’s economic data is helping more Americans build more wealth, closing historic gaps even as inflation is still a bit higher than we’d like. To be sure, those economic averages don’t apply to every American. Also, the way we define inflation excludes the cost of housing which continues to rise much faster than the rest of the economy. The last 4 years have been great for the wealth of homeowners, but lousy for aspiring first-time buyers. Since 2020, we’ve provided direct funding to the neediest through economic impact, child tax credits and business “PPP” loans which required businesses to use the majority of those loans to cover payroll. Those payments have all substantially ended but made a big difference in keeping folks afloat. As we move forward we should make the child tax credit permanent.

While that was in place, child poverty in the US fell by nearly 40%. My Republican colleagues refused to extend it when it expired and I hope in the next term we are able to make it permanent. We also need to continue to strengthen workers’ rights to ensure that economic gains are shared by company owners and employees. I was proud to sponsor the Protecting the Right to Organize (PRO) Act and pass it on the floor in the last Congress, but was frustrated that we could not get through the Senate. It will be critical to pass that soon in order to ensure that wage growth continues apace with economic activity.

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Finally, we need to make housing affordable for all income levels in America. Many of the barriers to housing are local (zoning rules, NIMBYism, etc.) but federal support for low-income / affordable housing, ensuring full enforcement of the Fair Lending Act to undo the legacy of redlining and creating the fiscal conditions to encourage the Federal Reserve to lower interest rates will be key to the next Congressional term.

Regarding the migrant crisis: Should the Biden Administration stiffen requirements for asylum seekers, and should Texas provide more notice to Illinois when busing migrants to the Chicago area?

It should be lost on no one that the party of Donald Trump sees value in a broken immigration system – the better to sell fear and mobilize reactionary voters, and it is hard to see that political dynamic changing soon. What Governor Abbott is doing is a heartless, shameful, and inhumane political stunt. Yes, he should absolutely provide more notice to Illinois. With respect to asylum seekers, it is important to separate the local from the national.

Locally, we’ve all seen municipal resources stretched as immigrants with few, if any, resources require housing, vaccination, and other social services while they wait for their asylum hearing. I’ve been tremendously impressed by the humanity and dignity our local mayors and citizens have shown in support of their need but appreciate the fiscal constraints they are all under. In January, Rep. Bill Foster, Rep. Lauren Underwood, and I led a letter to President Biden urging him to use all available tools to support both the City of Chicago and the suburbs as they navigate the challenges caused by the arrival of migrants.

I’ve also pushed the White House to shorten and simplify the work visa process so that these asylees can get jobs to cover their expenses and not depend on local services. Which brings us to the national data. We have a very strong economy that is consistently creating more jobs than workers. The Congressional Budget Office recently estimated that the recent increase in net immigration to the United States will add $7 trillion in economic activity to the US over the next decade as these working-age immigrants offset the demographics of an aging native-born population. Countries in Asia and Europe are looking at long-term structural slowdowns in part because they have not been as attractive to, nor as welcoming of immigrants as the United States. There always has been, and probably always will be a xenophobic backlash against immigration to the United States. But the moral and economic case for immigration has always been strong and our historic success has always depended on our nation’s ability to prioritize the latter over the former.

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Should state or federal funding be provided to help municipalities address the arrival of asylum seekers?

Yes. I have pressed the White House to make sure that as immigrant processing facilities are shifted from border states to Illinois, we ensure that the federal resources also flow to our municipalities. We have also been pushing consistently to expedite the provision of temporary work visas so that immigrants who are awaiting their asylum hearings can earn a paycheck to help feed themselves, grow our economy, and minimize the draw on local social services.

Is the federal government doing enough to secure the borders? Why or why not?

No, but I don’t think that is the biggest problem with our immigration system. Immigration policy has to do two things: provide border security to keep the “bad guys” out and provide immigrant processing to welcome the “good guys” in. Statistically, the latter group has always been the larger of the two. The current surge of immigrants to the United States is unprecedented which means that both parts of our immigration system are now underfunded. Our office regularly works with refugees and asylum seekers who are facing 12 – 24 month waits for asylum hearings as courts struggle to get through the current backlog. Given the value those immigrants provide to our economy and culture, we need to increase funding for those processing resources along with increases in border security.

Should the US stop funding Israel and support a ceasefire in Gaza?

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I have consistently called for the creation of conditions that will lead to a permanent peace – with two, fully autonomous states at peace with each other between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean Sea. Hamas’ stated goal to eliminate the state of Israel is inconsistent with that peace – but so too is the rhetoric from the far right in the Israeli Knesset.

I have recently traveled to Israel and the West Bank as part of a Congressional delegation meeting with leaders in Israel and the Palestinian Authority, along with the United Nations, NGOs, civil society on both sides of the Green Line, and diplomats from other Arab nations. We are in an extremely volatile period right now but there is a potential deal that has the support of most parties which would combine a permanent ceasefire with the release of all hostages, the removal of Hamas from Gaza, recognition of a Palestinian state, elimination of settlement expansion and settler violence in the West Bank and normalization of relations with Israel and Palestine and the surrounding Arab nations. Any one piece of that package will be opposed by most of the players who need to sign off but the package in its entirety has a very real possibility of success. The United States is the only party with the diplomatic power to force that package forward and the prudent course for US diplomacy is to push the entire package, not just single components.

Should the U.S. continue providing aid to Ukraine?

Yes. The United States is the only country that can effectively advocate for the rule of law, democracy, and the post-WWII order. When we step back from those responsibilities other countries step in. As it was put to me when I was in Madrid for COP-25 by a European parliamentarian: “bad things happen when the United States doesn’t lead.” We have an obligation to continue to send aid to Ukraine. By providing weapons and significant sanctions we have not only saved Ukrainian lives but sent a strong signal to countries that would like to upend the rule-of-law systems that have provided 75 years of peace (most notably, Russia and China) that the US and our allies will not tolerate their aggressions. I am deeply troubled by the failure of Republican leadership in Congress to stand up to Vladimir Putin in support of our Ukrainian friends and fear for their lives and European stability if we do not provide that aid very soon.

Should candidates be disqualified from holding office if they faced misdemeanor charges related to Jan. 6, 2021?

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The plain text of Section 3 of the 14th Amendment is quite clear: “No person shall be a Senator or Representative in Congress, or elector of President and Vice-President, or hold any office, civil or military, under the United States, or under any State, who, having previously taken an oath, as a member of Congress, or as an officer of the United States, or as a member of any State legislature, or as an executive or judicial officer of any State, to support the Constitution of the United States, shall have engaged in insurrection or rebellion against the same, or given aid or comfort to the enemies thereof. But Congress may, by a vote of two-thirds of each House, remove such disability.” Note that this says nothing about whether someone was charged or convicted of misdemeanor (or felony) offenses. It is the act of “engaging in insurrection of rebellion” that is disqualifying. And while that may raise due process concerns, the alternative is unworkable. Consider that the drafters of the 14th Amendment took a political decision not to prosecute Jefferson Davis but all understood he was disbarred for future office. Consider also that anyone who successfully completed an insurrection would then never be charged or convicted by a government they controlled. One need look no further than the waves of pardons Trump issued (and the even larger number that were requested by sitting members of Congress who supported his efforts in the final days of his Presidency) to see that limitation.

What else would you like voters to know about yourself and your positions?

I ran for Congress in 2018 having spent 20 years in the private sector running companies that were dedicated to profitably reducing greenhouse gas emissions. It was the conceit of those companies – and my Congressional career since – that there is no conflict between our wallets and our morals; there is only a conflict between the interests of energy producers (who want to sell as much of their product as possible at as high a price as possible) and the interests of energy consumers (who want access to clean, reliable energy at the lowest possible price.)

Since coming to Congress, I’ve been able to bring that perspective to the Select Committee on the Climate Crisis, where I served for two terms and where we wrote the report that became the Inflation Reduction Act – a consumer-focused bill that is the biggest climate bill ever passed by any government anywhere. But that conceit – that there is a win/win provided we craft regulation to align profit incentives with the public interest, and that no business in any industry ever comes to Washington to ask for a change in the status quo – has informed all of our other legislative efforts as well. Pushing for expansions in the Affordable Care Act as a way to lower healthcare costs for all.

Pushing to give women the right to choose because a society where all are equal is also a society where all are productive. And pushing to expand the promise of our democracy over those who derive power from minoritarian institutions like the Senate, the Electoral College, and the Supreme Court.

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‘Credit card chaos’? Financial institutions bet big on repeal of first-of-its-kind Illinois law

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‘Credit card chaos’? Financial institutions bet big on repeal of first-of-its-kind Illinois law


“Credit cards may not work for sales tax or tips starting July 1.”

By now, you’ve heard that claim, but whether it’s true depends on who you ask.

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The ads — funded by the Electronic Payments Coalition of banks, credit unions and card companies — argue that Illinois lawmakers must repeal the state’s first-in-the-nation Interchange Fee Prohibition Act, slated to take effect July 1. That law prohibits financial institutions from charging “swipe,” or interchange, fees on the tax and tip portions of consumer bills and bans them from making up the fees elsewhere.

If it’s not repealed? “Credit card chaos” may ensue, the ads warn.

While the financial institutions are quick to cite a list of things that could hypothetically happen if the law isn’t repealed, it’s harder to pin down what’s being done and by who to comply with the law two years after it was signed.

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“The global payment system is not set up to where any one party to a transaction can make this happen on their own,” Ashley Sharp, of the Illinois Credit Union Association said at a Capitol news conference Wednesday. “There are multiple parties to every electronic transaction.”

The financial institutions are adamant that the global payment system as it exists today can’t discern the difference between tax, tips and total, and it would need to be retooled at a heavy cost to banks, card companies, merchants, point-of-sale companies and more.

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Instead of complying, they say, the card companies could decide to stop serving Illinois or drastically alter the way the consumer interacts with merchants at the point of sale.

An alternate reality

But as with all matters in Springfield, there’s another big-monied and powerful group on the other side of the issue. The Illinois Retail Merchants Association says the credit card companies already track all the information they need, and it’s a “complete fabrication” to say that it would take more than a mere coding change to implement the state law.

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Take your restaurant receipt, for example.

“You have the subtotal, the sales tax, the tip, if it’s applicable, and then the grand total, right? All they have to do is move their fee from the grand total to the subtotal,” Rob Karr, president of IRMA, said.

While card networks operate in over 200 countries with as many different laws, they say the only information the card processors ask for in any of them is the grand total. The receipt example, they say, erroneously conflates the point of sale with the actual processing of payments.

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In short, the two sides present starkly different realities — a muddying of the water that’s not uncommon at the Capitol.

But there is one concrete truth: The financial institutions have a lot to lose, and not just in Illinois.

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The tax and tip prohibition would shave approximately 10% off the revenue that banks and credit unions receive from retailers via interchange fees — a transfer of wealth likely to number in the hundreds of millions. It would also create massive noncompliance fines.

And then there’s the issue of precedent. The banks challenged the law but lost in court. Absent a successful appeal, the remaining battlefields would be other state legislatures.

If the card companies implement Illinois’ law, they’d be providing a blueprint for states across the nation to emulate — driving potential revenue loss into the billions.

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Thus far, Ben Jackson of the Illinois Bankers Association said, it hasn’t opened the floodgates, although some 30 states are considering similar action.

Still, it’s no wonder then, that the Electronic Payments Coalition has pulled out all the stops in its seven-figure ad campaign to repeal the law.

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How we got here

To fully understand the ongoing slugfest between banks and retailers, you have to go back to May 2024.

But first, an explanation of interchange fees. Each time a shopper swipes their credit or debit card, it sets off a complicated string of payments between banks. The retailer’s bank pays an “interchange fee,” typically around 1% to 2% of the transaction cost, to the consumer’s bank. The fees include both a set amount and a percentage of the transaction, but the credit card companies, namely Visa and Mastercard, control how they’re calculated.

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The financial institutions say interchange fees help fund credit card reward programs and security upgrades and provide compensation for bearing the risk of fraud. The hit to interchange revenue, Jackson said, would inevitably lessen reward program offerings. Sharp said credit unions, as not-for-profit cooperatives, use the revenue to offer lower rates to customers.

But the fees have long drawn the ire of retailers and small businesses, which sometimes pass the costs directly to consumers via a surcharge on bills.

It comes down to this: The retailers don’t think they should have to pay a fee on the tax and tip portion of a transaction that they don’t keep. And the financial institutions say if they’re handling those funds, they should be compensated for doing so via interchange fees.

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As for the Illinois law’s passage, it was, as the ads claim, tucked into the budget two years ago, giving little time for the bankers et al to mount an opposition campaign.

Gov. JB Pritzker and lawmakers agreed to raise about $101 million in revenue to plug a budget hole by putting a $1,000 monthly cap on the “retailer’s exemption,” a tax break retailers claim for being the state’s de facto sales tax collectors.

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But the retailers weren’t going to take that lying down, and IRMA successfully lobbied for the long-sought tax and tip exemption.

After the law passed, the financial institutions quickly sued.

To avoid uncertainty as the case played out, lawmakers delayed the measure’s effective date from July 1 last year to the same date this year.

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U.S. District Judge Virginia Kendall ultimately determined in February that Illinois is within its right to regulate the fees. She partially rejected a portion of the law that prohibited banks from sharing certain data, which the credit unions say creates different rules for different institutions and further uncertainty.

The case is now pending appeal, and the legislative process is starting anew.

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This time, the financial institutions have mounted a dual front in the court of public opinion.

The cost of compliance

Karr estimated the prohibition would bring in “north of $200 million” for retailers — essentially letting them pocket that sum instead of transferring it to the banks. A study by the Electronic Payments Coalition pegged the number at $118 million, estimating that about 40% of the interchange windfall would go to the 40 largest retailers.

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Even so, Karr said, the largest retailers are subject to the $1,000 monthly retailer exemption cap that accompanied the swipe fee ban, while smaller retailers don’t reach that mark. Add in their cut on reimbursed swipe fees, and it amounts to what Karr calls “the largest small business relief that Illinois has ever passed.”

But Jackson argued the cost of retailers complying could eat up any benefits for smaller retailers.

As for compliance, Kendall wrote in her February opinion that “It is an open question whether the transaction process could adapt to the impact of the IFPA in time.”

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“The Interchange Fee Provision is indisputably disruptive, requiring additional investments, hires, and new procedures to replace the current process for authorizing and settling debit and credit card transactions,” she wrote.

The financial institutions argue it can’t all be done by July 1. Kendall said the parties involved know what’s required of them.

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“But those procedural changes are the product of an ecosystem built by Payment Card Networks and financial institutions to facilitate consumer transactions,” she wrote. “And these entities understand the onus of IFPA compliance is on them.”

Per the coalition, compliance “would require coordination across the industry and regulators worldwide,” including with the International Organization for Standardization. It would also require more data collection, creating privacy concerns, they say.

Those global changes would require testing and certification of new equipment. Depending on their card companies or point-of-sale vendors, retailers may need to invest in new equipment, software and training.

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Banks and credit unions may also have to add staff to process rebates under the law. It allows retailers or their processing companies to petition their financial institutions for reimbursement on fees charged on tax and tips within 180 days of a transaction.

If financial institutions don’t comply within 30 days, the law provides for civil penalties of $1,000 per each transaction — and hundreds of millions of these transactions happen annually.

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So will that chaos come to fruition?

Instead of complying, according to the coalition’s literature, the card companies could just stop processing cards altogether in Illinois. They could also stop processing tax and tip portions or require two separate swipes for the subtotal and the tax and tip portion of bills.

Such claims aren’t uncommon in the legislature’s annual adjournment push.

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Sports betting companies, for example, threatened to leave Illinois when the state raised its gambling taxes in the same budget cycle that yielded the interchange fee prohibition two years ago. Instead, they adapted, because Illinois has a lot of bettors — and there’s even more card users.

Karr accused the coalition of ulterior motives in their use of hypothetical language.

“There is no need for chaos,” he said. “The only chaos is if the credit card companies impose it themselves on their consumers.”

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Ultimately, lawmakers will have to weigh how compelling the arguments are, if the courts don’t intervene first.

It’s possible that the 7th Circuit appellate court — or even the U.S. Supreme Court — gives the banks a win. But oral arguments are slated for May 13, meaning the appellate court might not rule by the time the law is slated to take effect.

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Adding a new wrinkle on Wednesday, the federal office of the Comptroller of the Currency, a subset of the U.S. Treasury Department, appeared poised to issue an order preempting Illinois’ law. It hadn’t been published as of late Wednesday, making its impact unclear.

“While the office has failed to explain their reasoning or allow public review, it’s clear the goal is an end-run around the legal process after a judge recently upheld the law,” Karr said.

As for the legislative prospects, state Rep. Margaret Croke, D-Chicago, says she’s seen enough to be concerned. The Democratic nominee for comptroller is sponsoring a bill to fully repeal Illinois’ interchange fee prohibition.

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But as of last week, she said she wasn’t planning to move it. Instead, she finds it more likely that lawmakers once again delay the law’s implementation.

“If this is a policy that the state of Illinois decides they’re going to want to have, then we need to make sure we’re doing it properly,” she said.

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This story was originally published by Capitol News Illinois and distributed through a partnership with The Associated Press.

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Likely tornado wallops small village in Illinois, ripping down power lines and stripping roofs

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Likely tornado wallops small village in Illinois, ripping down power lines and stripping roofs


LENA, Ill. (AP) — A likely tornado tore through a small village in northwest Illinois on Friday, ripping down power lines and trees, stripping roofs and forcing officials to shut down the community.

The storm caused “extensive damage” throughout Lena, with trees and other debris blocking roadways and “compromised structures” causing hazardous conditions, according to the Stephenson County Sheriff’s Office.

“We are extremely fortunate that this storm did not result in loss of life or serious injury,” Sheriff Steve Stovall said in a statement.

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The sheriff’s office announced Friday evening on social media that there would be no traffic in or out of the village until further notice. It later said entry was “strictly restricted.”

The National Weather Service said the damage was likely caused by a tornado and it would survey the area over the weekend.

Leo Zach, 14, had just gotten to the village’s high school’s band room for a music competition when the building started shaking and the power went out. He said the room was packed with students and some were very scared and had panic attacks.

“I’m definitely on the luckier side of how that could’ve happened,” he said. “I was just trying to stay calm, help other people.”

When they got outside, they found some of the windows blown out in the gym and part of the school’s roof ripped off.

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Photos and video posted online showed a garage totaled, bricks torn off of buildings and fences demolished.

Lena is a village of nearly 3,000 people, located about 117 miles (188 kilometers) northwest of Chicago.

A post on Lena’s Facebook page called the scene “devastating.”

“There will be challenges ahead, but we will rebuild, recover, and come through this stronger together,” the post said.

Rachel Nemon had been going to pick up her stepson from the village’s middle school when she had to pull into a car wash to take cover from the storm. She watched a large tree get ripped from the ground and sparks fly feet in front of her.

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“This is something that you see online, not in real life, especially in a small town in Illinois,” she said.

Gov. JB Pritzker said in a post on the social platform X that he’s been briefed on the damage and that the Illinois Emergency Management Agency is on the ground.

Copyright 2026 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed without permission.



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Barbara Flynn Currie, ‘trailblazer who opened doors for generations of women’ dies

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Barbara Flynn Currie, ‘trailblazer who opened doors for generations of women’ dies


After a vote in the Illinois House on a key part of then-Mayor Rahm Emanuel’s pension relief plan in 2016, Barbara Flynn Currie did something not often seen in these times of divided, dysfunctional government. She crossed the aisle and shook hands with the three Republican lawmakers who broke ranks with the GOP and voted to override Gov. Bruce Rauner’s veto of a measure deferring police and fire pension payments.

That was Currie, 85, who died Thursday. She not only represented her Hyde Park district in Springfield for 40 years — 20 as majority leader and the first woman to hold that role in the Illinois General Assembly — she was a tireless promoter of active, engaged, effective government.

“Last night we lost a giant,” House Speaker Emanuel “Chris” Welch, D-Hillside, posted on his Facebook page Friday. “Barbara Flynn Currie was more than a leader — she was a trailblazer who opened doors for generations of women in the Illinois House, many of whom continue her legacy today. … She set the standard for what it means to serve with purpose. Her impact will be felt for generations.”

Her district encompassed Hyde Park, Woodlawn, South Shore and Kenwood, and she was a vigorous proponent of liberal causes, such as prohibiting sexual harassment in the workplace, reforming school funding and offering all-day kindergarten. She spearheaded a compromise on welfare reform and helped extend state contracts to minority- and female-owned businesses.

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In 2009, she chaired the special 21-member bipartisan committee that recommended the impeachment of Gov. Rod Blagojevich.

”We stand here today because of the perfidy of one man: Rod Blagojevich,” said Currie. “To overturn the results of an election is not something that should be undertaken lightly.”

Every member of the Illinois House and Senate, save one, voted to impeach.

With women making up a record 32% of state legislatures across the country, it might be difficult to remember the male world that Currie entered. When she was elected in 1978, fewer than 11% of Springfield lawmakers were women. When she announced her retirement in 2017, that figure was more than a third, and in 2025 the Illinois Legislature was 42% female.

Then-House Speaker Michael Madigan’s decision to name her as majority leader in 1997 was unexpected: Downstate Democrats felt they had a hereditary right to the position, didn’t like the powerful post to pass to a Chicagoan, a woman, and perhaps worst of all, a liberal. Women across the spectrum saw it as a milestone.

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”Republican women gave me flowers,” Currie later recalled. “Secretaries and staff in the Capitol were thrilled. One of my girlfriends nearly ran her car off the road. The depth of excitement was really quite thrilling.”

Still, some of Currie’s supporters looked askance at her playing ball with Madigan.

”To them, Currie was a sellout for taking the appointment from the hated machine politician Madigan,” Rich Miller of Capitol Fax wrote. “It never occurred to most of them that Currie’s new position would give their viewpoints an important new seat at the grown-ups table.”

Then-state Rep. Barbara Flynn Currie at the annual Hyde Park Fourth of July parade in 2014.

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Among the causes she promoted were gun control and abolishing the death penalty.

Barbara Flynn was born in LaCrosse, Wisconsin, the daughter of Francis and Elsie Flynn. When she was 7, her family moved to the South Side, where she attended St. Thomas the Apostle Catholic School and the University of Chicago Lab High School. Her mother was a schoolteacher, and her father taught social work at the University of Chicago, where she studied before dropping out to marry David Park Currie in 1960. Eventually she returned and received her bachelor’s degree in 1968 and master’s degree in 1973, both in political science.

She worked as vice president for the Chicago League of Women Voters from 1965 to 1969. Later, she taught government at DePaul University and was an assistant study director at the National Opinion Research Center.

Currie was elected to the Illinois General Assembly’s 24th District in 1978; her district changed to the 26th District in 1983 and the 25th in 1993.

“Barbara Currie has tackled many, many complex issues with a keen intellect, fairness and balance,” Madigan said when she announced her retirement in 2017, opting to not seek reelection in 2018.

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Her husband, a revered legal scholar and teacher, died in 2007.

Survivors include two children, Stephen and Margaret, and four grandchildren.



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