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Why Google's lobbying in California skyrocketed this year

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Why Google's lobbying in California skyrocketed this year

The 30-second video ad struck an ominous tone, urging Californians to tell their lawmakers to vote against legislation that would force Google, Facebook and other large platforms to pay news publishers.

“It’s a dangerous precedent that will drive up costs for small businesses and make it easier for politicians to raise taxes in the future,” the narrator says in the ad, which ran in June. “With inflation running high, we can’t afford another Sacramento tax increase.”

The ad stated that it was “paid for” by the California Taxpayers Assn., a nonprofit advocacy group, but it really was bankrolled by Google.

Between April and June, the search giant paid the association $1.2 million for advertising, filings to the California secretary of State show. The association confirmed that Google funded the ad campaign against the bill.

Tech companies strongly opposed Assembly Bill 886, known as the California Journalism Preservation Act.

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The money appears to have been well spent. Lawmakers put the legislation on hold until 2024.

Google’s payment to the taxpayers group made up most of the record $1.5 million the company spent lobbying California lawmakers and regulators from January to September. During the same period last year, Google spent $187,434. The company spends an average of about $257,000 per year lobbying in California, according to a review of such expenditures from 2005 to 2022.

The massive surge reflects the growing efforts by tech companies to influence California lawmakers as they debate how to protect young people and journalists and other workers from the threats posed by social media sites, artificial intelligence and other emerging technology.

Bob Shrum, a longtime Democratic consultant and director of the Center for the Political Future at the University of Southern California, said political ads are one way companies try to sway lawmakers, but the strategy is not always effective.

Shrum, who listened to the California Taxpayers Assn. ad, said viewers might walk away with the impression that the price of their internet service will go up.

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“They skirt the line of being factual,” he said. “At the same time, the ad is anything but a rounded, accurate portrait of what the controversy is all about.”

Google’s spending on lobbying in California outpaced that of Facebook parent company Meta, Amazon, Apple, and other multibillion-dollar companies, data from the California secretary of State show. The search giant’s lobbying spending lagged behind AT&T, Waymo (Google’s self-driving car unit) and McDonald’s, as well as major energy companies like Chevron.

Google’s lobbying efforts went beyond advertising. On June 28, California Gov. Gavin Newsom and two of his top staff members met with Google leaders at the company’s San Francisco office, according to filings to the secretary of State’s office.

A Google representative said the meeting was about the overall legislative landscape; Newsom’s office said it was related to an executive order about artificial intelligence that he went on to sign in September.

State Sen. Ben Allen (D-Santa Monica) also met with Google, the filings showed. Allen’s office said the senator and a legislative director who works on environmental policy toured the tech giant’s Mountain View campus in April to learn about sustainability and waste reduction.

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“We regularly engage with lawmakers and regulators on a range of issues, including economic growth, small business support, cybersecurity and protecting online information, among other issues,” Bailey Tomson, a spokesperson for Google, said in a statement.

The company lobbied on a variety of bills during the last legislative session, including measures barring law enforcement demands for Google location data, protecting child safety on social media and regulating artificial intelligence.

One of the company’s biggest priorities: fighting a bill that would require tech giants to negotiate payment to news organizations for stories displayed on their platforms. The online platforms would pay a “journalism usage fee” to certain publishers.

Organizations that support the bill said it would help preserve democracy by funding local news outlets, which are grappling with drastic cuts and layoffs as they compete with tech companies for advertising dollars. Tech companies should pay publishers because they profit from their news content, helping to keep people engaged on their platforms, news advocacy groups such as the California News Publishers Assn. and News/Media Alliance say. (The Los Angeles Times is a member of both organizations and supports the proposed legislation.)

Meta spokesperson Andy Stone said in May that the bill would mostly benefit large publishers. The legislation “fails to recognize that publishers and broadcasters put their content on our platform themselves and that substantial consolidation in California’s local news industry came over 15 years ago, well before Facebook was widely used,” Stone tweeted.

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Meta threatened to remove news from its platforms Facebook and Instagram if the California bill becomes law, a move the social media giant used in other countries that passed similar legislation. In 2021, Meta temporarily blocked news in Australia but reversed the decision after reaching a deal with the Australian government. In August, Meta blocked news in Canada.

Debate about AB 886 has continued since the legislative session wrapped in September. On Dec. 5, the California Senate Judiciary Committee held a four-hour hearing about the importance of journalism in the digital age. Chris Argentieri, president and chief operating officer of the L.A. Times, and Matt Pearce, a Times reporter and chair of Media Guild of the West, testified in support of the legislation.

California Assemblymember Buffy Wicks at the Capitol in Sacramento

Assemblymember Buffy Wicks (D-Oakland) introduced the California Journalism Preservation Act this year.

(Rich Pedroncelli / Associated Press)

At the hearing, Google Vice President of News Richard Gingras said the search engine helps drive traffic to digital publications and noted that the company also supports journalism in other ways, such as the Google News Initiative, which provides funding, resources and training.

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“A link tax as proven elsewhere would be counterproductive, making it more difficult for users to find diverse sources of news, reducing the opportunity for news publishers to build new audiences and making it harder for Google to direct users to helpful content,” Gingras told lawmakers.

The insinuation that payments to news organizations in California would be a new tax has been a pivotal part of video ads against the Journalism Preservation Act. Political ads against AB 886, including the one aired by the California Taxpayers Assn., ran in June and July, when the bill faced a critical deadline in the Senate Judiciary Committee, data from Meta’s ad library show.

Advocacy group News/Media Alliance, which supports AB 886, pushed back against the ads’ claim that lawmakers are trying to impose a tax on tech companies.

“They distort reality, and they do a good job of it, because Google is a massive company with endless resources to be able to spend on creating messaging that’s false,” said Danielle Coffey, president and chief operating operator of the organization.

The California News Publishers Assn. and News/Media Alliance spent $161,519 on lobbying in California from January to September — far less than tech companies spent.

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David Kline, a spokesperson for the California Taxpayers Assn., said ads are just one tool lobbyists use if legislation is moving quickly and they need to get the word out to a lot of people. The association’s ad against AB 886 has racked up 2.1 million views on Google-owned YouTube.

“It’s a giant state, where advertising is your only realistic option for doing that, and just by the nature of it, advertising is expensive,” he said. The taxpayers group wasn’t representing only Google but also other members that had concerns about the bill, he added.

Google and Meta are members of the Computer & Communications Industry Assn., which also ran ads against AB 886. From January to September, the trade group spent $1.3 million on lobbying, filings to the secretary of State’s office show.

Matt Schruers, president of the association, said the majority of the spending was related to political advertising.

Lawmakers’ decision to put the bill on hold until next year “is an acknowledgment of the fact that there are serious issues with the proposal and concerns that have yet to be resolved,” Schruers said.

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Assemblymember Buffy Wicks (D-Oakland), who sponsored the bill, said political ads are a common strategy in Sacramento, especially by billion-dollar companies. Lawmakers put the bill on hold because it’s important that they get it done “right” rather than quickly, she said.

The extra time also allows lawmakers to see how similar legislation plays out in Canada, she said. Google, after threatening to block news in Canada, struck a deal with the Canadian government in November to pay news businesses $73.5 million annually to comply with a new law that requires tech platforms to pay publishers.

Wicks refuted the idea that the bill would impose a new tax, noting that there’s a different legislative process for tax increases, and it would require more votes.

“When you put out disingenuous ads like that, I assume some members got calls, but I think most members are savvy enough to know it’s just simply not a tax,” she said.

News advocacy groups also used advertising to increase support for the bill, but compared to tech industry spending, it’s “ a drop in the bucket,” Coffey said.

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Ads from such groups that ran in October and November on Facebook included the face of Sen. Tom Umberg (D-Orange), the chair of the Senate Judiciary Committee.

“Sen. Tom Umberg has the opportunity to be the hero our democracy needs,” one ad by the California News Publishers Assn. says.

Umberg said he doesn’t spend a lot of time on social media and doesn’t recall seeing the ads. He said the legislation is complex, and he has concerns about how the bill would be enforced, along with its impact on minority groups and local publications, which is why lawmakers put it on hold.

He remains optimistic, though, that the bill will reach the finish line next year, and tech platforms will have “some of their skin in the game.”

“It is my view that there’s going to be a piece of legislation that’s going to get to the governor’s desk that is going to address the issue of the symbiotic relationship between social media and credible journalism,” Umberg said.

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Commentary: MAHA report's misrepresentations will harm public health and hit consumers' pocketbooks

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Commentary: MAHA report's misrepresentations will harm public health and hit consumers' pocketbooks

Serious followers of healthcare policy in the U.S. didn’t expect much good to emerge from its takeover by Donald Trump and his secretary of Health and Human Services, the anti-vaccine activist Robert F. Kennedy Jr.

But the agency and its leadership managed to live down to the worst expectations May 27, when HHS released a 73-page “assessment” of the health of America’s children titled “The MAHA Report” (for “Make America Healthy Again”).

A sloppier, more disingenuous government report would be hard to imagine. Whatever credibility the report might have had as a product of a federal agency was shattered by its obvious errors, misrepresentations and outright fabrications of source materials, some of it plainly the product of the authors’ reliance on AI bots.

I, and my co-authors, did not write that paper.

— Epidemiologist Katherine Keyes says a citation to her work by the MAHA report was fabricated

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At least seven sources cited in the report do not exist, as Emily Kennard and Margaret Manto of the journalism organization NOTUS uncovered. HHS hastily reissued the report with some of those citations removed, but without disclosing the changes — an extremely unkosher action in the research community.

“I, and my co-authors, did not write that paper,” epidemiologist Katherine M. Keyes of Columbia told me by email, referring to a citation to a purported paper about anxiety among American adolescents resulting from the COVID pandemic. “It does make me concerned given that citation practices are an important part of conducting and reporting rigorous science.”

Keyes said she has done research on the topic at hand: “I would be happy to send this information to the MAHA committee to correct the report, although I have not yet received information on where to reach them,” she said.

We’ll go deeper into the fabrication fiasco in a moment. What’s important is its context: concerted attacks by Kennedy and his associates on the fundamentals of public health in America.

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Those attacks have profound implications not only for Americans’ health, but on pocketbook issues and the U.S. economy generally. HHS bowed toward the latter issue by asserting in the report that the health profile of American children poses “a threat to our nation’s health, economy, and military readiness.”

As it happens, the recent actions at HHS and its subagencies, the Food and Drug Administration and the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, increase those threats.

Take the agencies’ May 20 decision to remove COVID boosters from the CDC’s list of recommended vaccinations for healthy children and pregnant women. The decision opens the door for insurance companies to start charging full price for the shots, rather than covering them without copays as the law requires for preventive services.

That could mean out-of-pocket charges of $100 or more each booster, which could itself discourage families from getting vaccinated. This is a reminder of how family economics affect health.

The original version of RFK Jr.’s MAHA report cited this paper by Katherine Keyes and associates about adolescents’ pandemic-era mental health. The paper doesn’t exist; the citation to the Journal of the American Medical Assn. goes to a page saying it can’t be found. However …

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(HHS)

The MAHA report attributes the rise in childhood obesity and diabetes in part to ultraprocessed foods, or UPFs. But it’s silent on what experts call the “social determinants of disease,” which are heavily related to economics. The report doesn’t mention “food deserts,” mostly low-income neighborhoods in which “children do not have access to anything other than UPFs, … or the cost of fresh food vs. the hyperpalatable and cheap UPFs,” observed the Delaware Academy of Medicine in its gloss on the report.

keyes gone

… after the fabrication was exposed, Heath and Human Services reissued the report, removing the citation without explanation.

(HHS)

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And although the report mentions that safety net programs such as the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program — SNAP, or food stamps, school lunch and breakfast programs, and the Special Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women, Infants, and Children, or WIC, could play a role in promoting healthy eating, it doesn’t mention that those programs face severe budget cuts from the Trump White House.

Last month, HHS canceled nearly $800 million in grants to the pharmaceutical company Moderna for the development of a human vaccine against bird flu, part of a Biden administration effort to prepare for possible future pandemics, the potential social and economic impact of which should be self-evident, given our experience with COVID. Bird flu already has devastated the dairy and poultry industries in many regions and sickened dozens of farmworkers.

There was some hope in the research community that sound science might still live at HHS because some HHS appointees had scientific or medical credentials that Kennedy lacked. Those hopes get dashed on a regular basis.

On Sunday, for instance, FDA Commissioner Marty Makary — a former professor of medicine at Johns Hopkins — was reduced to incoherence when CBS’ “Face the Nation” moderator Margaret Brennan reminded him that on May 20 he co-authored a report in the New England Journal of Medicine that identified pregnancy as factor increasing the risk of “severe COVID-19” — warranting that pregnant women get the vaccine.

“Yet seven days later,” Brennan said, Makary joined with Kennedy in a video announcement recommending against giving pregnant women the booster. “So what changed in the seven days?” Makary argued that only 12% of pregnant women got the shot last year, “so people have serious concerns.”

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What he didn’t say was that those concerns have been ginned up by FDA critics — including Makary — and vaccine opponents, even though clinical trials involving tens of thousands of subjects have validated the recommendation that pregnant women get the vaccine.

That brings us back to the MAHA report.

Let’s start with its core assertion — that “today’s children are the sickest generation in American history.” As soon as the report was issued, this trope was picked up uncritically by the news media, before the report’s citation errors were discovered. But it’s undoubtedly wrong, the product of cherry-picking official statistics and ignoring what they really say.

An attack on childhood vaccination gets a subject heading all its own in this report, which asserts that the number of recommended vaccines for children by 1 year of age has increased from three in 1986 to 29 now, including vaccines for pregnant mothers.

Pediatrician Vincent Iannelli has ably punctured this claim, which he identifies as anti-vax “propaganda.”

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The report reaches its count of 29 by including some vaccines given to children older than 1 year and double-counting shots such as the RSV vaccine, given to either the mother or the infant, not both. An honest count would be as few as 17, not all of which are injections. The report also counts combination vaccines such as MMR and TDaP as three shots rather than one.

In pushing the “sickest generation” trope, the report glides over the heath threats faced by children — and adults — before vaccines were available for specific diseases. In the U.S., measles cases averaged more than 530,000 per year throughout the 20th century; as of 2023, the average was 47, according to the CDC.

Mumps fell from more than 162,000 cases annually to 429 and rubella from nearly 48,000 to three. Whooping cough, or pertussis, fell from nearly 201,000 cases to 5,611. And polio, the fearsome nemesis of American families in the 1950s, from 16,300 to zero.

One can trace the “sickness” of children in bygone generations through child mortality statistics. In 1900, the average life expectancy of a 1-year-old in the U.S. was about 56 years; that bespeaks a morbid population of infants. In 1950 it was still only about 70. Now it’s 79.

For all that the MAHA report purports to identify the leading health threats to America’s kids — processed foods, environmental chemicals, vaccines — it totally ignores what we know to be the single biggest cause of childhood mortality in the U.S.: firearms.

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The CDC has reported that in 2021, firearm injuries killed 2,571 children. That rate of 3.7 deaths per 100,000 children aged 17 and younger was an increase of 68% since 2000. The firearm death rate of 6.01 per 100,000 children aged 1-19 was 10 times the rate in Canada and 20 times the rates in France and Switzerland. Why the silence in the MAHA report? What does that say about how far you should trust the MAHA team at HHS?

As for the multiple false citations in the report, they point to the sheer irresponsibility of a federal agency’s outsourcing of research to AI.

I asked HHS for an explanation of how these errors got into the MAHA report, but I received no reply. White House spokeswoman Karoline Leavitt, however, responded to a reporter’s question about the fiasco by claiming there were “formatting issues” with the report.

Her excuse made me laugh, because it was the same excuse offered by the big law firm Latham and Watkins when it was caught submitting AI fabrications to a judge as part of a legal filing, as I reported recently. In neither case did the excuses explain how “formatting issues,” whatever that means, resulted in the fabrication of source citations.

HHS attributes the report to a 14-member “Make America Healthy Again” commission, composed mostly of cabinet members and other officials with no responsibility for or expertise in public health, such as the secretaries of Housing and Urban Development, Education, Agriculture and Veterans Affairs and directors of White House budget and economic offices. Makary and Bhattacharya are on the panel. They lent their names and reputations to this product, much to their discredit.

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But it’s unclear about who actually put pen to paper. Some of its language can be traced back to Kennedy’s own words. The report’s assertion that “today’s children are the sickest generation in American history” was picked up and amplified by media coverage of the report’s release, even though it’s not supported by the facts. It is a verbatim echo of a claim Kennedy has made repeatedly, however, mostly as a plank in his anti-vaccination platform. It was part of the title of a book his anti-vaccine organization, Children’s Health Defense, issued in 2018 (“The Sickest Generation”).

The most frightening aspect of the MAHA report is that it’s likely to be the blueprint for a comprehensive attack on public health; scarier in that news media and political leaders are citing it as though it has scientific value. It’s so infected with falsehoods, misrepresentations and ideological blinkers that it will only subject the health of American children to the greatest risk they’ve faced in, yes, American history.

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Disney to cut hundreds of employees in latest round of layoffs

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Disney to cut hundreds of employees in latest round of layoffs

Walt Disney Co. launched another deep round of layoffs on Monday, notifying several hundred Disney employees in the U.S. and abroad that their jobs were being eliminated amid an increasingly difficult economic environment for traditional television.

People close to the Burbank entertainment giant confirmed the cuts, which are hitting film and television marketing teams, television publicity, casting and development as well as corporate financial operations.

The move comes just three months after the company axed 200 workers, including at ABC News in New York and Disney-owned entertainment networks. At the time, the division said it was trimming its staff by 6% amid shrinking TV ratings and revenue.

Disney declined to specify how many workers were losing their jobs. The cutbacks — the fourth round of layoffs in less than a year — come after Disney Chief Executive Bob Iger acknowledged to Wall Street that Disney had been pumping out too many shows and movies to compete against Netflix.

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The programming buildup accelerated as the company prepared to launch Disney+ in late 2019, and it bulked up its staff to handle the more robust pipeline.

But the company has since retrenched, recognizing the need to focus on creating high-quality originals that meet Disney’s once lofty standards.

Disney has faced significant budget pressures after promising investors that its direct-to-consumer services — Disney+, Hulu and ESPN+ — would achieve profitability last year. The company lost billions of dollars over several years in its strategic shift to streaming, but it reached its goal to make money on streaming last fall.

Still, streaming subscribers can be fickle, creating a daunting new reality for the company that could long count on cable TV subscriptions as one of its most reliable economic pillars. Cord-cutting has taken a heavy toll.

The entertainment giant — one of Southern California’s largest private sector employers — has eliminated more than 7,000 jobs since 2023.

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The traditional TV and film units felt the brunt of the downsizing during the last year. In July, the company slashed about 140 workers, primarily in its Disney entertainment unit. The company’s TV stations also lost staff members and ABC News shed about 40 employees last October.

ABC News largely escaped this week’s cuts, according to one knowledgeable person who was not authorized to discuss the internal moves.

ABC News still boasts healthy audiences for its newscasts, but the ABC television network and Disney-owned entertainment channels have seen dramatic viewer defections as consumers switch to streaming services, including Netflix, Paramount+ and Disney+.

ABC’s prime-time schedule has lost considerable steam. For the just-ended broadcast television season, ABC mustered only three shows in Nielsen’s top 20 rankings. “Monday Night Football on ABC” ranked seventh by averaging more than 10 million viewers, “Saturday Night Football” ranked 18th with 7.4 million viewers and freshman drama “High Potential” made the cut at 20th with an average audience of 7.1 million, according to Nielsen.

Monday’s eliminations come three weeks after Disney presented its fall lineup to advertisers, leaning heavily on its sports stars including Peyton and Eli Manning rather than actors from its entertainment programming.

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ESPN was spared the ax as the sports unit is preparing for its high-stakes launch this fall of a stand-alone ESPN streaming service, the knowledgeable person said.

The move comes amid a strong run for Disney’s film studio, which has celebrated blockbuster box office results from its live-action “Lilo & Stitch,” which has earned $610 million in ticket sales globally, according to Box Office Mojo.

A month ago, Disney issued strong fiscal second-quarter earnings. The company reported $23.6 billion in revenue for the three months that ended March 29, a 7% increase compared with the same quarter a year earlier. Earnings before taxes totaled $3.1 billion, up $2.4 billion from last year.

Hollywood trade site Deadline first reported the news of the latest Disney cuts.

The landscape has been increasingly challenging for traditional companies. In addition to Disney, Warner Bros. Discovery, Paramount Global and even such tech companies as Amazon and Apple have fired workers.

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In late May, NBCUniversal cut 54 jobs in Los Angeles, according to state employment records. Six Flags Entertainment Corp. laid off 140 workers.

Disney shares closed down 9 cents to $112.95.

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The Imports the U.S. Relies On Most From 140 Nations, From Albania to Zimbabwe

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The Imports the U.S. Relies On Most From 140 Nations, From Albania to Zimbabwe

President Trump’s on-and-off tariffs have created deep uncertainty about the cost of imported goods — and it’s not always clear what goods will be most affected with any given country.

The largest U.S. imports from many countries are oil and gas, electronics, cars and pharmaceuticals. But there’s another way to look at what Americans import: trying to measure a country’s distinct contribution to the U.S.’s total needs.

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For example, China’s largest exports to the U.S. — by dollar value — are electronics. But the U.S. also imports large quantities of electronics from elsewhere. Nearly 100 percent of imported baby carriages, however, come from China.

Switzerland, meanwhile, is responsible for nearly all of America’s imported precious metal watches. Ethiopia, on the other hand, sends the U.S. around 2 percent of its imported knit babies’ clothes — but that’s a larger share than for any other item it exports to the U.S.

The table below shows the item the U.S. relies on most from each of 140 trading partners. (We took out items that the U.S. also exports in large quantities, such as petroleum.)

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What the U.S. is most reliant on from each country

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COUNTRY ITEM
Canada Live pigs
Peru Calcium phosphates
South Africa Chromium ore
Switzerland Precious metal watches
China Baby carriages
Mexico Self-propelled rail transport
Portugal Natural cork articles
India Synthetic reconstructed jewelry stones
Italy Vermouth
Indonesia Palm oil
Madagascar Vanilla
Turkey Retail artificial filament yarn
Brazil Semi-finished iron
Vietnam Coconuts, brazil nuts, and cashews
Australia Sheep and goat meat
New Zealand Misc. animal fats
Gabon Manganese ore
Chile Refined copper
Netherlands Bulbs and roots
Spain Olive oil
Taiwan Tapioca
Argentina Groundnut oil
Colombia Cut flowers
Bolivia Tungsten ore
Dominican Republic Rolled tobacco
Cote d’Ivoire Cocoa paste
Germany Felt machinery
Finland Cobalt oxides and hydroxides
Japan Pianos
Israel Phosphatic fertilizers
Philippines Coconut oil
France Insect resins
Thailand Sugar preserved foods
Malaysia Rubber apparel
Ireland Sulfonamides
Pakistan Light mixed woven cotton
Singapore Glass with edge workings
Guatemala Bananas
Ecuador Cocoa beans
South Korea Rubber inner tubes
Jamaica Aluminum ore
Bangladesh Non-knit babies’ garments
Austria Handguns
United Kingdom Antiques
Cambodia Gum coated textile fabric
Nicaragua Rolled tobacco
Guyana Aluminum ore
Ukraine Seed oils
Belgium Flax woven fabric
Bahrain Stranded aluminum wire
Sri Lanka Coconut and other vegetable fibers
Morocco Barium sulphate
Romania Steel ingots
Norway Carbides
Sweden Stainless steel ingots
Costa Rica Bananas
Honduras Molasses
Paraguay Wood charcoal
Denmark Casein
Tunisia Pure olive oil
Russia Phosphatic fertilizers
Fiji Water
Hong Kong Pearls
Nepal Knotted carpets
Poland Processed mushrooms
Lebanon Phosphatic fertilizers
Croatia Handguns
Bulgaria Non-retail combed wool yarn
Laos Barium sulphate
Mozambique Titanium ore
Ghana Cocoa beans
Bahamas Gravel and crushed stone
Greece Dried, salted, smoked or brined fish
Jordan Knit men’s coats
Czech Republic Rolling machines
El Salvador Molasses
Egypt Spice seeds
United Arab Emirates Raw aluminum
Uganda Vanilla
Nigeria Raw lead
Uruguay Bovine, sheep, and goat fat
Latvia Book-binding machines
Kazakhstan Ironmaking alloys
Cameroon Cocoa paste
Lithuania Wheat gluten
Oman Metal office supplies
Hungary Seed oils
Belize Molasses
Faroe Islands Non-fillet fresh fish
Qatar Pearls
Myanmar Misc. knit clothing accessories
Zambia Precious stones
Slovenia Packaged medications
Senegal Titanium ore
Algeria Cement
Haiti Knit T-shirts
Kenya Titanium ore
Liechtenstein Iron nails
Georgia Ironmaking alloys
Liberia Rubber
Serbia Rubber inner tubes
Iceland Fish fillets
Democratic Republic of the Congo Refined copper
Botswana Diamonds
Chad Insect resins
Zimbabwe Leather further prepared after tanning or crusting
Luxembourg Polyamide fabric
Panama Non-fillet fresh fish
Albania Ironmaking alloys
Estonia Fishing and hunting equipment
Ethiopia Knit babies’ garments
Namibia Wood charcoal
Venezuela Processed crustaceans
Slovakia Rubber tires
Lesotho Knit men’s shirts
Tanzania Precious stones
Papua New Guinea Vanilla
Mauritius Processed fish
Saudi Arabia Iron nails
Moldova Wine
Suriname Non-fillet fresh fish
Angola Pig iron
Armenia Diamonds
Trinidad and Tobago Non-fillet fresh fish
Macau Knitted hats
North Macedonia Curbstones
Togo Fake hair
Bosnia and Herzegovina Non-knit women’s coats
Republic of the Congo Antiques
Azerbaijan Ironmaking alloys
Iraq Antiques
Libya Misc. vegetable products
Cyprus Olive oil
Kuwait Ironmaking alloys
Malta Air conditioners
British Virgin Islands Diamonds
Brunei Knit T-shirts
Cayman Islands Phones
Equatorial Guinea Knitted hats
Sint Maarten Hard liquor

Curious where the U.S. imports a particular item from? You can look it up below.

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Searchable table

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About the data

We analyzed U.S. International Trade Commission data on goods imported for consumption in 2024. We used product descriptions from the Observatory of Economic Complexity to label the goods, and edited these descriptions lightly.

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We grouped goods using the first four digits of their code in the Harmonized Tariff Schedule, which lists categories of products.

We excluded goods that are widely produced in the U.S., using export data to remove goods where the U.S. exports at least 25 percent of what it imports by value.

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We included only trading partners that export at least $50 million of goods each year to the U.S.

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