Connect with us

Business

Goodbye, water cooler; hello, pool: More Los Angeles offices are becoming apartments

Published

on

Goodbye, water cooler; hello, pool: More Los Angeles offices are becoming apartments

Texaco by no means did issues on a small scale.

So when the Texas oil large wanted a Western headquarters within the Nineteen Fifties, it turned to distinguished architect Welton Becket, who designed L.A. landmarks together with Hollywood’s Capitol Information constructing and downtown’s Dorothy Chandler Pavilion.

Becket created a grand high-rise formed like a T (when considered from the sky) for a spot on Wilshire Boulevard, Los Angeles’ storied thoroughfare. It rose subsequent door to what was then the Ambassador Lodge, one of many metropolis’s most unique inns the place celebrities cavorted at its legendary Cocoanut Grove nightclub.

It’s arduous to think about what workplace toilers from the “Mad Males” period would consider the place in the present day.

Often called the Crosby, the constructing has facilities resembling a rooftop swimming pool with cabanas, health middle, fireplace pits and a karaoke room. Month-to-month rents begin round $2,250 and hit $6,500 for a penthouse.

Advertisement

The previous Texaco high-rise is a part of a nationwide push to transform getting old workplace buildings to residential use as demand for housing surpasses the necessity for workplaces in lots of places.

Resident Shaiera Gathings enjoys the rooftop pool on the Crosby, which was as soon as the Texaco oil firm’s Western headquarters.

(Genaro Molina / Los Angeles Instances)

Turning outdated workplace buildings into residences or condos is hardly new, however anticipated cutbacks in workplace leases as firms’ completely adapt to distant work prompted by the pandemic have spurred new curiosity amongst landlords in switching the makes use of of their buildings within the years forward.

Advertisement

Most haven’t acted but as a result of total demand for workplace house as COVID-19 wanes is but to be established, however candidates for conversion are thick on the bottom.

Suppose tank Rand Corp. recognized in a March research 2,300 underutilized workplace and lodge properties in Los Angeles County that may very well be transformed to housing. Most of them are older workplace buildings with huge chunks of unrented house.

If all of the underused buildings had been transformed to housing it could add as many as 113,000 models, Rand stated, about 9% to 14% of the housing Los Angeles County wants to supply over the subsequent eight years to fulfill demand.

Some neighborhoods resembling downtown L.A. and Koreatown, the place the Crosby stands, have concentrations of tall, getting old workplace towers appropriate for housing however many different candidates are much less apparent, architect Karin Liljegren stated.

She makes a speciality of conversions and is bedeviled by what she sees driving round L.A.

Advertisement

“There are alternatives in every single place,” Liljegren stated, resembling small workplace buildings on less-traveled streets. “It’s simply that folks don’t have the imaginative and prescient.”

Amongst those that’ve taken on conversions at a big scale are Jaime and Garrett Lee, two leaders of the Jamison actual property empire based by their father, David Lee. The elder Lee is an internist and immigrant from South Korea who purchased up struggling workplace high-rises in Koreatown after the 1992 Los Angeles civil rebellion depressed their values.

The Crosby in Koreatown in Los Angeles

The Crosby on Wilshire Boulevard is the outdated Texaco workplace constructing, which is formed like a T when considered from the sky.

(Genaro Molina / Los Angeles Instances)

He went on to accumulate many different giant industrial buildings within the Los Angeles space and have become one of many area’s largest industrial landlords, later increasing into creating new residential tasks together with the posh Circa residences downtown and Kurve on Wilshire close to Koreatown.

Advertisement

In 2013, Jamison took an opportunity on changing using considered one of its workplace towers, the previous headquarters of U.S. Borax on Wilshire Boulevard relationship to 1963. Citing rising crime as one of many causes, Borax left for Valencia within the early Nineties and the constructing was not a lot of a draw for enterprise renters within the years that adopted.

It was, nevertheless, additionally designed by Welton Becket and positioned throughout the boulevard from the Artwork Deco landmark Bullocks Wilshire division retailer constructing now occupied by Southwestern Legislation College. Jamison turned the previous Borax constructing into 127 residences.

“A lot to our shock,” Jaime Lee stated, “we leased all of them in three months.”

The Westmore, because the Borax constructing is now recognized, was shortly rented to legislation college students, younger professionals and a few retirees, Jaime Lee stated. “We thought we had been on to one thing.”

Jamison had the benefit of proudly owning buildings in part of the town that was economically recovering due largely to the growth of Korean American companies and residents who had adopted a central swath of the town left behind by company choice makers and longtime white residents.

Advertisement

Places of work within the Wilshire neighborhood fell out of favor with the town’s enterprise leaders within the latter a long time of the twentieth century as many decamped to brisker buildings in different components of the town. Texaco, later absorbed by Chevron Corp., introduced in 1985 that it could promote the property and transfer to a brand new skyscraper in Common Metropolis.

By 2013, the realm’s range was drawing favorable consideration from a youthful crowd not burdened by unsavory impressions of its previous. A tv characteristic about native delicacies by fashionable chef Anthony Bourdain that 12 months helped cement the neighborhood’s fame as a taking place place, Jaime Lee stated.

“Koreatown grew to become a factor,” she stated. And, “a artistic, vibrant neighborhood requires extra housing.”

To this point, Jamison has transformed seven workplace buildings to residential use with a mixed complete of greater than 1,200 models, practically all of that are leased. Extra makeovers are within the works.

“We’re perhaps midway via” changing adaptable Jamison buildings, Jaime Lee stated.

Advertisement
Two people sitting on a sofa laughing.

Residents Munira Nurmohamed, left, and Michael Mun lounge in a library space for residents on the Crosby residences.

(Genaro Molina / Los Angeles Instances)

Though it might value tens of millions of {dollars} to transform a high-rise workplace to residences, it’s cheaper than erecting a brand new constructing from the bottom up. Former workplace buildings additionally have a tendency to come back with ample parking and different giant areas that may be put to new makes use of.

Workplace buildings are usually heated and cooled with huge underground boilers and chillers, Garrett Lee stated. By transferring the local weather management equipment and engineering workplaces to the roof as is frequent in residential buildings, more room turns into accessible for different makes use of. Jamison has dropped in gyms, golf simulators, basketball courts, dance studios and karaoke rooms.

Jamison has discovered room in former workplaces so as to add co-working areas, neighborhood rooms for recreation and good-sized theaters. There are rooftop decks and swimming swimming pools, together with placing greens and dog-washing stations.

Advertisement

The corporate will hold changing workplaces to residences as market calls for dictates, Jaime Lee stated, however Jamison remains to be banking on the office-rental market to rally.

“We nonetheless have excessive hopes that a big contingent of workplace staff are coming again in some unspecified time in the future,” she stated. “We’re not giving up on that.”

Liljegren, founding father of structure agency Omgivning, is extra skeptical about workplace landlords’ prospects as companies adapt to distant work.

“Emptiness is just going up,” she stated. “We’re simply starting to see it.”

One factor actual property trade observers agree on is that many companies are making the most of the delicate office-rental market to maneuver to newer or nicer quarters. A lot of the empty house they’re forsaking is in older buildings that will find yourself being greatest used as housing.

Advertisement

L.A. first noticed a wave of conversions twenty years in the past when the town handed an adaptive reuse ordinance in 1999 that made it simpler beneath metropolis codes to vary workplaces into housing or resorts. The end result was about 15,000 housing models, Liljegren stated. “It’s been extremely profitable.”

That ordinance centered on century-old buildings in downtown’s historic core, however a brand new neighborhood plan near adoption often known as DTLA 2040 would make it simpler to construct housing downtown, together with property conversions. In June, state officers put aside $400 million to supply builders incentives to transform workplaces to reasonably priced housing over the subsequent two years.

Such actions are setting the desk for a surge of conversions, Liljegren stated.

“Now we’re popping out of COVID and we’re seeing a lot much less demand for industrial areas on the similar time there has already been progress within the works by way of coverage and funding.”

Changing an current constructing to a brand new use is extra environmentally sustainable than constructing a brand new one, however the worth of buying workplace buildings could be a barrier to conversion, Rand stated. In neighborhoods with excessive property values resembling West Los Angeles, it’s troublesome for housing builders to afford to purchase an workplace constructing, pay to transform it to housing after which gather excessive sufficient rents to show a revenue.

Advertisement

Downtown Los Angeles, the town’s oldest workplace market, presents extra alternatives. Practically a 3rd of the 37,000 new housing models created since downtown’s residential renaissance kicked off in 2000 had been created via adaptive reuse of largely outdated workplace buildings.

“Adaptive reuse reshaped downtown,” stated Nick Griffin, govt director of the Los Angeles Downtown Heart Enterprise Enchancment District.

The arrival of hundreds of residents modified the character of downtown L.A., which existed within the latter twentieth century primarily as a 9-to-5 workplace district with scarce nightlife, few noteworthy eating places and no grocery shops.

Because the pandemic started, downtown’s inhabitants dynamic has shifted once more. Occupancy in downtown’s residential buildings has held regular and even grown as new models got here to market, however the huge workplace towers constructed to serve white-collar companies have remained stubbornly underpopulated.

A man and woman watch a television screen in a large room.

Jaime Lee, proper, and Garrett Lee within the karaoke room that’s accessible for residents on the Crosby residences.

(Genaro Molina / Los Angeles Instances)

Advertisement

The disappearance of lots of of hundreds of every day workplace staff has been a blow to eating places and different companies that cater to them. Common Los Angeles workplace inhabitants is hovering at about 43% of what it was earlier than COVID-19, in accordance with Kastle Methods, which offers key-card entry techniques utilized by many firms and tracks patterns of staff’ card swipes.

The sustained drop within the variety of individuals coming into the workplace in favor of working remotely has led to hypothesis that firms will hire much less house sooner or later and drive extra workplace landlords to promote or convert their buildings to housing. Many landlords such because the Lees maintain out hope that the good return to the workplace, nevertheless delayed, remains to be coming — even when distant work stays a part of the plan.

If extra workplace buildings are transformed to residential use, it wouldn’t be a foul factor for downtown, Griffin stated. The next ratio of residents and the exercise they create may make remaining workplaces extra fascinating if downtown’s monetary core involves really feel extra like a neighborhood with vitality and energetic road life.

Constructing homeowners will do what they should do to make cash, he stated.

Advertisement

“Take into account that workplace districts like downtown middle have an extended historical past of evolving with the occasions and the market, Griffin stated. “For those who see a scarcity of housing and a surplus of workplace, alternatives to convey these markets into steadiness can be seized.”

Garrett Lee and his sister Jaime Lee at the community space at the Crosby.

Jaime Lee, proper, and Garrett Lee on the neighborhood house on the Crosby.

(Genaro Molina / Los Angeles Instances)

Regardless that hundreds of residences have been added lately, downtown’s models are persistently about 95% occupied and plenty of extra may be added with out oversaturating the market, he stated.

The Los Angeles space is “vastly undersupplied” with housing, he stated, and there are few areas exterior of downtown the place builders can construct on a big scale.

Advertisement

“That dynamic will not be shifting anytime quickly,” he stated. “It will be arduous to overbuild downtown given these components.”

Continue Reading
Advertisement
Click to comment

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *

This site uses Akismet to reduce spam. Learn how your comment data is processed.

Business

Meat processing plant fined nearly $400,000 over child labor violations

Published

on

Meat processing plant fined nearly $400,000 over child labor violations

A federal court has ordered a meat processor in the City of Industry and a staffing agency in Downey to turn over $327,484 in illegal profits associated with child labor, and fined the companies an additional $62,516 in penalties.

The U.S. Department of Labor obtained the court order last week after it investigated A&J Meats and The Right Hire, which helps companies find employees. Investigators concluded that children as young as 15 were working in the processing plant, where they were required to use sharp knives as well as work inside freezers and coolers, in violation of federal child labor regulations.

The two companies also scheduled the children to work at times not permitted by law. Children worked at the facility more than three hours a day on school days, past 7 p.m. and more than 18 hours a week while school was in session, according to a news release from the Department of Labor.

Marc Pilotin, western regional solicitor at the Department of Labor, said the meat processor and staffing agency “knowingly endangered these children’s safety and put their companies’ profits before the well-being of these minors,” according to the news release.

“These employers egregiously violated federal law and now, both have learned about the serious consequences for those who so callously expose children to harm,” he said.

Advertisement

Federal law prevents companies from employing minors in dangerous occupations, including most jobs in meat and poultry slaughtering, processing, rendering and packing factories.

The judgment obtained in the U.S. District Court for the Central District of California is part of a settlement the Labor Department reached with the companies. It also forbids A&J Meats, its owner Priscilla Helen Castillo and The Right Hire staffing agency from trying to trade goods connected to “oppressive child labor.”

As part of the settlement agreement, Castillo and the two companies will be required to provide annual training to employees on federal labor law for at least four years and submit to monitoring by an independent third party for three years.

Yesenia Dominguez, owner of The Right Hire, denied the claims made by the Department of Labor, saying her company did not hire any minors. She said her employees are trained to ask for documentation from workers’ home countries that lists their ages, since often they are migrants and might be undocumented.

“Those allegations aren’t true,” she said. “We do business by the book.”

Advertisement

Dominguez said she felt the government “gave us no choice but to settle.”

A&J Meats did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

The Labor Department has investigated other meat processing plants in California in the last year connected to Castillo’s father, Tony Elvis Bran.

In December, federal investigators found grueling working conditions at two poultry plants in City of Industry and La Puente operated by Exclusive Poultry Inc., as well as other “front companies” owned by Bran.

Children as young as 14 stood for long hours cutting and deboning poultry and operating heavy machinery, the labor department said. The workers came primarily from Indigenous communities in Guatemala.

Advertisement

The poultry processor, which supplies grocery stores including Ralphs and Aldi, was ordered to pay nearly $3.8 million in fines and back wages.

Continue Reading

Business

Smart & Final workers strike amid accusations of retaliation

Published

on

Smart & Final workers strike amid accusations of retaliation

Hundreds of employees at two Smart & Final warehouses went on strike last week amid accusations the retail chain’s parent company retaliated against them for unionizing and is planning mass layoffs.

About 600 workers at the facilities in the City of Commerce and Riverside walked off the job Thursday.

The work stoppage comes after a year of increasing tensions between the workers and Grupo Chedraui, the Mexican company that owns Smart & Final.

At a meeting with employees in May last year, a Smart & Final executive announced that the company planned to close five Southern California distribution centers. The executive told employees at the warehouses they would be terminated and have to reapply for their jobs for lower pay when a new 1.4-million-square-foot facility in Rancho Cucamonga opened, according to several workers who attended the meeting.

The announcement came shortly after workers at the City of Commerce facility had voted to unionize and days before a union election was scheduled to be held at the Riverside distribution center, leading to claims by employees and union officials that the move was in retaliation for the unionization push.

Advertisement

Teamsters Local 630, which represents the workers, has filed more than 30 unfair labor practice charges with the National Labor Relations Board, alleging the company is interfering with workers’ right to organize, among other claims.

Chedraui denies that its actions were retaliatory, saying the planned warehouse closures are part of a plan to integrate “five outdated and capacity-strained facilities that are spread across 2,000 square miles.”

“The Teamsters’ claims are simply not true,” the company said in an emailed statement. “Our new facility will employ nearly 1000 people, creating hundreds more American jobs than exist today. This will substantially reduce our carbon footprint and enable us to continue providing affordable food to communities in California that need it the most.”

Chedraui said the strike, which began Thursday, hasn’t caused any major disruptions in its operation of distribution centers.

Grupo Chedraui acquired Smart & Final in 2021 for $620 million through its American subsidiary, Chedraui USA. Along with Smart & Final it operates two other chains in the U.S., El Super and Fiesta Mart, making it the fourth-largest grocery retailer in California, according to company news releases. It also operates stores in Arizona, Texas, New Mexico and Nevada.

Advertisement

Many of the Smart & Final warehouse workers have been with the company for more than 20 or 30 years and make about $32 per hour, union organizers and workers said in interviews. At job fairs for prospective hires at the new distribution center, Chedraui is advertising pay at $20 an hour, the organizers and employees claim.

“Things are very uncertain for us,” said Daniel Delgado, who has worked for more than 19 years at Smart & Final’s distribution center in Riverside. With the strike, “we are trying to send the company a message — a message that we are tired of being looked at as a faceless number.”

“We know this company has made billions of dollars off our backs,” he said.

Chedraui USA had $7.5 billion in domestic sales in 2022, a 137% increase over its 2021 revenue, according to an analysis of the nation’s top 100 retailers by the National Retail Federation.

In April, state Assemblymember Chris Holden (D-Pasadena) wrote to Chedraui , warning that the company’s plan to force warehouse workers to reapply for jobs appeared to violate a law he authored last year. The measure, Assembly Bill 647, aims to protect jobs of grocery employees, including warehouse workers, in the event of mergers or reorganizations of companies.

Advertisement

And Daniel Yu, assistant chief of the California Labor Commissioner’s Office, sent a letter in May to Chedraui, urging the company to suspend its plans to relocate its facility and delay hiring in order for his office to collect evidence to determine whether the company’s actions violate labor law.

The decision to strike this month came after a three-week work stoppage last year and other protests by employees. Maurice Thomas was among hundreds of workers who rallied outside a Smart & Final in Burbank in August. He joined the company about three years ago, leaving his job at a Frito-Lay plant in Texas to take care of his parents in California.

“It’s been real, real tough,” Thomas said. “The company has no interest in bargaining with us, they are delaying until either we give up or they move to this new facility without us. But we are not going down without a fight,” he said.

Advertisement
Continue Reading

Business

Column: This huge insurer got caught flouting a law protecting contraceptive access, but its fine is a joke

Published

on

Column: This huge insurer got caught flouting a law protecting contraceptive access, but its fine is a joke

There’s good news and bad news about a legal settlement that New York state just reached with the giant health insurer UnitedHealth over its denial of contraception coverage for a member, which violated state law.

The good news is that UnitedHealth got caught and has been ordered to reimburse the member — and all others in her situation — for the out-of-pocket costs they incurred.

The bad news is that in addition to the reimbursement order, New York Atty. Gen. Letitia James imposed a penalty of only $1 million on the company.

The ability to access birth control and the legal right to it are being threatened by extremists. The threat goes against the will and the desires of the American public, which overwhelmingly supports birth control and overwhelmingly use it.

— Gretchen Borchelt, National Women’s Law Center

Advertisement

For UnitedHealth, that’s the equivalent of about one-hundredth of a penny based on its annual revenue. In other words, if someone dropped a packet worth of $1 million on the street in front of the company’s chairman, he might not even bend over to pick them up for fear of creasing his trousers.

A couple more bits of bad news: Not only is UnitedHealth a “repeat offender” in breaching contraception access laws (in the words of Gretchen Borchelt of the National Womens Law Center), but it’s also not the only health insurer engaging in sophistry and pretexts to deny members access to birth control in violation of state and federal laws.

The center has documented cases in which Blue Cross and Blue Shield affiliates, the pharmacy benefit manager CVS Caremark, and others have charged customers illegal out-of-pocket payments or imposed prior authorization rules before approving reimbursements for contraceptives.

Vermont regulators last year reported that they discovered 14,000 instances affecting 9,000 residents who were illegally charged for contraceptives that the law required to be dispensed without costs. The state’s three largest health insurers — Blue Cross Blue Shield, MVP Healthcare and Cigna — illicitly shifted $1.5 million in costs for contraceptives, tubal ligations and vasectomies to consumers over the prior two years. The health plans were ordered to reimburse their members.

Advertisement

In 2022, the House Committee on Oversight and Reform found widespread violations by health plans and pharmacy benefit managers of the Affordable Care Act’s mandates that the full range of FDA-approved birth control be offered to all customers. The committee cited the NWLC’s findings, and specifically queried five of the largest insurers (including UnitedHealth) and four of the largest PBMs to determine whether they were complying with the law.

But that was when the committee was under a Democratic Party majority. Since it came under GOP control last year, it’s been preoccupied with chasing the Hunter Biden case and harassing scientists and government officials as part of a fruitless effort to prove that the COVID-19 pandemic originated in a Chinese lab. So women’s healthcare rights have fallen off its radar screen.

Protecting access to contraceptives is more important today than it has been since 1965, when the Supreme Court guaranteed married couples’ access to contraceptives on privacy grounds in Griswold vs. Connecticut; that decision was augmented in 1972 in Eisenstadt vs. Baird, which extended access rights to single women, and of course by Roe vs. Wade, which brought privacy protections to the right to abortion in 1973.

The Supreme Court overturned Roe vs. Wade two years ago Monday, fomenting sheer chaos and pain and suffering for women in the states that have jumped in to quash abortion rights since that moment.

Politicians and judges in anti-abortion states have been talking about extending the Supreme Court’s abortion ruling to contraception. Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas, in a concurring opinion to the Dobbs decision overturning Roe vs. Wade, listed Griswold among the precedents he thinks should be “reconsidered.”

Advertisement

A popular claim is that contraceptives fall into a ban on the mailing of those products enacted as part of the Comstock Act in 1873.

Past practice and legal tradition relegated the act, which Congress passed at the behest of Anthony Comstock, one of the outstanding bluenoses of American history, to the scrap heap long ago. Most rational legal experts, including those at the Department of Justice, interpret it today as banning the shipment of materials destined for illegal use; since contraceptives are legal nationwide and only 14 states have total abortion bans, it’s maybe hard to make the illegality claim stick.

Nevertheless, the Comstock Act was cited in the ruling by federal Judge Matthew Kacsmarykoutlawing mifepristone for medical abortions and by U.S. 5th Circuit Court of Appeals Judge James C. Ho in his partial dissent from an appellate decision placing some of Kacsmaryk’s ruling on hold; both judges are certified anti-abortion fanatics. The Supreme Court threw out their restrictions on the drug, protecting access nationwide for the present, on June 12.

As recently as June 5, Senate Republicans blocked a Democratic effort to install a right to contraception in federal law. The Democratic measure won 51 votes — a majority, but not enough to forestall a filibuster threat, which would have required 60 votes.

The UnitedHealth case illustrates how contraceptive rights can fall victim to the complexities of America’s fragmented healthcare system, though that’s not an excuse for the company’s legal violation.

Advertisement

In response to the settlement, UnitedHealth told me by email that it aims for all its members to have “timely access to a variety of high-value and affordable FDA-approved contraceptives when they need them.” It says it provides “access to more than 150 FDA-approved contraceptive options with $0 cost-share.”

Under New York law, that may not be enough. The state requires health plans to provide access to all contraceptive options approved by the Food and Drug Administration without cost-sharing. That goes further than the Affordable Care Act, which requires health plans to provide access to at least one treatment in each of several contraceptive categories “without copays, restrictions, or delays.” California’s Contraceptive Equity Act requires health plans to cover certain birth control methods without copays; voters enshrined rights to abortion and contraceptives in the state Constitution via Proposition 1 of 2022, which passed by a decisive 2-1 majority.

UnitedHealth ran afoul of New York’s law when it denied coverage to a member whose doctor had prescribed Slynd, a progestin-only oral contraceptive. The product is aimed at patients for whom the more conventional estrogen-based birth control is medically unsuitable. The patient filed a complaint with state regulators last year.

UnitedHealth refused to cover the product because of “safety concerns,” according to the state’s settlement. It insisted on prior authorization and step therapy (in which patients are required to try cheaper treatments first) before approving coverage, and continued to deny the patient coverage even after an appeal and queries by the state attorney general and other regulators. The insurer says it has dropped these requirements for Slynd.

The settlement requires UnitedHealth to identify and reimburse all members who were denied contraceptive coverage without copays or restrictions at any time since June 1, 2020, plus 12% annual interest.

Advertisement

How James and UnitedHealth came to the $1-million penalty isn’t clear — the contraceptive access law itself doesn’t carry a penalty clause, but other potentially relevant state laws do. The attorney general’s office noted that the penalty was imposed after only a single complaint, suggesting that it took the matter seriously.

What is clear, however, is that if the penalty is meant to be a disincentive to deliberately flouting the law or doing so through inaction or inattention, it’s laughable. UnitedHealth collected $371.6 billion in revenue last year — that’s more than $1 billion a day. Of that sum, nearly $291 billion came from insurance premiums. The firm reported more than $29 billion in pretax profits last year.

Imposing unnecessary, burdensome or illegal restrictions on contraceptive access is one way that health insurers or other healthcare providers make themselves complicit in the conservative project to narrow women’s reproductive health options.

It should be remembered, for example, that the drugstore chain Walgreens announced last year that it wouldn’t distribute or ship mifepristone in at least 21 red states, including at least four where abortions remain legal. The company was unnerved by a saber-rattling letter it received from the attorneys general of those states warning vaguely of “consequences” for shipping mifepristone, a drug used to induce abortions. The letter cited the Comstock Act.

Walgreens said in March that it would start distributing the product to physicians, but not directly to patients and not in states where abortion is banned.

Advertisement

“The ability to access birth control and the legal right to it are being threatened by extremists,” Borchelt says. “The threat goes against the will and the desires of the American public, which overwhelmingly supports birth control and overwhelmingly use it.”

Surveys by the NWLC — and patient complaints filed via its CoverHer hotline — document that restrictions on coverage for legal birth control have been endemic. Some plans have refused to cover products such as the vaginal contraceptive ring or contraceptive patch, arguing that other “hormonal” contraceptives were covered and therefore patients didn’t need access to the ring or patch, which are obviously discrete methods. That was an argument used by UnitedHealth.

Other health plans have covered only certain IUDs, or covered only generic contraceptives even when patients had difficulty tolerating any but brand name products. Women who underwent tubal ligations were told that their insurers would cover only the direct cost of the procedure, but not anesthesia, medications or facility charges. Some have been denied coverage for innovative but FDA-approved birth control methods, such as a hormone-free gel.

Patients denied coverage are often forced to undertake lengthy appeals and continue their efforts through repeated denials.

Whether because it is the nation’s largest health insurer or it has continued to place barriers in the way of members seeking coverage to which they’re entitled by law, UnitedHealth is “one of the insurance companies we hear about most often through our CoverHer hotline as being problematic,” Borchelt says. “They have been on notice that it has been violating the law in numerous ways; while the New York attorney general has done incredible work that will make a real difference for consumers not just in New York, but it shouldn’t have come to this.”

Advertisement
Continue Reading

Trending