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Column: Trump's all-out assault on transgender rights isn't a sign of strength, but cowardice

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Column: Trump's all-out assault on transgender rights isn't a sign of strength, but cowardice

It was easy to think that the diatribe about school transgender policies Donald Trump voiced during his presidential campaign was his most “deranged and despicable,” as I described it at the time.

Do you remember? At an event with Moms for Liberty, the far-right gang of book-banners, Trump said the following: “Think of it. Your kid goes to school and comes home a few days later with an operation. The school decides what’s gonna happen with your child. And you know, many of these childs [sic] 15 years later say, ‘What the hell happened? Who did this to me?’ They say, ‘Who did this to me?’”

None of this existed in the real world; one would have to be bereft of cognitive capacity to believe Trump’s picture of children being kidnapped, held for days so they can be operated on by their school, then to wake up 15 years later to discover their sex had been changed.

California families seeking gender affirming care, and the doctors and staff who provide it, are protected under state laws.

— California Atty. Gen. Rob Bonta

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As we now know, however, Trump was only getting started. With the issuance of executive orders starting on his first day in office, Trump wiped out policies aimed at protecting transgender adults from discrimination, and moved to outlaw gender-affirming medical therapies for anyone under 19 — which includes 18-year-olds who are legally adults — by cutting off federal funding for healthcare institutions that provide such care.

Trump is no longer claiming that K-12 schools were subjecting children to involuntary operations, but once you’ve said that you’ve said everything. He banned transgender individuals from serving in the military and ordered the Federal Bureau of Prisons to move transgender inmates into the general populations consistent with their birth genders, which exposes them to physical assault. (Federal Judge Royce Lamberth of Washington, D.C., on Wednesday blocked the government from transferring three transgender women into the male prison population or terminating their hormone treatments.)

He declared that the federal government recognizes only “two sexes, male and female,” which are “not changeable and are grounded in fundamental and incontrovertible reality,” and has forbidden health plans serving federal employees to cover gender-affirming care for people under 19.

This all amounts to what legal commentator Mark Joseph Stern of Slate accurately labels “the biggest, broadest, most vicious assault on transgender existence we’ve ever seen,” a campaign of “unfathomable” scope.

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Trump’s attacks on transgender individuals and their care were part of his drive to portray himself as a political strongman. But they’re just the opposite: They’re expressions of cowardice, because he well knows that his targets have little political power.

Who are the targets of these orders? They’re not a large group. About 1.6 million U.S. adults, or one-half of 1%, and 300,000 adolescents aged 13 to 17, or 1.4%, identify as transgender, according to a study by UCLA law school. A study by Harvard researchers found that fewer than 1% adolescents with private health insurance received either puberty blockers or hormone treatments.

“We are not seeing inappropriate use of this sort of care,” Landon Hughes, the study’s lead author, told the Associated Press. “And it’s certainly not happening at the rate at which people often think it is.”

Yet transgender care, especially for adolescents, has become an ideological litmus test for conservatives and Republican politicians. Restrictions on gender-affirming therapies for those under 18 have been enacted in 26 states; the rules imposed by Tennessee are under consideration by the U.S. Supreme Court, which heard oral arguments in the case Dec. 4.

These laws purport to be based on sound medical concerns. But that’s a smoke screen, since leading medical associations and physicians involved with pediatric and adolescent care support the therapies outlawed by the states as the legitimate standard of care for their patients.

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One can always identify bullies by the targets they choose, and that’s the case here. As I wrote during Trump’s first term, when his anti-transgender policies were still in the gestational state, “There is no conceivable reason to support discrimination against transgender individuals other than to show one can target any community, as long as it doesn’t have a strong political voice or political power. These are the actions of bullies and cowards, pretending to be strong.”

Over recent years and decades, the roster of targets the right wing could exploit to keep its base unified has been shrinking.

Open racism became no longer socially acceptable (though it made a strong comeback in the first Trump era). The list of ethnic groups that could be stereotyped as undesirables had shrunk. It was no longer respectable to laugh at or denigrate the mentally ill, the homeless, the disabled.

Gays and lesbians had moved into the mainstream of culture and society. Even conservative and Republican families had come to accept gay and lesbian siblings, children and parents as deserving of their love.

Most importantly, gays and lesbians had acquired a political voice; gay-bashing would no longer work for a political candidate as it had in the past, except perhaps in the most benighted corners of American society.

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So who’s left? Transgender individuals, who are still so scarce in our lives and culture, and still so relatively powerless, that politicians can demonize and demean them without much fear that they can strike back.

Trump’s executive orders explicitly reflect this mindset. He doesn’t accept that adolescents can experience gender dysphoria unless they’ve been subjected to “radical indoctrination” by schoolteachers. He says that gender-affirming treatments are imposed only on “impressionable children”—never mind that their parents have consulted with medical professionals and support their judgments.

He says transgender recruits “cannot satisfy the rigorous standards necessary for military service” and aren’t committed to “an honorable, truthful, and disciplined lifestyle.” He says transgender individuals make “the false claim that males can identify as and thus become women and vice versa, and [require] all institutions of society to regard this false claim as true.”

Trump’s attacks on transgender rights and medical care aren’t like the performative horseplay he engaged in over tariff policy and the global economy; in that case Wall Streeters acted as if they knew he wasn’t really serious, and the government leaders of Canada and Mexico foresaw that he would look for a way to declare victory and back down.

There’s nothing abstract about transgender policies, by contrast. They’re aimed directly at vulnerable individuals whose lives he has disrupted. That disruption began with Trump’s inauguration, and continues to that day, due in part to the capitulation of healthcare institutions to his fact-free and possibly illegal policymaking.

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On Tuesday, Childrens Hospital Los Angeles said it was “pausing the initiation of hormonal therapies for all gender affirming care patients under the age of 19” while it evaluates Trump’s executive order on gender care “to fully understand its implications.” The hospital said it would continue care for patients who were already receiving it.

The hospital referred me to its formal statement, in which it asserted that “physical and mental health, safety, and well-being of all of our patients remains our highest priority.” That’s a pretty serving of boilerplate, but it’s obviously in conflict with its “pause,” since placing the well-being of all its patients conflicts with its decision to bow, even if temporarily, to Trump’s orders.

In any case, the hospital was crisply informed by California Atty. Gen. Rob Bonta that state law prohibits what appears to be its discriminatory treatment of transgender patients, since it provides cisgender patients with hormone treatments and other therapies named by Trump if they’re provided for transgender patients. Bonta also told the hospital by letter that a federal judge already has blocked Trump’s effort to freeze federal funds that don’t conform to his own priorities.

Federal agencies have no basis “to threaten or revoke your federal funding,” Bonta wrote, whatever Trump says. “California families seeking gender affirming care, and the doctors and staff who provide it, are protected under state laws.” CHLA didn’t answer my question about how it plans to respond to Bonta’s advisory.

Other institutions around the country have also capitulated to Trump’s grandstanding, affording him the opportunity for a victory lap. In a news release issued Monday, he bragged about all the healthcare providers that have canceled appointments for gender-affirming care for patients under 19 or paused, suspended or ended gender-affirming treatments.

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How long can Trump’s campaign go on? Perhaps not very long. Two organizations that support gender-affirming care, five transgender minors and three transgender adults filed a federal lawsuit Tuesday specifically asking a federal judge in Maryland to declare Trump’s executive orders on gender unconstitutional and unlawful, and to block his cutoff of federal funds for providers of such care.

They may succeed in blocking Trump’s funding freeze, for a time, but that would be only a procedural victory. Trump and his acolytes have injected a poisonous, partisan and ideological view of transgender individuals and their medical needs that may infect American politics for a long time. The providers who bowed to Trump’s threats will deserve a good measure of blame for that.

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California gas is pricey already. The Iran war could cost you even more

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California gas is pricey already. The Iran war could cost you even more

The U.S. attack on Iran is expected to have an unwelcome impact on California drivers — a jump in gas prices that could be felt at the pump in a week or two.

The outbreak of war in the Middle East, which virtually closed a key Persian Gulf shipping lane, spiked the price of a barrel of Brent crude oil by as much as $10, with prices rising as high as $82.37 on Monday before settling down.

The price of the international standard dictates what motorists pay for gas globally, including in California, with every dollar increase translating to 2.5 cents at the pump, said Severin Borenstein, faculty director of the Energy Institute at UC Berkeley’s Haas School of Business.

That would mean drivers could pay at least 20 cents more per gallon, though how much damage the conflict will do to wallets remains to be seen.

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“The real issue though is the oil markets are just guessing right now at what is going to happen. It’s a time of extreme volatility,” Borenstein said. “We don’t know whether the war will widen or end quickly, and all of those things will drive the price of crude.”

President Trump has lauded the reduction of nationwide gas prices as a validation of his economic agenda despite worries about a weak job market and concerns of persistent inflation.

The upheaval in the Middle East could be more acutely felt in the state.

Californians already pay far more for gas than the rest of the country, with the average cost of a gallon of regular at $4.66, up 3 cents from a week ago and 30 cents from a month ago, according to AAA. The current nationwide average is about $3 per gallon.

The disruption in international crude markets also comes as refiners are switching to producing California’s summer-blend gas, which is less volatile during the state’s hot summers. The switch can drive up the price of a gallon of gas at least 15 cents.

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The prices in California are largely driven by higher taxes and a cleaner, less polluting blend required year-round by regulators to combat pollution — and it’s long been a hot-button issue.

The politics were only exacerbated by recent refinery closures, including the Phillips 66 refinery in Wilmington in October and the idling and planned closure of the Valero refinery in Benicia, Calif., which reduced refining capacity in the state by about 18%.

California also has seen a steady reduction in its crude oil production, making it more reliant on international imports of oil and gasoline.

In 2024, only 23.3% of the crude oil refined in the state was pumped in California, with 13% from Alaska and 63% from elsewhere in the world, including about 30% from the Middle East, said Jim Stanley, a spokesperson for the Western States Petroleum Assn.

“We could see a supply crunch and real price volatility” if the Middle East supply is interrupted, he said.

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The Strait of Hormuz in the Persian Gulf, through which about 20% of the world’s oil passes, was virtually closed Monday, according to reports. Though it produces only about 3% of global oil, Iran has considerable sway over energy markets because it controls the strait.

Also, in response to the U.S. attack, Iran has fired a barrage of missiles at neighboring Persian Gulf states. Saudi Arabia said it intercepted Iranian drones targeting one of its refinery complexes.

California Republicans and the California Fuels & Convenience Alliance, a trade group representing fuel marketers, gas station owners and others, have blamed Gov. Gavin Newsom’s policies for driving up the price of gas.

A landmark climate change law calls for California to become carbon neutral by 2045, and Newsom told regulators in 2021 to stop issuing fracking permits and to phase out oil extraction by 2045. He also signed a bill allowing local governments to block construction of oil and gas wells.

However, last year Newsom changed his stance and signed a bill that will allow up to 2,000 new oil wells per year through 2036 in Kern County despite legal challenges by environmental groups. The county produces about three-fourths of the state’s crude oil.

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Borenstein said he didn’t expect that the new state oil production would do much to lower gas prices because it is only marginally cheaper than oil imported by ocean tankers.

Stanley said the aim of the law was to support the Kern County oil industry, which was facing pipeline closures without additional supplies to ship to state refineries.

Statewide, the industry supports more than 535,000 jobs, $166 billion in economic activity and $48 billion in local and state taxes, according to a report last year by the Los Angeles County Economic Development Corp.

Bloomberg News and the Associated Press contributed to this report.

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Block to cut more than 4,000 jobs amid AI disruption of the workplace

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Block to cut more than 4,000 jobs amid AI disruption of the workplace

Fintech company Block said Thursday that it’s cutting more than 4,000 workers or nearly half of its workforce as artificial intelligence disrupts the way people work.

The Oakland parent company of payment services Square and Cash App saw its stock surge by more than 23% in after-hours trading after making the layoff announcement.

Jack Dorsey, the co-founder and head of Block, said in a post on social media site X that the company didn’t make the decision because the company is in financial trouble.

“We’re already seeing that the intelligence tools we’re creating and using, paired with smaller and flatter teams, are enabling a new way of working which fundamentally changes what it means to build and run a company,” he said.

Block is the latest tech company to announce massive cuts as employers push workers to use more AI tools to do more with fewer people. Amazon in January said it was laying off 16,000 people as part of effort to remove layers within the company.

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Block has laid off workers in previous years. In 2025, Block said it planned to slash 931 jobs, or 8% of its workforce, citing performance and strategic issues but Dorsey said at the time that the company wasn’t trying to replace workers with AI.

As tech companies embrace AI tools that can code, generate text and do other tasks, worker anxiety about whether their jobs will be automated have heightened.

In his note to employees Dorsey said that he was weighing whether to make cuts gradually throughout months or years but chose to act immediately.

“Repeated rounds of cuts are destructive to morale, to focus, and to the trust that customers and shareholders place in our ability to lead,” he told workers. “I’d rather take a hard, clear action now and build from a position we believe in than manage a slow reduction of people toward the same outcome.”

Dorsey is also the co-founder of Twitter, which was later renamed to X after billionaire Elon Musk purchased the company in 2022.

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As of December, Block had 10,205 full-time employees globally, according to the company’s annual report. The company said it plans to reduce its workforce by the end of the second quarter of fiscal year 2026.

The company’s gross profit in 2025 reached more than $10 billion, up 17% compared to the previous year.

Dorsey said he plans to address employees in a live video session and noted that their emails and Slack will remain open until Thursday evening so they can say goodbye to colleagues.

“I know doing it this way might feel awkward,” he said. “I’d rather it feel awkward and human than efficient and cold.”

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WGA cancels Los Angeles awards show amid labor strike

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WGA cancels Los Angeles awards show amid labor strike

The Writers Guild of America West has canceled its awards ceremony scheduled to take place March 8 as its staff union members continue to strike, demanding higher pay and protections against artificial intelligence.

In a letter sent to members on Sunday, WGA West’s board of directors, including President Michele Mulroney, wrote, “The non-supervisory staff of the WGAW are currently on strike and the Guild would not ask our members or guests to cross a picket line to attend the awards show. The WGAW staff have a right to strike and our exceptional nominees and honorees deserve an uncomplicated celebration of their achievements.”

The New York ceremony, scheduled on the same day, is expected go forward while an alternative celebration for Los Angeles-based nominees will take place at a later date, according to the letter.

Comedian and actor Atsuko Okatsuka was set to host the L.A. show, while filmmaker James Cameron was to receive the WGA West Laurel Award.

WGA union staffers have been striking outside the guild’s Los Angeles headquarters on Fairfax Avenue since Feb. 17. The union alleged that management did not intend to reach an agreement on the pending contract. Further, it claimed that guild management had “surveilled workers for union activity, terminated union supporters, and engaged in bad faith surface bargaining.”

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On Tuesday, the labor organization said that management had raised the specter of canceling the ceremony during a call about contraction negotiations.

“Make no mistake: this is an attempt by WGAW management to drive a wedge between WGSU and WGA membership when we should be building unity ahead of MBA [Minimum Basic Agreement] negotiations with the AMPTP [Alliance of Motion Picture and Television Producers],” wrote the staff union. “We urge Guild management to end this strike now,” the union wrote on Instagram.

The union, made up of more than 100 employees who work in areas including legal, communications and residuals, was formed last spring and first authorized a strike in January with 82% of its members. Contract negotiations, which began in September, have focused on the use of artificial intelligence, pay raises and “basic protections” including grievance procedures.

The WGA has said that it offered “comprehensive proposals with numerous union protections and improvements to compensation and benefits.”

The ceremony’s cancellation, coming just weeks before the Academy Awards, casts a shadow over the upcoming contraction negotiations between the WGA and the Alliance of Motion Picture and Television Producers, which represents the studios and streamers.

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In 2023, the WGA went on a strike lasting 148 days, the second-longest strike in the union’s history.

Times staff writer Cerys Davies contributed to this report.

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