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Column: Trump's all-out assault on transgender rights isn't a sign of strength, but cowardice

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Column: Trump's all-out assault on transgender rights isn't a sign of strength, but cowardice

It was easy to think that the diatribe about school transgender policies Donald Trump voiced during his presidential campaign was his most “deranged and despicable,” as I described it at the time.

Do you remember? At an event with Moms for Liberty, the far-right gang of book-banners, Trump said the following: “Think of it. Your kid goes to school and comes home a few days later with an operation. The school decides what’s gonna happen with your child. And you know, many of these childs [sic] 15 years later say, ‘What the hell happened? Who did this to me?’ They say, ‘Who did this to me?’”

None of this existed in the real world; one would have to be bereft of cognitive capacity to believe Trump’s picture of children being kidnapped, held for days so they can be operated on by their school, then to wake up 15 years later to discover their sex had been changed.

California families seeking gender affirming care, and the doctors and staff who provide it, are protected under state laws.

— California Atty. Gen. Rob Bonta

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As we now know, however, Trump was only getting started. With the issuance of executive orders starting on his first day in office, Trump wiped out policies aimed at protecting transgender adults from discrimination, and moved to outlaw gender-affirming medical therapies for anyone under 19 — which includes 18-year-olds who are legally adults — by cutting off federal funding for healthcare institutions that provide such care.

Trump is no longer claiming that K-12 schools were subjecting children to involuntary operations, but once you’ve said that you’ve said everything. He banned transgender individuals from serving in the military and ordered the Federal Bureau of Prisons to move transgender inmates into the general populations consistent with their birth genders, which exposes them to physical assault. (Federal Judge Royce Lamberth of Washington, D.C., on Wednesday blocked the government from transferring three transgender women into the male prison population or terminating their hormone treatments.)

He declared that the federal government recognizes only “two sexes, male and female,” which are “not changeable and are grounded in fundamental and incontrovertible reality,” and has forbidden health plans serving federal employees to cover gender-affirming care for people under 19.

This all amounts to what legal commentator Mark Joseph Stern of Slate accurately labels “the biggest, broadest, most vicious assault on transgender existence we’ve ever seen,” a campaign of “unfathomable” scope.

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Trump’s attacks on transgender individuals and their care were part of his drive to portray himself as a political strongman. But they’re just the opposite: They’re expressions of cowardice, because he well knows that his targets have little political power.

Who are the targets of these orders? They’re not a large group. About 1.6 million U.S. adults, or one-half of 1%, and 300,000 adolescents aged 13 to 17, or 1.4%, identify as transgender, according to a study by UCLA law school. A study by Harvard researchers found that fewer than 1% adolescents with private health insurance received either puberty blockers or hormone treatments.

“We are not seeing inappropriate use of this sort of care,” Landon Hughes, the study’s lead author, told the Associated Press. “And it’s certainly not happening at the rate at which people often think it is.”

Yet transgender care, especially for adolescents, has become an ideological litmus test for conservatives and Republican politicians. Restrictions on gender-affirming therapies for those under 18 have been enacted in 26 states; the rules imposed by Tennessee are under consideration by the U.S. Supreme Court, which heard oral arguments in the case Dec. 4.

These laws purport to be based on sound medical concerns. But that’s a smoke screen, since leading medical associations and physicians involved with pediatric and adolescent care support the therapies outlawed by the states as the legitimate standard of care for their patients.

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One can always identify bullies by the targets they choose, and that’s the case here. As I wrote during Trump’s first term, when his anti-transgender policies were still in the gestational state, “There is no conceivable reason to support discrimination against transgender individuals other than to show one can target any community, as long as it doesn’t have a strong political voice or political power. These are the actions of bullies and cowards, pretending to be strong.”

Over recent years and decades, the roster of targets the right wing could exploit to keep its base unified has been shrinking.

Open racism became no longer socially acceptable (though it made a strong comeback in the first Trump era). The list of ethnic groups that could be stereotyped as undesirables had shrunk. It was no longer respectable to laugh at or denigrate the mentally ill, the homeless, the disabled.

Gays and lesbians had moved into the mainstream of culture and society. Even conservative and Republican families had come to accept gay and lesbian siblings, children and parents as deserving of their love.

Most importantly, gays and lesbians had acquired a political voice; gay-bashing would no longer work for a political candidate as it had in the past, except perhaps in the most benighted corners of American society.

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So who’s left? Transgender individuals, who are still so scarce in our lives and culture, and still so relatively powerless, that politicians can demonize and demean them without much fear that they can strike back.

Trump’s executive orders explicitly reflect this mindset. He doesn’t accept that adolescents can experience gender dysphoria unless they’ve been subjected to “radical indoctrination” by schoolteachers. He says that gender-affirming treatments are imposed only on “impressionable children”—never mind that their parents have consulted with medical professionals and support their judgments.

He says transgender recruits “cannot satisfy the rigorous standards necessary for military service” and aren’t committed to “an honorable, truthful, and disciplined lifestyle.” He says transgender individuals make “the false claim that males can identify as and thus become women and vice versa, and [require] all institutions of society to regard this false claim as true.”

Trump’s attacks on transgender rights and medical care aren’t like the performative horseplay he engaged in over tariff policy and the global economy; in that case Wall Streeters acted as if they knew he wasn’t really serious, and the government leaders of Canada and Mexico foresaw that he would look for a way to declare victory and back down.

There’s nothing abstract about transgender policies, by contrast. They’re aimed directly at vulnerable individuals whose lives he has disrupted. That disruption began with Trump’s inauguration, and continues to that day, due in part to the capitulation of healthcare institutions to his fact-free and possibly illegal policymaking.

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On Tuesday, Childrens Hospital Los Angeles said it was “pausing the initiation of hormonal therapies for all gender affirming care patients under the age of 19” while it evaluates Trump’s executive order on gender care “to fully understand its implications.” The hospital said it would continue care for patients who were already receiving it.

The hospital referred me to its formal statement, in which it asserted that “physical and mental health, safety, and well-being of all of our patients remains our highest priority.” That’s a pretty serving of boilerplate, but it’s obviously in conflict with its “pause,” since placing the well-being of all its patients conflicts with its decision to bow, even if temporarily, to Trump’s orders.

In any case, the hospital was crisply informed by California Atty. Gen. Rob Bonta that state law prohibits what appears to be its discriminatory treatment of transgender patients, since it provides cisgender patients with hormone treatments and other therapies named by Trump if they’re provided for transgender patients. Bonta also told the hospital by letter that a federal judge already has blocked Trump’s effort to freeze federal funds that don’t conform to his own priorities.

Federal agencies have no basis “to threaten or revoke your federal funding,” Bonta wrote, whatever Trump says. “California families seeking gender affirming care, and the doctors and staff who provide it, are protected under state laws.” CHLA didn’t answer my question about how it plans to respond to Bonta’s advisory.

Other institutions around the country have also capitulated to Trump’s grandstanding, affording him the opportunity for a victory lap. In a news release issued Monday, he bragged about all the healthcare providers that have canceled appointments for gender-affirming care for patients under 19 or paused, suspended or ended gender-affirming treatments.

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How long can Trump’s campaign go on? Perhaps not very long. Two organizations that support gender-affirming care, five transgender minors and three transgender adults filed a federal lawsuit Tuesday specifically asking a federal judge in Maryland to declare Trump’s executive orders on gender unconstitutional and unlawful, and to block his cutoff of federal funds for providers of such care.

They may succeed in blocking Trump’s funding freeze, for a time, but that would be only a procedural victory. Trump and his acolytes have injected a poisonous, partisan and ideological view of transgender individuals and their medical needs that may infect American politics for a long time. The providers who bowed to Trump’s threats will deserve a good measure of blame for that.

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In a first for the country, voters in Monterey Park ban data centers

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In a first for the country, voters in Monterey Park ban data centers

Residents of Monterey Park voted overwhelmingly to ban data centers on election day, making the San Gabriel Valley city the first in the nation to do so by public vote.

As of Wednesday, 86% of votes were in favor of Measure NDC, the city ban, according to the Los Angeles County registrar-recorder/county clerk.

Other cities and towns have passed moratoriums on data centers, as a wave of opposition sweeps the country. But the Monterey Park vote can only be overturned by another ballot measure, making it the most permanent data center ban in a jurisdiction.

Monterey Park’s City Council had already banned data centers by ordinance, after a proposed 247,000-square-foot data center met an outpouring of public anger and concern. The developer withdrew that plan.

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That facility would have been less than 500 feet away from the nearest home, and would have used three times the electricity of the entire 60,000-person city. Residents said it would have caused noise and air pollution and driven up electricity rates.

“This ensures long-lasting protections for current and future generations,” Amy Wong, co-founder of the group San Gabriel Valley Progressive Action, said of the vote. “It means that future city councils cannot overturn a data center ban, even if data center developers wanted to spend money to fund pro-data center candidates.”

The measure had no formal opposition. The developer of the proposed facility, investment firm HMC StratCap, said it wouldn’t engage in the ballot fight when it withdrew in March.

The Data Center Coalition, an industry trade group, expressed disappointment in the vote.

“It sends a signal that the area is closed for business, both for data centers and for other significant economic development projects,” state policy director Khara Boender said.

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“It deprives local residents of the opportunity to compete for jobs and investment, while also causing the area to relinquish substantial long-term economic investment, high-wage jobs, and critical tax revenue to neighboring areas or other states.”

SGV Progressive Action worked with hyperlocal groups including No Data Center Monterey Park to rally support for the measure.

The group is now focused on stopping data center proposals in the City of Industry and fighting a move by City of Industry, Santa Fe Springs, Vernon and City of Commerce to welcome data centers and other industry with fast-tracked permitting and tax incentives.

City of Industry, in the San Gabriel Valley, and Vernon, south of downtown L.A., are primarily industrial areas, each with around 300 permanent residents. They are employment centers, and tens of thousands of workers commute in daily.

There has been little vocal opposition to data centers among the few residents of these cities. Wong said the protest is primarily coming from the surrounding neighborhoods.

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“If a data center gets built in City of Industry, residents across the region would bear the brunt of pollution and increased utility costs,” Wong said, noting that it is surrounded by 16 other cities and unincorporated communities.

Data center proposals have been limited in California compared to Virginia, Texas, Georgia, Illinois and Arizona, which sit at the center of a recent boom in hyperscaler facilities to power artificial intelligence.

California has the third-most data centers in the country, with 300, but high electricity rates, expensive land and regulatory hurdles mean that fewer, and smaller, facilities are currently planned than in other hotspots.

That doesn’t mean opposition hasn’t been fierce. In Coachella and Imperial County, residents are showing up in droves to protest local proposals.

In the San Gabriel Valley, Montebello, El Monte and Baldwin Park have all enacted temporary moratoriums, and Alhambra recently banned data centers as part of a zoning code update.

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Wong said she hoped the ballot measure vote would galvanize the opposition. “The vote is a testament to the people power of our region,” she said. “Our region is worth protecting, and we won’t let data centers determine our future.”

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Rent-hike ban to protect fire victims ends despite gouging concerns

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Rent-hike ban to protect fire victims ends despite gouging concerns

A rule intended to prevent rent gouging in the wake of the Eaton and Palisades fires has lapsed in Los Angeles County, possibly exposing some renters to hikes.

The executive order that blocked rent increases was issued by Gov. Gavin Newsom amid the devastating wildfires last year. Under the order, landlords couldn’t increase rents by more than 10% above their prefire levels.

The rule, which was supposed to be temporary and was repeatedly extended, ended Friday after a vote to extend it again failed to garner enough votes. Supervisor Lindsey Horvath, whose district includes Pacific Palisades, sounded the alarm in a motion to extend price protections that failed to pass at the Board of Supervisors’ May 19 meeting.

“These price gouging protections continue to be necessary as construction and rebuilding continue, and as thousands of people remain displaced,” the motion said. “Families which signed short-term leases could face drastic price increases of 50% or more without further price gouging protection.”

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Los Angeles County is home to more than 1 million rental properties, though not all of them needed protection from the new rule. There are already stricter rent increase caps for many residences, depending on the location, type and age of the building. Despite the rent control in the region, the people of Los Angeles pay among the highest rents in the country.

It is uncertain whether renters will face rapidly rising rents now that the protection has lapsed. But some real estate experts and policymakers said there was no need for the temporary rule that was part of the governor’s state of emergency.

Supervisors Kathryn Barger, Janice Hahn and Holly Mitchell abstained from voting on the motion to extend the protection, while Supervisors Hilda Solis and Horvath supported it.

“I abstained because I did not see sufficient evidence to justify extending this emergency ordinance, nor did I see evidence to eliminate it entirely,” Hahn said.

Barger’s office said she supported allowing the protections to sunset while waiting to see whether new information emerged.

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“Market data already shows countywide rents are only about 2% above pre-emergency levels and rental inventory has grown,” Barger representative Helen E. Chavez Garcia said. “The Supervisor is also mindful of the burden these ongoing protections place on small property owners throughout the county.”

Mitchell did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

There haven’t been steep rent hikes in neighborhoods within three miles of the Palisades fire, according to a Times analysis of data from Zillow, the property listing company.

In ZIP Codes within three miles of the Palisades fire, rent increased 4.8% from December 2024 to April 2025. In areas around the Eaton fire, which destroyed swaths of Altadena, rent jumped 5.2% in the same period.

In L.A. County, ZIP Codes farther from the fires saw only about a 2% increase.

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A landlords representative, Jesus Rojas of the Apartment Owners Assn. of Greater Los Angeles, told the supervisors during public comment at the meeting that the county’s rent-gouging rules have “long outlived the emergency they were intended to address” and are now being “wrongfully used to harm thousands of rental housing providers throughout the county.”

“There is no proof that multifamily rental housing providers are hugely increasing rents for impacted homeowners,” Rojas said.

Indeed, there are strong signs that the property market in the Los Angeles area has at last begun to cool.

L.A. metro-area rent prices recently fell to a four-year low, with the median rent slipping to $2,167 in December.

Meanwhile, condominium sales had their slowest start of the year in decades. Condo sales in Los Angeles have plummeted to a 20-year low, with fewer than 2,000 units sold in January and February — the worst start to the year since 2005.

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Newsom defended the price-gouging protections shortly after they went into effect.

“In the days following the Los Angeles firestorms, we worked quickly to protect Los Angeles survivors from any form of exploitation,” he said in February 2025. “The state has the tools in place to not only block price gouging during this emergency, but also to prosecute bad actors.”

The Los Angeles County Department of Consumer and Business Affairs said it received more than 2,000 complaints after the fires, alleging that retailers and landlords were taking advantage of people put in hardship by their losses, and sent out more than 2,000 cease-and-desist letters to businesses and landlords for alleged price gouging, said Morine Merritt, who oversees department investigations into consumer and real estate fraud.

“Close to 90% of the complaints that we received involved allegations of rent increases,” Merritt said in an interview. Now that the fire-related protections have expired, existing laws and “regular market conditions determine price increases for goods and services, including rents,” she said.

Crackdowns on fire-related rent gouging have been rare, said Chelsea Kirk of the activist organization the Rent Brigade, which analyzed L.A. County’s rental market in the year after the fires. It reported 18,360 potential examples of price gouging in listings but said that few lawsuits had been filed by authorities so far.

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Last week, Rent Brigade announced what it said was the first private civil lawsuit brought by a family that claimed to be rent-gouged in the aftermath of the wildfires. Plaintiffs Randall and Candy Renick, whose Altadena home was damaged, said they were charged nearly three times the maximum permitted rate for nearly 10 months. They seek restitution of $96,000 plus civil penalties and attorneys’ fees.

The rental market has probably stabilized since the fires, Kirk said, but other families may still be “locked into illegal rents” that they agreed to pay when they were in a rush to find housing after they were displaced.

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Read Nick Bilton’s Letter to Scott Pelley

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Read Nick Bilton’s Letter to Scott Pelley

Dear Mr. Pelley:

I meant what I said in my letter last week to the 60 Minutes team: joining 60 Minutes is the honor of my career and I am grateful to be working alongside the people who have contributed to the most important television journalism brand this country has ever produced. While I’m new to 60 Minutes, I’ve devoted my career to investigative journalism and storytelling. I started this job excited to collaborate and to benefit from the wisdom and experience of the 60 Minutes veterans, with you among them. For that reason, one of the first things I did in my new role was call you to talk and invite you to dinner. It is a profound disappointment that you rejected that overture and chose ambush instead. Yesterday, you hijacked my first meeting with staff to disparage me, my qualifications, and my intentions with remarkable incivility and contempt. I welcome a diversity of viewpoints and respectful debate among the team, but this was nothing of the sort. Yesterday’s performative display of hostility enacted in front of the staff instead of in a civil, private conversation-demonstrated that you have no interest in contributing to the future success of the show, or approaching my new tenure with a mind open to collaboration and progress. I am here to deliver first-in-class news programming, not to make headlines about newsroom drama. I am eager to work alongside those who share this goal.

Despite yesterday’s misconduct, I had hoped that in sitting down with you today we could find a path forward together. You made clear that you are not interested in such a path.

Your antipathy to the future of the show has come through loud and clear. And I have heard you. I therefore write on behalf of CBS News, Inc. (“CBS”) to inform you that your employment with CBS is terminated for cause effective immediately. Enclosed is your formal termination letter.

Sincerely,

Nick Bilton

Executive Producer, 60 Minutes

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