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After a golden era at Snap and other tech firms, it’s back to reality for workers

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After a golden era at Snap and other tech firms, it’s back to reality for workers

A yr into the pandemic, Evan Spiegel was flying excessive. The chief govt of Snap stated annual income development of fifty% or extra was a “regular state alternative” for the social media firm, requiring no extra positive factors in viewers or innovation.

Nowadays, issues are heading in a distinct path. An ex-employee freshly let go from the corporate’s analysis and growth wing supplied this apocalyptic view of its present standing: “sinking and on fireplace.”

On Tuesday, Spiegel introduced that the guardian firm of the Snapchat app can be slicing about 20% of positions, making good on layoff plans that leaked to the media in early August. Dealing with the chopping block are investments in gaming, third-party providers and unique content material in addition to the corporate’s camera-equipped drones and glasses. Two stand-alone apps the corporate owns, Zenly and Voisey, are additionally “winding down.”

For Spiegel, whose wealth Forbes estimated in Might at $3.1 billion, it’s not a right away private disaster. “The CEO simply purchased a [$120-million] home,” the previous R&D staffer, who requested to stay nameless, wrote Wednesday by way of direct message. “So he’s doing good.”

However for workers decrease within the company hierarchy, issues aren’t so rosy. Within the cafeteria of the corporate’s Santa Monica headquarters Wednesday morning, workers may very well be heard discussing the layoffs. A employee who wasn’t licensed to talk with the media stated the ambiance was downcast, with everybody understanding colleagues who can be affected.

Snap isn’t the one tech agency the place staff are at the moment taking a beating. Meta Platforms — the umbrella firm that owns Fb, Instagram and WhatsApp — has carried out a hiring freeze in sure divisions, as has Google. Microsoft, Netflix and Twitter have all gone even additional and laid off employees, although none has reduce its workforce as sharply as Snap. And tech shares, that are a part of many workers’ compensation packages, are sinking.

It’s a dramatic fall from grace for an business that was, all issues thought-about, a reasonably nice one to work in through the pandemic. With humanity abruptly thrown into an period of Zoom calls, DoorDash deliveries and Peloton rides, software program engineers and designers discovered their abilities being wanted, accommodated and remunerated as by no means earlier than. Work-from-home went from a standard part-time perk to compulsory. A hiring surge spurred by demand for digital merchandise and e-commerce left software program engineers selecting between competing job gives — and even working a number of gigs without delay — whereas tech corporations determined to woo high-skilled staffers promised ever extra beneficiant perks, advantages and bonuses. All of the whereas, tech shares shot skyward.

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But now, with belt-tightening on the rise, at Snap and elsewhere, that charmed way of life faces an unsure future. Has the golden age of the tech job began to wane?

“I believe the financial situations are actually beginning to favor administration over staff,” stated Nataliya Nedzhvetskaya, a UC Berkeley doctoral candidate whose analysis has checked out worker activism within the tech sector.

One indicator: current efforts by large tech firms to push their workers again into brick-and-mortar workplaces. Apple will quickly start requiring staff to indicate up in individual three days every week (some are resisting). Different firms have adopted even stricter insurance policies, eliminating distant work altogether. Tech mogul Elon Musk has taken a hard-line stance at Tesla, and says he’ll be solely barely extra lenient with Twitter workers if he finally ends up buying their firm.

Working from dwelling can now even imply taking a pay reduce — a norm that tech giants resembling Google and Twitter led the cost on.

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A vaccine coverage assertion is posted on the door of a Google workplace in Mountain View, Calif.

(Brian Contreras / Los Angeles Occasions)

“It’s very particular to the person employee — the function they’re in, the skill-set that they’ve — by way of the leverage they could have of their work-from-home state of affairs,” Nedzhvetskaya stated. “I don’t assume you may say that’s the identical throughout the board for all staff in tech. However I actually assume there’s extra concern over job stability than there was even, you understand, six months in the past.”

At tech corporations the place telework is ready to stay round completely, managers are cracking down on different fronts.

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Meta has been comparatively vocal about embracing distant work in the long run. Chief Government Mark Zuckerberg is at the moment pivoting the corporate towards constructing a “metaverse” of immersive digital worlds, and digital workplaces are one among his favourite use instances to speak up.

“Some sorts of work, particularly software program engineering, you are able to do fairly effectively from lots of completely different locations,” Zuckerberg remarked throughout a current interview with podcaster Joe Rogan. “Generally it’s truly higher to not be within the workplace, as a result of then individuals aren’t bugging you.”

But amid financial struggles of its personal — a current earnings report revealed a first-ever year-over-year drop in quarterly income — Meta has cracked down on different COVID niceties. Bonus trip days launched through the pandemic at the moment are being phased out, and the free laundry and dry cleansing providers it as soon as supplied workers are lengthy gone. In an inside name reviewed by The Verge, Zuckerberg warned that many workers haven’t been working as arduous as they’ll quickly must be.

“There are in all probability a bunch of individuals on the firm who shouldn’t be right here,” he instructed employees, including that he’ll now be “turning up the warmth.”

These office adjustments replicate a shifting financial panorama. At many tech firms, once-skyrocketing inventory costs are falling again to earth. Latest earnings studies from Twitter and Snap proved disappointing, and funding for start-ups has began to evaporate. “Investor sentiment in Silicon Valley is probably the most destructive for the reason that dot-com crash,” enterprise capitalist David Sacks tweeted in Might.

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But whilst a pandemic-induced interval of prosperity and adaptability wanes, tech stays, broadly, an business with lots of upside for staff. Many chalk that as much as easy economics: There’s lots of demand for high-skill techies, however comparatively restricted provide.

John Chadfield — a secretary with United Tech and Allied Staff, a department of the UK’s Communication Staff Union — stated that the deficit in American tech staff provides them important energy to make calls for about, for example, whether or not they work from a cubicle versus a sofa.

“Unemployment for these sorts of staff continues to be very, very low,” agreed Louis Hyman, director of Cornell College’s Institute for Office Research. “Possibly they’ll’t select between Google and Amazon, however they might select [between] Google and GE. … If all firms now are software program firms — which isn’t true solely, however type of true — there’s nonetheless a number of alternatives.”

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Company bikes sit outside an office building on Google's Mountain View campus.

Firm bikes sit exterior an workplace constructing on Google’s Mountain View campus.

(Brian Contreras / Los Angeles Occasions)

“Basically,” he added, “labor energy comes from whether or not or not you may simply get replaced.”

But the business isn’t homogenous. Even when software program engineers working at name-brand tech firms or brandishing spectacular faculty levels nonetheless get pleasure from some leverage, their counterparts on decrease rungs of the business ladder occupy a considerably extra precarious place.

The tech sector may be very stratified, stated Ron Hira, an affiliate professor in Howard College’s political science division who research labor dynamics. Regardless of what popular culture may recommend, he added, not each Google worker is hanging out all day taking part in ping-pong.

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“The general public who work for Google are going to be contract staff,” Hira stated. “If that they had company and had energy, they wouldn’t be contractors — they’d moderately work immediately for Google.”

A large-scale chess set in a gardened area of the Google campus in Mountain View.

A big-scale chess set in a gardened space of the Google campus in Mountain View.

(Brian Contreras / Los Angeles Occasions)

In the meanwhile, Google workers are required to indicate as much as the workplace 3 times every week. However on a sunny Friday in late August, there was not a lot proof of that coverage on the firm’s flagship Mountain View, Calif., campus. Empty parking spots had been all over the place; the outsized chess units dotting numerous manicured gardens appeared untouched.

Among the many sparse mix of staffers, contractors and interns who had been wandering the workplace park a bit of after lunchtime, some stated the return-to-office mandate isn’t being persistently enforced.

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Hanwen Ling, a current faculty graduate who began working for Google Adverts earlier this summer time, stated the prospect of hybrid work was a part of what drew him to the corporate within the first place.

“I don’t actually like full distant,” Ling stated. “I type of like this hybrid.”

An empty stretch of the Google campus in Mountain View.

Google workers are nominally anticipated within the workplace three days every week, however on a sunny Friday afternoon, the flagship campus remained comparatively sleepy.

(Brian Contreras / Los Angeles Occasions)

One other worker, who requested to stay nameless, stated that no person is absolutely adhering to the three-day rule: “It’s actually as much as the discretion of the supervisor.” However, this individual added, the corporate has begun “rolling again” stipends to assist workers arrange at-home workplaces. (Google didn’t reply to an e mail inquiring concerning the home-office stipends.)

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In the meantime, the slowdown in hiring has modified the feel of the job, with fewer new palms to share in duties, the worker stated: “The best way it’s impacted me is I really feel we’re very understaffed.”

It’s a criticism that, post-layoffs, might also quickly be heard at Snap — and because the sector continues to constrict, in all probability different firms as effectively.

Occasions employees author Jaimie Ding contributed to this report.

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Meat processing plant fined nearly $400,000 over child labor violations

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Meat processing plant fined nearly $400,000 over child labor violations

A federal court has ordered a meat processor in the City of Industry and a staffing agency in Downey to turn over $327,484 in illegal profits associated with child labor, and fined the companies an additional $62,516 in penalties.

The U.S. Department of Labor obtained the court order last week after it investigated A&J Meats and The Right Hire, which helps companies find employees. Investigators concluded that children as young as 15 were working in the processing plant, where they were required to use sharp knives as well as work inside freezers and coolers, in violation of federal child labor regulations.

The two companies also scheduled the children to work at times not permitted by law. Children worked at the facility more than three hours a day on school days, past 7 p.m. and more than 18 hours a week while school was in session, according to a news release from the Department of Labor.

Marc Pilotin, western regional solicitor at the Department of Labor, said the meat processor and staffing agency “knowingly endangered these children’s safety and put their companies’ profits before the well-being of these minors,” according to the news release.

“These employers egregiously violated federal law and now, both have learned about the serious consequences for those who so callously expose children to harm,” he said.

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Federal law prevents companies from employing minors in dangerous occupations, including most jobs in meat and poultry slaughtering, processing, rendering and packing factories.

The judgment obtained in the U.S. District Court for the Central District of California is part of a settlement the Labor Department reached with the companies. It also forbids A&J Meats, its owner Priscilla Helen Castillo and The Right Hire staffing agency from trying to trade goods connected to “oppressive child labor.”

As part of the settlement agreement, Castillo and the two companies will be required to provide annual training to employees on federal labor law for at least four years and submit to monitoring by an independent third party for three years.

Yesenia Dominguez, owner of The Right Hire, denied the claims made by the Department of Labor, saying her company did not hire any minors. She said her employees are trained to ask for documentation from workers’ home countries that lists their ages, since often they are migrants and might be undocumented.

“Those allegations aren’t true,” she said. “We do business by the book.”

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Dominguez said she felt the government “gave us no choice but to settle.”

A&J Meats did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

The Labor Department has investigated other meat processing plants in California in the last year connected to Castillo’s father, Tony Elvis Bran.

In December, federal investigators found grueling working conditions at two poultry plants in City of Industry and La Puente operated by Exclusive Poultry Inc., as well as other “front companies” owned by Bran.

Children as young as 14 stood for long hours cutting and deboning poultry and operating heavy machinery, the labor department said. The workers came primarily from Indigenous communities in Guatemala.

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The poultry processor, which supplies grocery stores including Ralphs and Aldi, was ordered to pay nearly $3.8 million in fines and back wages.

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Smart & Final workers strike amid accusations of retaliation

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Smart & Final workers strike amid accusations of retaliation

Hundreds of employees at two Smart & Final warehouses went on strike last week amid accusations the retail chain’s parent company retaliated against them for unionizing and is planning mass layoffs.

About 600 workers at the facilities in the City of Commerce and Riverside walked off the job Thursday.

The work stoppage comes after a year of increasing tensions between the workers and Grupo Chedraui, the Mexican company that owns Smart & Final.

At a meeting with employees in May last year, a Smart & Final executive announced that the company planned to close five Southern California distribution centers. The executive told employees at the warehouses they would be terminated and have to reapply for their jobs for lower pay when a new 1.4-million-square-foot facility in Rancho Cucamonga opened, according to several workers who attended the meeting.

The announcement came shortly after workers at the City of Commerce facility had voted to unionize and days before a union election was scheduled to be held at the Riverside distribution center, leading to claims by employees and union officials that the move was in retaliation for the unionization push.

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Teamsters Local 630, which represents the workers, has filed more than 30 unfair labor practice charges with the National Labor Relations Board, alleging the company is interfering with workers’ right to organize, among other claims.

Chedraui denies that its actions were retaliatory, saying the planned warehouse closures are part of a plan to integrate “five outdated and capacity-strained facilities that are spread across 2,000 square miles.”

“The Teamsters’ claims are simply not true,” the company said in an emailed statement. “Our new facility will employ nearly 1000 people, creating hundreds more American jobs than exist today. This will substantially reduce our carbon footprint and enable us to continue providing affordable food to communities in California that need it the most.”

Chedraui said the strike, which began Thursday, hasn’t caused any major disruptions in its operation of distribution centers.

Grupo Chedraui acquired Smart & Final in 2021 for $620 million through its American subsidiary, Chedraui USA. Along with Smart & Final it operates two other chains in the U.S., El Super and Fiesta Mart, making it the fourth-largest grocery retailer in California, according to company news releases. It also operates stores in Arizona, Texas, New Mexico and Nevada.

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Many of the Smart & Final warehouse workers have been with the company for more than 20 or 30 years and make about $32 per hour, union organizers and workers said in interviews. At job fairs for prospective hires at the new distribution center, Chedraui is advertising pay at $20 an hour, the organizers and employees claim.

“Things are very uncertain for us,” said Daniel Delgado, who has worked for more than 19 years at Smart & Final’s distribution center in Riverside. With the strike, “we are trying to send the company a message — a message that we are tired of being looked at as a faceless number.”

“We know this company has made billions of dollars off our backs,” he said.

Chedraui USA had $7.5 billion in domestic sales in 2022, a 137% increase over its 2021 revenue, according to an analysis of the nation’s top 100 retailers by the National Retail Federation.

In April, state Assemblymember Chris Holden (D-Pasadena) wrote to Chedraui , warning that the company’s plan to force warehouse workers to reapply for jobs appeared to violate a law he authored last year. The measure, Assembly Bill 647, aims to protect jobs of grocery employees, including warehouse workers, in the event of mergers or reorganizations of companies.

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And Daniel Yu, assistant chief of the California Labor Commissioner’s Office, sent a letter in May to Chedraui, urging the company to suspend its plans to relocate its facility and delay hiring in order for his office to collect evidence to determine whether the company’s actions violate labor law.

The decision to strike this month came after a three-week work stoppage last year and other protests by employees. Maurice Thomas was among hundreds of workers who rallied outside a Smart & Final in Burbank in August. He joined the company about three years ago, leaving his job at a Frito-Lay plant in Texas to take care of his parents in California.

“It’s been real, real tough,” Thomas said. “The company has no interest in bargaining with us, they are delaying until either we give up or they move to this new facility without us. But we are not going down without a fight,” he said.

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Column: This huge insurer got caught flouting a law protecting contraceptive access, but its fine is a joke

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Column: This huge insurer got caught flouting a law protecting contraceptive access, but its fine is a joke

There’s good news and bad news about a legal settlement that New York state just reached with the giant health insurer UnitedHealth over its denial of contraception coverage for a member, which violated state law.

The good news is that UnitedHealth got caught and has been ordered to reimburse the member — and all others in her situation — for the out-of-pocket costs they incurred.

The bad news is that in addition to the reimbursement order, New York Atty. Gen. Letitia James imposed a penalty of only $1 million on the company.

The ability to access birth control and the legal right to it are being threatened by extremists. The threat goes against the will and the desires of the American public, which overwhelmingly supports birth control and overwhelmingly use it.

— Gretchen Borchelt, National Women’s Law Center

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For UnitedHealth, that’s the equivalent of about one-hundredth of a penny based on its annual revenue. In other words, if someone dropped a packet worth of $1 million on the street in front of the company’s chairman, he might not even bend over to pick them up for fear of creasing his trousers.

A couple more bits of bad news: Not only is UnitedHealth a “repeat offender” in breaching contraception access laws (in the words of Gretchen Borchelt of the National Womens Law Center), but it’s also not the only health insurer engaging in sophistry and pretexts to deny members access to birth control in violation of state and federal laws.

The center has documented cases in which Blue Cross and Blue Shield affiliates, the pharmacy benefit manager CVS Caremark, and others have charged customers illegal out-of-pocket payments or imposed prior authorization rules before approving reimbursements for contraceptives.

Vermont regulators last year reported that they discovered 14,000 instances affecting 9,000 residents who were illegally charged for contraceptives that the law required to be dispensed without costs. The state’s three largest health insurers — Blue Cross Blue Shield, MVP Healthcare and Cigna — illicitly shifted $1.5 million in costs for contraceptives, tubal ligations and vasectomies to consumers over the prior two years. The health plans were ordered to reimburse their members.

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In 2022, the House Committee on Oversight and Reform found widespread violations by health plans and pharmacy benefit managers of the Affordable Care Act’s mandates that the full range of FDA-approved birth control be offered to all customers. The committee cited the NWLC’s findings, and specifically queried five of the largest insurers (including UnitedHealth) and four of the largest PBMs to determine whether they were complying with the law.

But that was when the committee was under a Democratic Party majority. Since it came under GOP control last year, it’s been preoccupied with chasing the Hunter Biden case and harassing scientists and government officials as part of a fruitless effort to prove that the COVID-19 pandemic originated in a Chinese lab. So women’s healthcare rights have fallen off its radar screen.

Protecting access to contraceptives is more important today than it has been since 1965, when the Supreme Court guaranteed married couples’ access to contraceptives on privacy grounds in Griswold vs. Connecticut; that decision was augmented in 1972 in Eisenstadt vs. Baird, which extended access rights to single women, and of course by Roe vs. Wade, which brought privacy protections to the right to abortion in 1973.

The Supreme Court overturned Roe vs. Wade two years ago Monday, fomenting sheer chaos and pain and suffering for women in the states that have jumped in to quash abortion rights since that moment.

Politicians and judges in anti-abortion states have been talking about extending the Supreme Court’s abortion ruling to contraception. Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas, in a concurring opinion to the Dobbs decision overturning Roe vs. Wade, listed Griswold among the precedents he thinks should be “reconsidered.”

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A popular claim is that contraceptives fall into a ban on the mailing of those products enacted as part of the Comstock Act in 1873.

Past practice and legal tradition relegated the act, which Congress passed at the behest of Anthony Comstock, one of the outstanding bluenoses of American history, to the scrap heap long ago. Most rational legal experts, including those at the Department of Justice, interpret it today as banning the shipment of materials destined for illegal use; since contraceptives are legal nationwide and only 14 states have total abortion bans, it’s maybe hard to make the illegality claim stick.

Nevertheless, the Comstock Act was cited in the ruling by federal Judge Matthew Kacsmarykoutlawing mifepristone for medical abortions and by U.S. 5th Circuit Court of Appeals Judge James C. Ho in his partial dissent from an appellate decision placing some of Kacsmaryk’s ruling on hold; both judges are certified anti-abortion fanatics. The Supreme Court threw out their restrictions on the drug, protecting access nationwide for the present, on June 12.

As recently as June 5, Senate Republicans blocked a Democratic effort to install a right to contraception in federal law. The Democratic measure won 51 votes — a majority, but not enough to forestall a filibuster threat, which would have required 60 votes.

The UnitedHealth case illustrates how contraceptive rights can fall victim to the complexities of America’s fragmented healthcare system, though that’s not an excuse for the company’s legal violation.

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In response to the settlement, UnitedHealth told me by email that it aims for all its members to have “timely access to a variety of high-value and affordable FDA-approved contraceptives when they need them.” It says it provides “access to more than 150 FDA-approved contraceptive options with $0 cost-share.”

Under New York law, that may not be enough. The state requires health plans to provide access to all contraceptive options approved by the Food and Drug Administration without cost-sharing. That goes further than the Affordable Care Act, which requires health plans to provide access to at least one treatment in each of several contraceptive categories “without copays, restrictions, or delays.” California’s Contraceptive Equity Act requires health plans to cover certain birth control methods without copays; voters enshrined rights to abortion and contraceptives in the state Constitution via Proposition 1 of 2022, which passed by a decisive 2-1 majority.

UnitedHealth ran afoul of New York’s law when it denied coverage to a member whose doctor had prescribed Slynd, a progestin-only oral contraceptive. The product is aimed at patients for whom the more conventional estrogen-based birth control is medically unsuitable. The patient filed a complaint with state regulators last year.

UnitedHealth refused to cover the product because of “safety concerns,” according to the state’s settlement. It insisted on prior authorization and step therapy (in which patients are required to try cheaper treatments first) before approving coverage, and continued to deny the patient coverage even after an appeal and queries by the state attorney general and other regulators. The insurer says it has dropped these requirements for Slynd.

The settlement requires UnitedHealth to identify and reimburse all members who were denied contraceptive coverage without copays or restrictions at any time since June 1, 2020, plus 12% annual interest.

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How James and UnitedHealth came to the $1-million penalty isn’t clear — the contraceptive access law itself doesn’t carry a penalty clause, but other potentially relevant state laws do. The attorney general’s office noted that the penalty was imposed after only a single complaint, suggesting that it took the matter seriously.

What is clear, however, is that if the penalty is meant to be a disincentive to deliberately flouting the law or doing so through inaction or inattention, it’s laughable. UnitedHealth collected $371.6 billion in revenue last year — that’s more than $1 billion a day. Of that sum, nearly $291 billion came from insurance premiums. The firm reported more than $29 billion in pretax profits last year.

Imposing unnecessary, burdensome or illegal restrictions on contraceptive access is one way that health insurers or other healthcare providers make themselves complicit in the conservative project to narrow women’s reproductive health options.

It should be remembered, for example, that the drugstore chain Walgreens announced last year that it wouldn’t distribute or ship mifepristone in at least 21 red states, including at least four where abortions remain legal. The company was unnerved by a saber-rattling letter it received from the attorneys general of those states warning vaguely of “consequences” for shipping mifepristone, a drug used to induce abortions. The letter cited the Comstock Act.

Walgreens said in March that it would start distributing the product to physicians, but not directly to patients and not in states where abortion is banned.

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“The ability to access birth control and the legal right to it are being threatened by extremists,” Borchelt says. “The threat goes against the will and the desires of the American public, which overwhelmingly supports birth control and overwhelmingly use it.”

Surveys by the NWLC — and patient complaints filed via its CoverHer hotline — document that restrictions on coverage for legal birth control have been endemic. Some plans have refused to cover products such as the vaginal contraceptive ring or contraceptive patch, arguing that other “hormonal” contraceptives were covered and therefore patients didn’t need access to the ring or patch, which are obviously discrete methods. That was an argument used by UnitedHealth.

Other health plans have covered only certain IUDs, or covered only generic contraceptives even when patients had difficulty tolerating any but brand name products. Women who underwent tubal ligations were told that their insurers would cover only the direct cost of the procedure, but not anesthesia, medications or facility charges. Some have been denied coverage for innovative but FDA-approved birth control methods, such as a hormone-free gel.

Patients denied coverage are often forced to undertake lengthy appeals and continue their efforts through repeated denials.

Whether because it is the nation’s largest health insurer or it has continued to place barriers in the way of members seeking coverage to which they’re entitled by law, UnitedHealth is “one of the insurance companies we hear about most often through our CoverHer hotline as being problematic,” Borchelt says. “They have been on notice that it has been violating the law in numerous ways; while the New York attorney general has done incredible work that will make a real difference for consumers not just in New York, but it shouldn’t have come to this.”

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