Business
Dozens of Polymarket Bets Show Signs of Insider Trading, The Times Finds
On the evening of Thursday, June 12, a small group of internet gamblers made a highly specific prediction on Polymarket, the betting website that offers odds on virtually everything.
Thirteen users wagered a total of $140,000 that Israel would strike Iran by the end of that week, even as the odds suggested that an attack was unlikely. Seven of the accounts had been opened just days earlier. Another had a history of bets related to military action against Iran — and had won money on all of them.
Israel attacked Iran later that day, netting the accounts more than $600,000 in profits.
The explosive growth of prediction markets like Polymarket has rattled the political world over the last year, fueling concerns about a new kind of insider trading by military leaders and government officials with access to confidential plans. A military reservist was recently indicted in Israel for a scheme to bet on the June strike, while a U.S. Army Special Forces soldier was accused last month of wagering on the capture of Nicolás Maduro, the president of Venezuela.
Those bets represent only a slice of the suspicious activity on Polymarket. A New York Times examination found that more than 80 Polymarket users have placed bets with suspicious characteristics, including 38 whose well-timed wagers have drawn little or no public attention. They won money across nearly 30 topics dating back to at least 2024, from Israel’s strike on Iran last year to the regulatory debate over cryptocurrency trading.
The Times’s examination also revealed previously unreported red flags in some of the high-profile bets that have drawn scrutiny. The findings were based on a series of warning signs that hint at insider trading without proving it definitively. Those signals include long-shot bets that pay off, well-timed wagers by recently opened accounts and bets by users who gamble on only a few related topics without ever losing, among other considerations.
The Times identified more than 11,000 Polymarket accounts that exhibited some combination of those characteristics, then manually reviewed the most striking cases, comparing the users’ trading histories against overall prediction market activity. Many of the examples involved military operations, which have attracted a surge of betting this year.
While the accounts The Times examined make up a small portion of Polymarket’s users, they show how suspicious wagers can unfold on the site and highlight the vulnerability of prediction markets to manipulation. Polymarket’s trading data is publicly visible, which makes it possible to reconstruct betting patterns with second-by-second accuracy.
One of the highest-profile cases occurred at the start of the year, when the idea that Mr. Maduro would soon be ousted as Venezuela’s leader seemed unlikely. The odds on Polymarket reflected that doubt, sitting at around 7 percent. Then something unexpected happened: The United States swept into Venezuela on Jan. 3 and arrested Mr. Maduro.
Somehow, one user appeared to know the arrest was coming. The account had placed large bets on Jan. 1 and Jan. 2 predicting that Mr. Maduro would be “out” as Venezuela’s leader before the end of the month. When Mr. Maduro was captured on Jan. 3, the user pocketed more than $400,000. Prosecutors later charged Master Sgt. Gannon Ken Van Dyke, the special forces soldier, with using classified information to make that bet.
A similar betting pattern played out when Polymarket offered odds on whether the United States would announce a cease-fire in the war with Iran by April 7.
At least seven users placed bets in the hours before President Trump announced the agreement in a Truth Social post on April 7. Collectively, they won more than $1.4 million, including two users who each walked away with over $400,000 in profits.
The Times also found warning signs in areas unrelated to America’s foreign policy. In 2024, a user created a Polymarket account and placed a single long-shot bet that a financial product tied to the cryptocurrency Ether would be approved by the Trump administration. A month later, the user withdrew $50,000 in profits after regulators blessed the product.
Based on the public data alone, it is impossible to conclude whether these users were insiders who had access to nonpublic information. Many sophisticated bettors use automated bots to place well-timed wagers that may appear suspicious at first glance, while some prediction market traders pride themselves on making giant bets against the odds that occasionally pay off.
But The Times’s examination adds to evidence suggesting that Polymarket has been exploited by users with information that is not publicly available.
Last month, the nonprofit Anti-Corruption Data Collective released a report about Polymarket that found heavy bettors on underdog outcomes — an event with at most a 35 percent likelihood — won more than half the time on topics related to the military, calling it a sign of “potential insider trading.” Similar wagers on other topics were profitable only 14 percent of the time, the report found.
Polymarket has pledged to combat insider trading, saying it has “no place” on the platform. A company spokeswoman said the firm “continuously monitors its markets for suspicious activity and regularly engages with relevant authorities when appropriate.”
Polymarket and its main rival, Kalshi, are the most popular prediction markets. But they differ in important ways. Polymarket’s main platform processes wagers in crypto, creating a public record of transactions. Much less data is available about the bets on Kalshi, which announced in February that it had opened more than 200 insider-trading investigations resulting in over a dozen “active cases.”
Robert DeNault, Kalshi’s head of enforcement, said in a statement to The Times that insider trading was banned on the platform. “We surveil, investigate and punish it,” he said.
Coordinated Activity
For years, prediction markets occupied a legal gray area in the United States. A tiny financial agency, the Commodity Futures Trading Commission, barred Polymarket from serving U.S.-based customers in 2022, while Kalshi battled those regulators in court for authorization to offer bets on congressional elections.
Now the landscape is shifting in these firms’ favor.
Kalshi won its case in October 2024, paving the way for election betting in the United States. Within a year, Polymarket secured regulatory approval to start offering some services, though the majority of its betting markets, including wagers on military action, are still available only overseas. Sergeant Van Dyke gained access to the website using a virtual private network, a tool that disguises a user’s location, according to court papers.
Together Kalshi and Polymarket draw $25 billion in monthly trading volume, up from less than $2 billion a year ago, an explosion of popularity that poses a challenge to regulators.
Under federal law and agency regulations, insider trading on prediction markets is prohibited, though what qualifies as an offense is a complex legal question. Some advocates for the sites argue that certain insiders can help generate more accurate forecasts, making prediction markets a useful source of information.
In a CBS “60 Minutes” interview last fall, Shayne Coplan, Polymarket’s chief executive, called insider trading “an inevitability” that comes with “a lot of benefits,” while stipulating that trading platforms need to draw an ethical line somewhere.
“What’s cool about Polymarket is that it creates this financial incentive for people to go and divulge the information to the market,” he said at an Axios conference in November. “Or someone tells someone, and then the market responds.”
But potential insider activity does not always create a clearer picture for the public, The Times found. Someone with insider knowledge can employ a range of strategies to accumulate large, profitable positions without moving the needle on the odds.
In January 2025, a Polymarket user who regularly wagered on Washington politics began betting that President Joseph R. Biden Jr. would pardon his brother James Biden. The user placed 53 separate bets worth more than $20,000, even as the odds declined.
Less than 40 minutes after the user’s final bet on Jan. 20, the White House announced that Mr. Biden had signed a last-minute pardon for his brother. The user earned $200,000, cashed out and has not bet since.
The Times’s review also found possible coordination among Polymarket accounts that placed bets at identical times. Such activity can signal that an individual user deployed automated bots to avoid detection, obscuring a large position across many accounts.
A possible example emerged on Feb. 27, when Mr. Trump at 3:38 p.m. gave the order to strike Iran while he was aboard Air Force One. Over the next few hours, at least 27 accounts placed thousands of dollars of simultaneous bets predicting that the United States would attack by Feb. 28. When the strike began around 1 p.m. on Feb. 28, the accounts collected profits of more than $700,000.
Much of the suspicious activity has been concentrated on the conflicts in the Middle East. Of the 27 betting topics that The Times flagged, 12 focused on the U.S.-Israeli war with Iran.
In February, Israeli authorities charged the military reservist with using nonpublic information to help an accomplice make more than $100,000 betting on Polymarket about the timing of Israel’s attacks on Iran and Yemen.
“It’s happening now,” the soldier texted his accomplice, just as military planes took off for the June attack, according to the indictment.
In court this month, the reservist’s lawyer argued that his client’s unit in the Israeli Air Force had a penchant for gambling, a risk-taking impulse that was common in the military.
An Israeli military representative said the defense forces had taken steps to “strengthen oversight and control systems” since the Polymarket bet was exposed.
Political Ripples
The rise of suspicious trading has caused alarm in Washington.
The Senate passed a resolution last month barring senators and their staff members from using prediction markets. In April, Mr. Trump said he was “never much in favor” of the sites and lamented that “the whole world unfortunately has become somewhat of a casino.”
Within days, he reversed himself, noting that people working in the prediction business are “pretty happy with it.” Mr. Trump’s eldest son, Donald Trump Jr., is an adviser to Kalshi and Polymarket, and the family’s social media company, Trump Media, has announced plans to offer a prediction market.
The scrutiny on prediction markets has put a spotlight on the Commodity Futures Trading Commission. Historically, the agency has overseen markets for oil, agricultural goods and certain financial instruments known as swaps. Because prediction market bets are classified as swaps, the agency has argued, the sites fall under its purview as well. But the C.F.T.C. has a relatively small staff and a spotty record of enforcement that has drawn skepticism from critics.
Michael Selig, the agency’s chairman, is an outspoken prediction market enthusiast who has hopscotched the country giving speeches about the technology’s potential to rival traditional media as an information source.
“It’s really important that we protect these markets here in the U.S.,” he said at a crypto conference in March.
In a statement to The Times, Mr. Selig said the agency had a “renewed focus on efficiency” and was using artificial intelligence to bolster its capabilities. “There are no gaps in our ability to fulfill our mission,” he added.
As concerns have intensified, Polymarket has promised to monitor for misconduct. But its public pronouncements are sometimes contradictory.
Three weeks before the Special Forces soldier was indicted, Mr. Coplan, Polymarket’s chief, was interviewed at Harvard Business School, where he was asked about suspicious activity in the Maduro betting market.
“For the Maduro one, it’s actually a very funny story — it’s not what it seems,” Mr. Coplan said. “It’s just more of a fluke than it is some sort of exciting thing.”
Once the federal charges were announced, Mr. Coplan told a different story, writing on social media that Polymarket had “flagged this, referred it, and cooperated throughout the process” with the Justice Department.
In April, Kalshi said it had unearthed three examples of insider trading — all congressional candidates who had placed bets on their own races.
In one case, Kalshi said, a Democratic candidate for U.S. Senate in Virginia placed a bet that he would join the race, a decision he clearly controlled. Kalshi fined him more than $6,000 and gave him a five-year ban from the platform.
Because prediction market data is public, the hunt for insider trading has also become a social media phenomenon.
On X, users post screenshots of prediction markets with strange patterns or bets from new accounts. Some traders have built strategies around identifying insiders and then copying suspicious wagers before other bettors catch on.
One market that was flagged on social media centered on a prominent internet sleuth, who announced in February that he was preparing a detailed investigation into an unnamed crypto company whose employees had “abused internal data.”
Speculators on Polymarket started betting on who the sleuth’s target might be. Between Feb. 24 and Feb. 26, an anonymous user who had just joined Polymarket bet more than $65,000 that it was Axiom, a crypto trading firm. (Axiom did not respond to a request for comment.)
The wager was correct. On Feb. 26, the sleuth accused Axiom employees of insider trading.
It’s unclear who made the bet. The sleuth said that he had been “retained” to investigate Axiom, and that he had reached out to the firm before posting his findings.
The anonymous bettor walked away with $411,647 in profits.
Johnatan Reiss contributed reporting.
Business
A ‘next generation studio’ for YouTube creators
Hollywood’s fascination with YouTube creators is going to the next level.
Los Angeles-based investment firm Content Partners and media entrepreneur Ed Simpson announced Tuesday that they are launching a new company, Wonderloom Media, that will acquire YouTube-creator led businesses.
Wonderloom’s first acquisition is YouTube true-crime channel Dr. Insanity, which has more than 5 million subscribers and more than 1.3 billion total views.
Content Partners owns or licenses more than 800 films and more than 3,000 hours of television content. The company co-owns the “CSI” franchise.
“This is a kind of next step evolution in the type of IP we will be acquiring,” Alphonse Lordo, a partner at Content Partners, said in an interview.
The effort comes as the film industry continues to struggle to bring more people into movie theaters and has had recent success with the YouTube creator-led films “Obsession” and “Backrooms.” As studios and TV networks have shed jobs over the years, more entertainment workers are applying their expertise at major YouTube creator-led businesses, which have continued to grow their audiences.
YouTube’s audience has shifted from smartphones to TVs, on which many U.S. consumers watch YouTube videos with their families. That in turn has attracted streamers such as Netflix to partner with YouTube creators to bring their content to the same platform that has high-budget television shows and movies.
Simpson, a former TV producer who will be Wonderloom’s chief executive, said Dr. Insanity was the “perfect first acquisition” because it had a loyal audience, proven storytelling and meaningful room to expand. “True crime is an incredibly sticky genre of programming that works just as well as it does on YouTube, as it does on Netflix and linear and cable channels,” he said in an interview.
Financial terms of the deal were not disclosed.
Wonderloom, based in L.A., also will assist entrepreneurs who started YouTube channels grow their businesses.
The new company also is eyeing possible acquisitions in food, travel and general entertainment programming, added Simpson, a former chief strategy officer at Wheelhouse, a production firm behind “America’s Sweethearts: Dallas Cowboy Cheerleaders.”
“This is about building the next generation studio, so we think of this as the beginnings of Paramount, of Warner Bros., of those great studios,” Simpson said. “We see this space following in that very same pattern right now.”
Other Hollywood companies also are getting into the creator business acquisition space. Last month, Century City-based Creative Artists Agency said it was partnering with Integrated Media Co. to form a $250-million holding company called Compound Creative Holdings that will acquire and operate a portfolio of creator economy businesses.
Business
Netflix to add videos from digital publishers to its homepage
Netflix is going bite-sized. In a pivot toward the short-form content dominating TikTok and YouTube, the streaming giant announced it will start hosting three- to 20-minute videos from top digital publishers right on its homepage starting Aug. 3.
The streamer said U.S. customers will see “fan-favorite videos” from brands run by digital publishers, including BuzzFeed Studios, Condé Nast, Hearst Magazines, PMX (a subdivision of Penske Media), People Inc. and Tastemade. The videos will cover a variety of topics, including gardening tips, travel and celebrity profiles.
The rollout comes as Netflix competes for audience time from YouTube and social media platforms such as TikTok that have viral videos that can occupy users for hours. By bringing series such as BuzzFeed Celeb’s “30 Questions,” on which celebrities provide answers, or Vanity Fair’s “Lie Detector,” on which celebrities are hooked up to polygraph machines, Netflix users can learn more information about the people they already watch on the streamer, but in shorter videos.
“Members don’t just want to watch a show or film and move on. They want to keep exploring the stories and personalities they love long after the final credits roll,” said John Derderian, a Netflix vice president overseeing the initiative. “These partnerships help us deepen fandom and create more ways for members to carry those stories with them throughout their day.”
Netflix said it will offer licensed archival and ongoing series, including Harper’s Bazaar’s “Burning Questions,” Billboard’s “24 Hrs With” and People’s “My Life in Pictures” that provide an inside look at celebrities.
The videos from digital publishers will also be available to Netflix customers in Canada, the United Kingdom, Ireland, Australia and New Zealand on Aug. 3.
The Los Gatos, Calif., streamer over time has been expanding its library of content, adding games, live programming such as boxing matches and football games, alongside movies and TV shows.
Business
Commentary: While Trump declares that U.S. is enjoying ‘best economy ever,’ manufacturing jobs have been disappearing
Based on the words of President Trump, America is well on the way to becoming a “global superpower in manufacturing” — indeed, as he declared in a Father’s Day social media post, we are already experiencing the “BEST ECONOMY EVER.” (Capitalization’s his.)
Here’s what the government’s own statistics tell us: Manufacturing investment has crashed during his watch, with construction spending in the manufacturing sector down 26.4% from Trump’s inauguration through May, to $174.8 billion. That’s the lowest figure since February 2023, when the economy was in the midst of a post-pandemic recovery.
White House spokesman Kush Desai told me by email that “the last two jobs reports” showed manufacturing job growth. The Bureau of Labor Statistics reported a seasonally-adjusted decline of 2,000 manufacturing workers in May and a gain of 3,000 in June. But the June 2026 figure was 38,000 jobs, or about 0.3% below the level in June 2025, and 75,000 or about 0.6% below the level in January 2025, when Trump took office.
Desai said that “thanks to President Trump’s proven agenda of tariffs, deregulation, and tax cuts, American manufacturing will continue to rebound.”
There’s little mystery about what has come between Trump’s ambition and the real world. To a large extent it’s Trump’s economic program, particularly his tariff policies and, more recently, his war with Iran. Those have injected a level of uncertainty for corporate managements pondering whether to spend money on expansion that they haven’t had to confront in years.
From where we’re standing, we are not seeing signs of a manufacturing renaissance in the U.S.
— Didi Caldwell, Global Location Strategies
The tariffs and the war have driven up manufacturers’ costs for raw materials and overseas shipping. The general economic atmosphere doesn’t help. U.S. gross domestic product growth came in at a 2.1% annualized rate in the first quarter of this year, but the Federal Reserve Bank of Atlanta expects it to have fallen to 1.3% in the second quarter ended June 30.
Meanwhile, the University of Michigan consumer confidence index reached 44.8 in May, its lowest level ever (though it improved to 49.5 in June). Wages have been rising modestly, according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics, but those gains have been eaten up by higher prices, especially for gasoline and food.
To put things another way, the actual figures show the U.S. economy to be sputtering, and the “vibe economy” as measured by consumer confidence is doing even worse.
Now that Trump’s second term is about to reach its 18-month mark, let’s unpack the factors causing the discrepancy between his ambitions and claims, and the reality.
Trump declared economic victory just as his term was starting. On March 20, 2025, he proclaimed a “manufacturing renaissance” in the U.S. That was based on what he said were “trillions of dollars in new investments” he had “already secured in tech-based manufacturing.”
A White House statement said “the list of manufacturing wins is endless.” The provided list was a roster of announcements, not groundbreakings, much less completed ventures.
Business executives quite properly have taken these pledges with mounds of salt. “Announcements are what people say they’re going to do, but dollars spent is what’s actually happening,” Didi Caldwell, chief executive of a firm that helps companies find factory sites, told the Financial Times. “From where we’re standing, we are not seeing signs of a manufacturing renaissance in the U.S.”
Indeed, at least some of these announcements have had the flavor of performative efforts to satisfy Trump’s amour propre and extract government concessions.
For example, Apple Chief Executive Tim Cook appeared with Trump at the White House in August to announce a $600-billion U.S. spending plan to take place over four years. That was a $100-billion increase over its previously-announced program.
More to the point, however, it incorporated spending with suppliers that Apple had been working with for years. Mentioned in the news announcement was a commitment to buy cover glass for iPhones from Corning. But Corning has been supplying that glass since the first iPhone appeared in 2007. In any case, the announcement appeared to secure a commitment from Trump to exempt Apple from tariffs imposed on imported chips.
Apple’s announcement Wednesday that it will spend $30 billion to buy chips from Broadcom was similarly ambiguous. The announcement didn’t provide details about the terms of the commitment or the timing of its expenditures. I asked Apple for details and whether the deal was related to a desire to remain in Trump’s favor, but didn’t hear back.
A similar phenomenon occurred during Trump’s first term; Trump had built much of his 2016 presidential campaign on a promise to increase manufacturing jobs in the United States. He blamed shrinkage in the manufacturing sector on trade agreements such as NAFTA and the policies of the Chinese, and took credit when an American manufacturer agreed to create or save jobs in the United States.
As I reported in 2019, many of those arrangements turned out to be exaggerated or bogus, or predated Trump’s claim. Some disappeared as soon as public attention turned elsewhere, or were outweighed by job cuts made elsewhere by the same companies.
Trump’s tariffs appear to have had a direct effect on manufacturing employment in the U.S. Since Trump’s inauguration, the manufacturing sector has shed about 75,000 jobs, or 0.6%. After April 2, 2025, when he announced global “liberation day” tariffs supposedly as a response to years of unfair treatment of American exports, the decline picked up pace, with a shrinkage of 68,000 manufacturing jobs.
The Supreme Court invalidated those tariffs in February, but others are still in place, including tariffs on imported steel and aluminum and on goods from China. Nor has he ceased threatening partners with trade wars. As recently as Tuesday, he said he would cut off all trade with Spain because of that country’s disagreement with him over its defense spending and its criticism of his Iran war.
As it happens, Spain is one of the few countries with which the U.S. has a trade surplus. That means that any cutoff, which trade experts think will be unlikely, would come at a cost to the U.S.
One might have hoped that Trump had learned a lesson from his first-term trade war with China. That conflict provoked a sharp contraction in the manufacturing economy, with the Institute for Supply Management’s purchasing managers index falling to 49.1 by mid-2019. (A reading below 50 signifies contraction.)
The ISM index began to recover toward the end of Trump’s term but fell again during the pandemic. Lately it has been falling again, to 53.3 in June from 54 in May.
The Iran war is another deadweight on domestic manufacturing. That’s partially the consequence of blockages of the Strait of Hormuz, the crucial thoroughfare not only for middle eastern oil, but also for such industrial inputs as fertilizer and aluminum. Cement, concrete, olive oil and spices are also among commodities produced in the region that use the strait as an outlet to reach the outside world.
Uncertainties in the region, tensions between the U.S. and China, and heightened concerns over the safety of shipping overall have driven up shipping costs between the far east and the U.S. The price of shipping a benchmark 40-foot container from China to the West Coast has nearly quadrupled to $6,687 now from about $1,700 just before the Iran war began, according to an index maintained by the cargo firm Freightos — even though shipping prices typically decline during this time of year.
There can be little doubt that the U.S. would benefit from an industrial policy — if it’s coherent. China supplanted America as the world’s leading exporter of manufactured goods in 2010, and the gap has only widened since then. China’s dominance may be hard to reverse, as it’s built on lower labor costs and transport infrastructure that enjoys focused government investment.
Tariffs could be a component of a new industrial policy, but Trump’s tariffs aren’t rationally geared to protecting domestic industries that need protection. They’re expressions of his whims, and as such they’re totally ineffective. If there are government investment policies targeting industries that need assistance, they’re not apparent to economists or industrialists.
Trump can talk as much as he likes about a golden age for U.S. manufacturing, but from his first term through this one, it’s nothing but talk. And talk, of course, is cheap.
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