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Virginia’s new blue trifecta puts right-to-work on the line

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Virginia’s new blue trifecta puts right-to-work on the line


Given its proximity to Washington, D.C., Virginia has long had a reputation for its off-year elections swinging to whatever political party does not control the White House. After four years of Republican Gov. Glenn Youngkin—whose victory came on the back of Joe Biden’s first year as president—the commonwealth went strongly Democratic this year, electing incoming Gov. Abigail Spanberger amid President Donald Trump’s second term.

Virginia Democrats now have a trifecta in Richmond, and political winds suggest that this could finally spell the end of right-to-work in the state, after nearly 80 years of the law being on the books. 

Spanberger’s term doesn’t start until January, but state Democratic lawmakers have already introduced right-to-work repeal legislation that they hope to send to her desk. So far, Spanberger claims to oppose right-to-work’s repeal, but the coming weeks will show if she reverts to her career-long pro-union track record.

In late November, State Sen. Jennifer Carroll Foy (D–Woodbridge) introduced Senate Bill 32, which would repeal Virginia’s right-to-work law that prevents private sector workers from being forced to join a union or pay union agency fees as a condition of employment. During her gubernatorial campaign, Spanberger reiterated numerous times that she did not support repealing Virginia’s right-to-work law, saying that supporting repeal was a false litmus test for being pro-worker.

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“I know there are those who think you can be pro-business or pro-union….I reject that idea,” said Spanberger in a campaign trail speech to the Virginia Chamber of Commerce. After the introduction of Foy’s repeal bill, a Spanberger spokesperson told the media the incoming governor “does not support repealing the current statute.”

But it’s unclear exactly what Spanberger does support, and a more granular reading of her campaign trail pledge leaves notable wiggle room. In her statements during the election, she claimed she did not support “full repeal,” while leaving the door open by saying “reforms may be necessary.”

Although it’s unclear what “partial” right-to-work repeal might look like, one potential clue may come from Virginia’s not-too-distant past. In 2020, then-Senate Majority Leader Dick Saslaw (D–Springfield) introduced legislation that was billed as a “partial repeal” of Virginia’s right-to-work law in that it did not force workers to join a union but could require the compulsory collection of so-called “agency fees” from non-union members.

Agency fees function as a union workaround for workers who refuse to join a union by still putting them on the hook to financially contribute to the union. In the 2018 case of Janus v. American Federation of State, County, and Municipal Employees (AFSCME), the U.S. Supreme Court struck down this practice for public sector employees as a violation of First Amendment rights, but agency fees can still be collected in the private sector if permitted under state law. A similar approach to Saslaw’s prior effort could perhaps be used by Virginia Democrats to effectively gut right-to-work, while simultaneously claiming it does not technically constitute Spanberger reneging on her campaign promise.

Past right-to-work repeal bills in Virginia have had a poor track record, even among state Democrats. A 2021 repeal bill was voted down in resounding—and bipartisan—fashion by a tally of 88–13 in the House of Delegates. But since that time, numerous moderate Democrats have retired from the state legislature, making it far from certain what a vote might look like now.

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For her part, Spanberger’s past record includes cosponsoring the Protecting the Right to Organize (PRO) Act while serving in the House of Representatives. The PRO Act, which included a laundry list of pro-union desires, was notable for containing provisions that would have effectively overridden state-level right-to-work laws. The incoming governor also received substantial support from labor unions, including AFSCME, during her campaign.

Spanberger is right that the choice between being pro-business and pro-worker is often a false dichotomy. But there are better ways to strike this balance than “partial” repeals of right-to-work. For instance, Virginia could look to its neighbor, Maryland, where Democratic Gov. Wes Moore has initiated a portable benefits pilot program for gig economy workers. Portable benefit models allow gig workers to use Simplified Employee Pension-style funds to purchase benefits on exchanges, which they can then take with them from job to job.

As workers increasingly show a preference for flexible work and scheduling autonomy—which often means more gig and freelancing work—this is the type of pro-worker reform that moves labor policy into the 21st century, instead of staying stuck in the labor battles of yesteryear. In addition to Maryland, deep red states like Tennessee and Utah have also implemented portable benefit models, suggesting the bipartisan appeal of such an approach.

We’ll soon see if Virginia holds the line or becomes the second state since Michigan in 2023 to repeal right-to-work. Whatever happens, Virginia’s—and America’s—labor policy debate is badly in need of an update.

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Whitley’s Peanut Factory Marks 40 Years with an Eye on Virginia’s 250th Celebration | Williamsburg Yorktown Daily

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Whitley’s Peanut Factory Marks 40 Years with an Eye on Virginia’s 250th Celebration | Williamsburg Yorktown Daily


Todd Smith’s son, Brett, joined the family business 5 years ago. (Whitley’s Peanut Factory)

GLOUCESTER — What began as a small kitchen experiment has grown into a staple of Virginia’s peanut industry. This year, Whitley’s Peanut Factory is celebrating its 40th anniversary, marking four decades of family tradition, innovation, and steady growth in Gloucester.

For owner Todd Smith, the milestone is both personal and professional.

“We’re doing something right,” Smith said. “The quality of the product and great customer service, those two things have carried us for 40 years.”

The company officially launched in 1986, though its roots trace back to Smith’s upbringing in the peanut business. His father worked closely with farmers supplying seed peanuts, giving Smith early exposure to an industry that would later define his career.

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The idea for the business came from a homemade recipe.

“My dad used to cook these peanuts in our kitchen,” Smith said. “We decided to try it commercially, put them in a can, and see if we could sell them.”

Whitley’s first location before and what it looks now. (Whitley’s Peanut Factory)

Starting with a small retail store, a single cooker, and just a few employees, the company has since expanded into a multi-location operation. Today, Whitley’s employs dozens of workers, particularly during the busy holiday season when demand peaks.

Despite its growth, the company has remained committed to its original process.

“We’re doing the same thing today that we did 40 years ago, just on a bigger scale,” Smith said.

That consistency has been key to maintaining the brand’s identity and loyal customer base. At the same time, the company has found ways to evolve without compromising quality.

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Remaining in southeastern Virginia has been essential to the company’s success. The region is known for producing Virginia peanuts, a variety prized for its size and flavor.

“We’re close to where the peanuts are sourced,” Brett Smith said. “That’s always been important.”

Over the years, Whitley’s has also become a significant employer in Gloucester. During peak seasons, the company employs around 90 people, contributing to the local economy and providing long-term opportunities for many workers.

As Whitley’s celebrates 40 years, the focus is also on what comes next. Todd Smith hopes to eventually pass the business on to his son, who joined the company five years ago.

“The goal is for him to take over and carry on the legacy,” Smith said.

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Brett Smith sees both opportunity and challenge ahead.

“The world is changing fast,” he said. “It’s about adapting to that while staying true to what’s made us successful.”

The 250th Whitley’s Peanuts collection. (Whitley’s Peanut Factory)

The company’s 40th anniversary comes at a unique time for the Commonwealth, as Virginia prepares to celebrate its 250th anniversary. For Whitley’s, the overlap adds another layer of meaning to the milestone.

To mark both occasions, the company has introduced commemorative packaging and is participating in local events and festivals tied to the anniversary, particularly in historic areas like Williamsburg and Yorktown. From community gatherings to major seasonal celebrations, Whitley’s is using the moment to highlight both its own history and Virginia’s broader story.

“It’s kind of the bigger picture,” Brett Smith said. “We’re proud of 40 years, but 250 years is pretty incredible.”

As Virginia reflects on its past, Whitley’s Peanut Factory is celebrating its own legacy, while positioning itself to remain part of the state’s future for years to come.

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Lauren Hurst commits to Virginia Tech out of transfer portal, joining Alyssa Latham

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Lauren Hurst commits to Virginia Tech out of transfer portal, joining Alyssa Latham


Former Lady Vols basketball guard Lauren Hurst committed to Virginia Tech out of the transfer portal on April 11, making her the second Tennessee player to join the Hokies.

Former Tennessee forward Alyssa Latham committed to Virginia Tech as a graduate transfer on April 1.

Latham and Hurst were part of the mass exodus from the Lady Vols that left no returners on the team. All eight players with eligibility left entered the transfer portal, and five-star forward Oliviyah Edwards was released from her signing, leaving four-star wing Gabby Minus as the only incoming freshman.

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Both Latham and Hurst were key players in Tennessee’s rotation by the end of the season. Latham spent two years with the Lady Vols after transferring in from Syracuse and was one of a handful of returners from coach Kim Caldwell’s first season.

Latham was one of four forwards on Tennessee’s roster – the other three graduated – and averaged 19.1 minutes this season. The 6-foot-2 junior averaged 4.7 points, 3.4 rebounds and one steal while shooting 53.9% from the field this season.

Hurst broke into the rotation in the second half of the season, and she was Tennessee’s most accurate 3-point shooter. The 6-foot-3 guard led the team in 3-point percentage, hitting 41.4% on 1.2 attempts from 3-point range.

The Cleveland, Tennessee, native averaged 2.3 points, 1.6 rebounds and 10 minutes per game on the season, and she shot 48.8% from the field. Hurst played a season-high 24 minutes at Ole Miss, when she scored a career-high 16 points on 6-for-9 shooting, including 4-for-5 on 3-pointers.

Hurst was part of a five-player 2025 class ranked No. 2 in the nation by ESPN, UT’s highest-ranked class since 2017. She was a four-star prospect ranked No. 45 in the class.

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Tennessee has added two transfers out of the portal so far. Liberty guard Avery Mills and Northern Arizona guard Naomi White both committed to the Lady Vols.

Cora Hall is the University of Tennessee women’s athletics reporter for Knox News. Email: cora.hall@knoxnews.com; X: @corahalllBluesky: @corahall.bsky.social‬. Support strong local journalism and unlock premium perks:knoxnews.com/subscribe





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‘Don’t Fairfax Me’: How Virginia’s largest county became center of antiredistricting campaign – WTOP News

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‘Don’t Fairfax Me’: How Virginia’s largest county became center of antiredistricting campaign – WTOP News


Signs that say, “Don’t Fairfax Me” and “Vote No” are appearing in rural parts of Virginia in opposition to gerrymandered maps being voted on in a special election.

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‘Don’t Fairfax Me’: Northern Virginians fight redistricting plan

As the special election that will determine the fate of a plan to redraw Virginia’s congressional districts approaches, the state’s largest jurisdiction has started being referenced as a verb in messaging opposing the initiative.

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Signs that say, “Don’t Fairfax Me” and “Vote No” started appearing in rural parts of Virginia, Cardinal News reported. And on social media, Del. Wren Williams, whose district includes several counties in the southwestern portion of the state, defined “Fairfaxphobia.”

Early voting has been underway for weeks, but on April 21, voters will decide whether to OK a plan that would redraw Virginia’s congressional map. Currently, the state has elected six Democrats and five Republicans across its 11 districts. The proposed map could give Democrats a 10-1 advantage, experts say.

Virginia Democrats argue the step comes in response to President Donald Trump’s push for redistricting in Republican-led states. Republicans have been critical of the effort.

Williams is describing “Fairfaxphobia” as a fear that political power concentrated in Fairfax County will make decisions for the whole state and create policies impacting some communities that they can’t afford.

“We don’t want to be Fairfax County,” Williams told WTOP. “We don’t want skyscrapers. I don’t want to have to go somewhere outside and walk around to find some patches of grass to touch. I am interested in rural life, a little bit easier, a little bit simpler, a little bit more laid back, not as fast paced.”

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“Fairfaxphobia” graphic circulated to represent the fear that political power concentrated in Fairfax County will make decisions for the whole state. (Courtesy of Wren Williams)

As part of the proposed map, Williams said, “at least five districts run up and split up Fairfax County, which will eventually lead to five sitting congressional members from the county of Fairfax, and that’s just not representative of the entirety of the commonwealth.”

Jeannette, a longtime Northern Virginia resident, said people who live in the northern part of the state “are seen as an anomaly, maybe to the rest of Virginia, given our, I think, collective more liberal leaning. And I understand why they’re saying that, but I think we should separate that from the goal of the referendum.”

Dave Lincoln, meanwhile, said Friday he hadn’t heard about the signs in rural parts of the state but, “I guess it’s — we are what we are.”

Senate Majority Leader Scott Surovell called the campaign disappointing, because “Fairfax County does a lot for the entire state. If it wasn’t for Fairfax, our state would have the economy of Mississippi.”

The “Don’t Fairfax Me” signs say they’re paid for and authorized by a political action committee called “New Vision VA.” Dominion Energy made a $25,000 donation to the PAC, according to the Virginia Public Access Project.

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Yves Fischer, who lives in Alexandria, said the messaging and advertising on the redistricting referendum are confusing.

For Tiffany, “I guess they’re saying ‘Don’t Fairfax’ Virginia, because obviously we are a much more educated, classy, professional, employed area, and we, of course, are going to vote ‘yes’ on this.”

In Springfield on Friday afternoon, Ann said she hadn’t seen or heard about the signs, but, “It should be a big ‘no.’ It’s not right. It’s not fair to most Virginians.”

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