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Maine, USA: Waters at Risk Amid the Rise of Industrial Fish Farming

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Maine, USA: Waters at Risk Amid the Rise of Industrial Fish Farming


Kingfish Maine Comes to Town

In the spring of 2020, Kingfish Maine (KM)—a US subsidiary of the Norwegian company Kingfish—set out to build a $110 million on-shore fish farm in Jonesport, Maine, a small fishing town of roughly 1,245 people. KM’s representatives quickly set about embedding themselves in the community, hosting meet-and-greets at local hangouts and the town library to build support for their project.

KM representatives worked tirelessly to win over Jonesport’s most influential figures in support of building a land-based facility to raise sushi-grade fish, known as a Recirculating Aquaculture System, known as “RAS” for short. Key backers included two members of the Board of Selectmen and the individual who sold KM the 92-acre parcel where the industrial complex will be constructed.

Serious Ecological Water Problems

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KM planned to build its industrial complex on 92 acres along Chandler Bay, calling it a “Recirculating Aquaculture System” (RAS)—a name that might suggest the system is fully self-contained. In reality, it is far from a closed-loop. The facility will use four massive, four-foot-diameter pipes: two extending nearly half a mile into the Chandler Bay to draw in water, and two slightly shorter pipes to return it. Altogether, the system will pump more than 28 million gallons of Chandler Bay water every day; roughly 324 gallons per second. Over six million gallons of that water will be heated to 78–80°F—bear in mind that Chandler Bay has a mean temperature of less than 60 degrees F, and barely reaches 65 degrees in mid-summer. According to a KM representative, water returning to the Chandler Bay could be up to five degrees cooler than the surrounding Bay, but calculations using basic physics (Q = mCΔT) show this is impossible.

The implications of this massive water movement are significant, but they are only the beginning. Equally concerning are the nutrients/biotoxins the system will release. The outflow is projected to dump 1,583 pounds of nitrogen and 393 pounds of phosphorus into Chandler Bay every day. These nutrients act like fertilizer, fueling faster and denser algae growth and increasing the risk of frequent, severe red tides. As algae proliferates, it blocks sunlight from reaching shallow-water plants, which need light to photosynthesize. When these plants die, their decomposition consumes oxygen in the water, creating low-oxygen zones that can suffocate fish, shellfish, and other marine life: C₆H₁₀O₅ + 6O₂ → 6CO₂ + 5H₂O

In short, what might seem like a simple discharge of water and nutrients could trigger a cascade of ecological problems, threatening Chandler Bay’s entire ecosystem. Yet, most residents—trusting the company’s apparent expertise—are unlikely to question these claims, despite the enormous stakes for the environment.

The ecological consequences would be disastrous. In shallower areas of Chandler Bay, where sunlight reaches the seafloor, eelgrass grows, providing food and shelter for young marine animals like lobsters and scallops. One can easily imagine the domino effects of excessive surface algae growth and the severe impact this would have on the Bay’s delicate ecosystem.

The Planning Board and the Unlikely Challenge

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Imagine you’re a member of a small-town Planning Board. You earn $18 a month for your service. Maybe you’re a lobster fisherman, a teacher, a diesel mechanic, or a retired store owner. Most of the time, your work involves approving modest permits—garages, sheds, additions, the occasional new house with a gravel driveway. Every so often, someone wants to upgrade a work shed on the shore to tend to their lobster boat.

Then one day, someone walks into the Town Office and picks up an application to build a $110 million industrial fish farm. Are the five members of the Planning Board prepared for something so far outside their usual scope? The answer is likely no—and that’s where the trouble began.

The Jonesport Planning Board started holding weekly meetings to hear from both proponents and opponents of the Kingfish Maine (KM) project. At first, meetings were held in the small Town Office, but attendance quickly outgrew the space, forcing a move to the Jonesport-Beals High School gymnasium.

Before long, residents called for a town vote on a six-month moratorium to give the Planning Board time to strengthen local zoning ordinances. Nearly 320 people turned out to vote. The moratorium was defeated nearly two to one. Many townspeople, encouraged by local leaders, believed voting “no” meant supporting Kingfish Maine. In reality, the measure was meant to give the town breathing room to prepare—something few residents understood.

A high school student later told me her mother had voted “no” because “that’s what everyone said to do,” not realizing what the vote was actually about.

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Lawyers, Loopholes, and the “Ringer”

As the meetings grew in size and tension, time limits were imposed on public comments. Lawyers representing the company, the town, and local opponents filled the room. Testimony was recorded, reviewed, and dissected.

Among the Planning Board members was an alternate—a highly educated nuclear scientist—who seemed unusually skilled at countering criticism of the project. Many wondered how this “ringer” from KM had ended up on the Board.

The dynamic between the Planning Board, the town’s attorney, and KM’s legal team began to look increasingly cozy. Opponents often felt outmatched. One example came when residents raised concerns about electrical power. KM admitted it couldn’t use existing lines because of the plant’s massive energy needs. When asked for proof of how they’d secure power, company representatives replied, “That’s not our problem; it’s the local electrical provider’s.” The Board simply accepted this answer.

Then came the question of shoreland zoning. Under the Shoreland Zoning Ordinance (SLZ), KM couldn’t place any fish farm structures within the restricted area. But KM’s attorney argued that the only building in the shoreland zone was the pump house—which, they claimed, didn’t count as part of the industrial complex. The Planning Board accepted this as well.

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The Fight Over Table 15

The final showdown centered on Table 15 of Jonesport’s Land Use and Development Ordinance (LUDO)—a matrix that indicates which types of development are allowed, restricted, or prohibited. Opponents were confident: under “Industrial Buildings,” the table clearly said “NO.” By that logic, the KM installation should have been prohibited.

Earlier, KM had tried to classify itself as agricultural, arguing that fish farming was akin to farming. That effort failed. The LUDO clearly defined “industrial” as any operation involving both growing and processing—exactly what KM intended to do.

But further down Table 15 was a section labeled “Marine-Related Activities” and a subcategory for “functionally water-related uses.” Normally, Maine towns interpret ordinance conflicts in favor of the most restrictive rule—in this case, the “NO” under the section titled, Industrial Buildings. Yet KM’s lawyer and the town’s attorney agreed to disregard that principle, offering no convincing reason.

The Planning Board sided with them, ruling that the project qualified as “functionally water-related” rather than industrial.

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When the final vote came, opponents were momentarily elated: the Board voted 3–2 to reject KM’s application. But the victory evaporated almost instantly. One “no” voter, under visible pressure from the Chair, changed his vote. The reversal passed, and KM’s project was approved 3–2.

A Sensible Plan

After more than four years of meetings, research, legal motions, and appeals, I began to wonder whether there might be a more balanced way to handle such cases. What if an independent consortium of professionals—lawyers, scientists, and planners with no corporate ties—reviewed large-scale development proposals before they ever reached small-town boards?

This group could identify likely points of community resistance and recommend alternative approaches, helping companies like Kingfish avoid needless conflict while ensuring that towns aren’t blindsided.

But here’s the catch: law firms profit from conflict. Appeals and lawsuits generate revenue, so there’s little incentive to simplify the process. That reality brings us to the central question:

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Even in the face of a changing climate, is economic development still considered more important than environmental integrity? So far, the answer remains yes—and that is the sad, distressing truth.

Concluding Remarks

Fast forward to May 2025. The Town of Jonesport’s attorney—who ostensibly represents the town and has been accused of overstepping or sidestepping his role—sent a letter to the Planning Board proposing amendments to the LUDO to accommodate KM, citing time lost during the company’s recent court appeals. KM, of course, won all those appeals, despite numerous well-founded environmental concerns.

Opponents were stunned. The proposed changes would effectively give KM a three-year extension to secure investors and move forward with construction—despite the company’s current financial struggles.

To many, this looks less like due process and more like a quiet partnership between economic ambition and political convenience. Meanwhile, the environmental stakes remain dire: more than a ton of nitrogen and phosphorus released into Chandler Bay every day, compounded by models predicting dangerous nutrient buildup. The Bay is also home to endangered Atlantic salmon and vulnerable bird species such as the razorbill auk and purple sandpiper.

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For locals who depend on the Bay—for fishing, for tourism, for identity—the situation feels less like progress and more like betrayal. And so, the question lingers: behind the curtain, whose interests are truly being served?

Richard W. Aishton is currently an independent consultant and the President of Protect Downeast. His previous assignment was for the International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN) as the Program Coordinator for the ENPI FLEG Program (Forest Law Enforcement and Governance) in six Eastern European countries and Russia. This program concentrated on rural development and resource dependency; and ecosystem management and governance, using the context of ecosystem destruction. Dr. Aishton focuses on quantifying the relationship between rural communities and their natural resource base. His skills include the application of technical science; remote sensing and use of satellite and aerial images; rural energy development and use; evaluation of ecosystem services from the perspective of what is actually used; and conflict management in a multi-lingual, multi-cultural setting. A strong academic background and over 40 years of experience in foreign and domestic ecosystem management form the foundation that enables Dr. Aishton to conduct and manage international and domestic projects that work with culturally diverse groups; manage large budgets; and develop new project opportunities. Dr. Aishton holds a Master of Science in Environmental Policy, a PhD in Environmental Dynamics, and has completed coursework at the Maine School of Law.

Opinions expressed in JURIST Commentary are the sole responsibility of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of JURIST’s editors, staff, donors or the University of Pittsburgh.



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Are you required to display both front and back license plates in Maine?

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Are you required to display both front and back license plates in Maine?


You might not give a lot of thought to your two license plates. Maybe only looking at them when you renew your registration or when you got the new pine tree design. But those plates play an important role on the road.

Karyn asked the CBS13 I-Team:

“I see a lot of cars on the road with only a rear license plate. We are issued two plates at the time of registration. Do we actually have to display both on our car? Also, can you be fined for only having one plate?”

Maine law does require drivers to display two license plates. One on the front and one on the back.

The state says that requirement, which has been in place since the 90s, makes cars more visible to law enforcement and helps with automated tolling on the Maine Turnpike.

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A driver can be fined if they don’t properly display both plates.

According to state data, convictions for improperly displaying a registration plate have gone up the past few years. Though the numbers are still small compared to the total number of vehicles on the road.

In 2021, there were 63. Seventy convictions in 2022 and in 2023 and 2024, there were around 140.

The are some exemptions to the two-plate law. That includes motorcycles and trailers.

While most states have similar laws, about 20 only require a rear license plate.

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The Maine Legislature has debated bills that would remove the front plate requirement in the past, but none have passed.

Have a question for CBS13 I-Team? Call their tip line at (207) 228-7713 or send an email to tips@wgme.com.



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Maine adopts tougher limits on PFAS in drinking water

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Maine adopts tougher limits on PFAS in drinking water


The Maine Center for Disease Control and Prevention has lowered the state limit on forever chemicals, or PFAS, in drinking water to align with rigorous federal standards established by the Biden administration.

The change reduces the maximum amount of the two most harmful forever chemicals to four parts per trillion (ppt) — roughly four drops in 20 Olympic-sized swimming pools — and no more than 10 ppt, for three others combined.

The new rule, adopted in December, will be rolled out in phases, from monitoring by 2027 to initial enforcement in 2028. When in full effect, Maine’s 1,900 public drinking water systems could face fines of up to $2,000 per day for exceeding the maximum contaminant limits.

“The (Department of Health and Human Services) has determined that these new requirements are necessary to protect public health,” it wrote in a rule summary. “The department will work with stakeholders to provide technical assistance and guidance where needed.”

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Maine’s old limit was 20 ppt for the combined sum of six forever chemicals. The two most harmful, PFOA and PFOS, are now capped at four ppt each, which is a sharp decrease because they account for the bulk of most forever chemical readings in Maine.

Systems have until April 2029 to comply, which could require treating water, drilling new wells or hooking up to a clean water supply. Until then, Maine will use its 20 ppt limit to “cover the gap,” said DHHS spokeswoman Lindsay Hammes.

Forever chemicals have been used since the 1940s in consumer products and industry, including in nonstick pans, food packaging and firefighting foam. Even trace amounts are deemed harmful, linked to a host of health problems that range from immune deficiency to certain cancers.

State public health officials estimate it could cost $50 million to bring Maine’s public drinking water systems into full compliance with the new standard. The state plans to tap the federal safe drinking water revolving loan fund to cover those costs.

Maintaining each system could cost between $1,000 to $100,000 a year, public health officials predict.

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An analysis of state data from 2023 by Defend Our Health, a Portland environmental nonprofit, determined that one in 10 Mainers — roughly 134,035 people — drinks from a public water supply that exceeds the limit Maine just adopted, including in Augusta, Sanford and Waterville.

The group’s data showed that more than 14,000 students and staff at 60 Maine schools, day cares, and colleges are drinking water that was below Maine’s old limit but are above its new limit, like Lake Region High School in Naples or Marshwood Middle School in Eliot.

The U.S. Environmental Protection Agency adopted its protective PFAS limits in April 2024. It said the limit would prevent thousands of premature deaths, serious adult illnesses, and immune and developmental impacts to children.

Private well owners remain responsible for ensuring their water is safe to drink. The quality and safety of private domestic wells are not regulated by the federal government, nor by most state laws. About half of Maine’s residents gets their drinking water from a private well.

Two of the four forever chemicals that had been regulated under the old state rule, PFDA and PFHpA, will not be regulated under the new rule. They are used in food packaging and stain-resistant coatings on rugs and furniture.

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Advocates wanted these to count toward the new state limit, but officials say it’s not necessary; they only occur when there is too much PFOA or PFOS anyway. The state will still require the systems to monitor for these chemicals even though they won’t count toward the cap.

The new rule will also require Maine water systems to regulate two new forever chemicals: GenX and PFBS. These chemicals were created to replace PFOA and PFOS but have been found to pose similar health concerns.

Previously, the EPA had advised but not required a drinking water limit of 70 ppt. Many of Maine’s other PFAS advisory levels for milk, eggs, beef, crops, hay, fish or game are based on this old advisory.

State officials said they will use the new EPA standard, and the science supporting it, to inform Maine’s PFAS standards in other substances, but said it would happen over time, and that no one should expect Maine’s milk, beef and fish consumption advisories to change soon.

Maine has identified more than 600 residential wells near former sludge fields, military bases and industrial sites that test above Maine’s old PFAS limit, and that amount is likely to double under the new standard.

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The Maine Department of Environmental Protection could not be reached for an interview about how the new limit will be used when deciding who among those living on sludge-impacted land will have their water remediation costs covered by the state.



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Housing affordability key issue in Maine’s housing crisis, report shows

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Housing affordability key issue in Maine’s housing crisis, report shows


A new report is showing some progress when it comes to housing in Maine, but affordability continues to remain a key challenge.

According to a report by MaineHousing, the income needed to afford a median priced home in the state has increased 187 percent between 2015 and 2024.

In that same period, the state’s median income only went up 44 percent.

The rental market has not fared better, as it is affected by the dramatically increased cost of real estate across Maine, according to the report.

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Despite MaineHousing’s record success in 2025 with its first-time homebuyer program, the demand from homebuyers continues to outstrip the supply of homes for sale.

While year-over-year price increases were lower than in the recent past, the supply pressure is not likely to ease meaningfully until interest rates tick down more.

Maine home for sale (WGME)

“Maine, a state famous for natural beauty and quality of life, has become an attractive location for telecommuters and retirees who often have larger home-buying budgets than Mainers,” MaineHousing said in the report.

In a look at the state’s homelessness crisis, the report suggests underfunding at homeless service centers is leading to skewed data.

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According to MaineHousing, housing production is one key to solving these problems.

“MaineHousing’s affordable housing production remains well above historical averages, with 755 low and middle-income units coming online in 2025, and a record future production pipeline extending through the next few years,” MaineHousing said in the report.

While affordable housing production is increasing, unpredictable support at the federal and state levels and high construction costs could still bring that increase to a halt in future years.

Moving into 2026, Maine shows evidence of progress on several fronts of the housing crisis, but there is still much work to be done.



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