Connect with us

News

Reports: Emails reveal extent of Saints’ aid in Catholic church scandal response

Published

on

Reports: Emails reveal extent of Saints’ aid in Catholic church scandal response
play

A 2020 lawsuit first revealed the New Orleans Saints’ involvement in the New Orleans Archdiocese’s crisis management response to a sex-abuse scandal. At the time, the team stated its collaboration was “minimal” and that the archdiocese had reached out to request PR assistance.

New emails revealed that the Saints were not only more involved than what was previously believed, but that people in the organization were the initiators of the correspondence and resulting collaboration.

Advertisement

Investigations by the New York Times and Associated Press uncovered more than 300 emails related to the Saints’ involvement in the church’s response to sexual abuse accusations against the New Orleans Archdiocese. The emails, which were revealed in a 2019 subpoena, and their contents had remained private until now.

Saints’ emails reveal different story than their initial claims

Among the first of those emails, according to the Times, was from Saints senior vice president of communications Greg Bensel to team owner Gayle Benson.

Bensel had seen a story in local New Orleans newspaper The Advocate that revealed that a “disgraced” former deacon, who had been accused of sexual abuse multiple times and removed from the ministry in 1988, was still involved with a different New Orleans church.

In the story, Archbishop Gregory Aymond was quoted as saying he was “utterly surprised and embarrassed” to hear the news.

Advertisement

Bensel reached out to Benson, who is a close friend of Aymond’s, after reading the story. After a back-and-forth exchange, Bensel suggested he reach out to the New Orleans Archdiocese to offer his aid in “crisis communications” as the number of similar accusations of sexual abuse against the archdiocese continued to grow.

“I like … (Aymond’s) PR person a lot,” Bensel wrote to Benson, “but if he ever wants to chat crisis communications … we have been through enough at Saints to be a help or sounding board- but I don’t want to overstep!”

So began the Saints’ involvement in the Catholic church’s management and response to the growing scandal.

Bensel went on to leverage his connections with the local papers: The Advocate, as well as The Times-Picayune (the two merged in May 2019). He implored the local papers to stay positive in their coverage of Aymond’s public response.

“I am asking that YOU as the most influential newspaper in our state, please get behind him and work with him,” he wrote.

Advertisement

Saints were involved with release of list of accused clergymen

One of the biggest bombshells from the newly revealed emails is that executives within the Saints’ organization were privy to – and may have helped put together – a list of names the archdiocese was set to release in November 2018 that included names of dozens of accused sexual abusers within the church.

“Had a cc w (then-New Orleans District Attorney) Leon Cannizzaro last night that allowed us to take certain people off the list,” Bensel wrote in an email to team president Dennis Lauscha.

The New York Times reported that it’s unclear whether any names were actually removed. What is certain is that the list, which generally was intended to be a “transparent public accounting that could help victims find closure and seek justice,” according to the New York Times, was criticized after its release for its lack of completeness.

Initially, the list included 57 names. It has since expanded to include 79, though an August 2023 report from The Guardian said that there have been 310 clergymen credibly accused of sexual abuse in New Orleans.

What is also clear from the emails is that Bensel played a huge hand in preparing the archbishop in his public response to the list’s release. The New York Times reported that the emails reveal Bensel’s personal consultation with Aymond included specific talking points for media appearances, help editing a letter to parishioners the archbishop planned to send upon the list’s release and pre-written questions for the Saints’ flagship radio station to ask Aymond in an interview.

Advertisement

According to the New York Times’ investigation, Bensel also “accompanied Archbishop Aymond on local media interviews” the day the list was first released.

NFL did not initially investigate Saints in 2020

When the team’s involvement with the church’s response to the scandal first became public in 2020, the NFL declined to pursue its own investigation even though the bulk of the emails came from an nfl.com address.

At the time, a league source told the New York Times that the NFL would not investigate the Saints until the emails, which were kept private at the time, were publicly disclosed.

The NFL did not immediately respond to USA TODAY Sports’ request for comment.

NFL Commissioner Roger Goodell is set to speak to the media in New Orleans on Monday at 4 p.m. ET ahead of Super Bowl 59, which is set to take place in New Orleans on Sunday.

Advertisement

(This story was updated to add a video.)

News

Donald Trump has no ‘phase two’ plan for Iran war, says US senator

Published

on

Donald Trump has no ‘phase two’ plan for Iran war, says US senator

To read this article for free

Register now

Once registered, you can:

• Read free articles
• Get our Editor’s Digest and other newsletters
• Follow topics and set up personalised events
• Access Alphaville: our popular markets and finance blog

Continue Reading

News

Man accused of plot to assassinate Trump testifies Iran pressured him, says Biden and Haley were other possible targets

Published

on

Man accused of plot to assassinate Trump testifies Iran pressured him, says Biden and Haley were other possible targets

The allegation sounded like the stuff of spy movies: A Pakistani businessman trying to hire hit men, even handing them $5,000 in cash, to kill a U.S. politician on behalf of Iran ‘s powerful paramilitary Revolutionary Guard.

It was true, and potential targets of the 2024 scheme included now-President Donald Trump, then-President Joe Biden and former presidential candidate and ex-U.N. Ambassador Nikki Haley, the man told jurors at his attempted terrorism trial in New York on Wednesday. But he insisted his actions were driven by fear for loved ones in Iran, and he figured he’d be apprehended before anything came of the scheme.

“My family was under threat, and I had to do this,” the defendant, Asif Merchant, testified through an Urdu interpreter. “I was not wanting to do this so willingly.”

Merchant said he had anticipated getting arrested before anyone was killed, intended to cooperate with the U.S. government and had hoped that would help him get a green card.

U.S. authorities were, indeed, on to him – the supposed hit men he paid were actually undercover FBI agents – and he was arrested on July 12, 2024, a day before an unrelated attempt on Trump’s life in Butler, Pennsylvania.  During a search, investigators said they found a handwritten note that contained the codewords for the various aspects of the plot, CBS News previously reported

Advertisement

Merchant did sit for voluntary FBI interviews, but he ultimately ended up with a trial, not a cooperation deal.

“You traveled to the United States for the purpose of hiring Mafia members to kill a politician, correct?” Assistant U.S. Attorney Nina Gupta asked during her turn questioning Merchant Wednesday in a Brooklyn federal court.

“That’s right,” Merchant replied, his demeanor as matter-of-fact as his testimony was unusual.

The trial is unfolding amid the less than week-old Iran war, which killed Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei in a strike that Trump summed up as “I got him before he got me.” Jurors are instructed to ignore news pertaining to the case.

The Iranian government has denied plotting to kill Trump or other U.S. officials.

Advertisement

Merchant, 47, had a roughly 20-year banking career in Pakistan before getting involved in an array of businesses: clothing, car sales, banana exports, insulation imports. He openly has two families, one in Pakistan and the other in Iran – where, he said, he was introduced around the end of 2022 to a Revolutionary Guard intelligence operative. They initially spoke about getting involved in a hawala, an informal money transfer system, Merchant said.

Merchant testified that his periodic visits to the U.S. for his garment business piqued the interest of his Revolutionary Guard contact, who trained him on countersurveillance techniques.

The U.S. deems the Revolutionary Guard a “foreign terrorist organization.” Formally called the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, the force has been prominent in Iran under Khamenei.

Merchant said the handler told him to seek U.S. residents interested in working for Iran. Then came another assignment: Look for a criminal to arrange protests, steal things, do some money laundering, “and maybe have somebody murdered,” Merchant recalled.

“He did not tell me exactly who it is, but he told me – he named three people: Donald Trump, Joe Biden and Nikki Haley,” he added.

Advertisement

In 2024, multiple sources familiar with the investigation told CBS News Merchant planned to assassinate current and former government officials across the political spectrum.

Merchant allegedly sketched out the plot on a napkin inside his New York hotel room, prosecutors said, and told the individual “that there would be ‘security all around’ the person” they were planning to kill.

“No other option”

After U.S. immigration agents pulled Merchant aside at the Houston airport in April 2024, searched his possessions and asked about his travels to Iran, he concluded that he was under surveillance. But still he researched Trump rally locations, sketched out a plot for a shooting at a political rally, lined up the supposed hit men and scrambled together $5,000 from a cousin to pay them a “token of appreciation.”

This image provided by the Justice Department, contained in the complaint supporting the arrest warrant, shows Asif Merchant. 

Advertisement

AP


He even reported back to his Revolutionary Guard contact, sending observations – fake, Merchant said – tucked into a book that he shipped to Iran through a series of intermediaries.

Merchant said he “had no other option” than to play along because the handler had indicated that he knew who Merchant’s Iranian relatives were and where they lived.

In a court filing this week, prosecutors noted that Merchant didn’t seek out law enforcement to help with his purported predicament before he was arrested. He testified that he couldn’t turn to authorities because his handler had people watching him.

Prosecutors also said that in his FBI interviews, Merchant “neglected to mention any facts that could have supported” an argument that he acted under duress.

Advertisement

Merchant told jurors Wednesday that he didn’t think agents would believe his story, because their questions suggested “they think that I’m some type of super-spy.”

“And are you a super-spy?” defense lawyer Avraham Moskowitz asked.

“No,” Merchant said. “Absolutely not.”

Continue Reading

News

Satellite images show Iran school strike hit more buildings than earlier reported

Published

on

Satellite images show Iran school strike hit more buildings than earlier reported

The bombing of an Iranian elementary school that killed some 165 people, many of them schoolgirls, included more targets near the school than has been initially reported, a review of commercial satellite imagery by NPR has found.

The images suggest that the school was hit on Saturday as part of a precision airstrike on a neighboring Iranian military complex — and that it may have been struck as a result of outdated targeting information.

The new images come from the company Planet and are of the city of Minab, located in southeastern Iran. They show that a health clinic and other buildings near the school were also struck. Three independent experts confirmed NPR’s analysis of the additional strike points.

Advertisement

The strike points “look like pretty clean detonation centroids,” said Corey Scher, a postdoctoral researcher at the Conflict Ecology laboratory at Oregon State University.

“These certainly appear like detonation sites,” agreed Scher’s colleague, Oregon State associate professor Jamon Van Den Hoek.

Jeffrey Lewis, a professor at Middlebury College who specializes in satellite imagery, said the imagery was consistent with a precision airstrike.

The images show “very precise targeting,” Lewis told NPR. “Almost all the buildings [in the compound] are hit.”

A satellite image of an Iranian Revolutionary Guard compound taken on March 4.

A satellite image of an Iranian Revolutionary Guard compound taken on March 4, several days after an airstrike destroyed a school on the edge of the compound. The image reveals that half a dozen other buildings in addition to the school were struck.

Planet Labs PBC

Advertisement


hide caption

toggle caption

Planet Labs PBC

Advertisement

Iranian state media said 165 people died in the bombing, which struck a girls’ school. The school was located within less than 100 yards of the perimeter of an Iranian Revolutionary Guard naval base, according to satellite images and publicly available information. The clinic was also located within the base perimeter, although both facilities had been walled off from the base.

Israel has denied involvement. “We are not aware at the moment of any IDF operation in that area,” Israel Defense Forces spokesperson Nadav Shoshani told NPR on Monday. “I don’t know who’s responsible for the bombing.”

At a press conference Wednesday morning, U.S. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth said that the U.S. is looking into what happened at the school. “All I know, all I can say, is that we’re investigating that,” Hegseth said. “We, of course, never target civilian targets.”

Given Minab’s location in the southeastern part of Iran, Lewis believes it’s more likely the U.S. would have conducted the strike than Israel. As one gets farther south and east in Iran, “a strike is much more likely to be a U.S. strike than an Israeli strike because of the type of munitions and the geographic location,” he said.

Esmail Baghaei, the spokesman for Iran’s Foreign Ministry, called the strike “deliberate” and said that the U.S. and Israel bombed the school in part to tie up Iranian forces in the region with rescue efforts. “To call the attack on the girls school merely a ‘war crime’ does not capture the sheer evil and depravity of such a crime,” he said.

Advertisement

But Lewis said it’s more likely that the strike was the result of an error. Satellite images show that the school and clinic buildings were both once part of the base. The school was separated from the base by a wall between 2013 and 2016. The clinic was walled off between 2022 and 2024.

Lewis believes it’s possible American military planners had not updated their target sets.

“There are thousands of targets across Iran, and so there will be teams in the United States and Israel that are responsible for tracking those targets and updating them,” he said. “It’s possible that the target didn’t get updated.”

The Pentagon did not immediately respond to NPR’s request for additional information about the strike.

NPR’s Arezou Rezvani and NPR’s RAD team contributed to this report.

Advertisement
Continue Reading
Advertisement

Trending