Florida
Crucial decisions made in 1980 in South Florida cast a shadow on Jimmy Carter’s presidency
Many thought the president was fooled by Fidel Castro as the Mariel boat lift taxed South Florida. His indecision after the Liberty City riots angered many.
Jimmy Carter’s favorite moment in Palm Beach County might have been the time 2,500 people turned out for a book signing in 1995 at a Boca Raton bookstore.
His low point, at least in South Florida, likely was the day 15 years earlier, when he came to Miami’s riot-scarred Liberty City in 1980 and angry protesters tossed rocks at the presidential limousine.
Carter, who died Sunday at 100, was an unassuming but charismatic Georgia peanut farmer who rode post-Watergate anger to oust Gerald Ford from the White House in 1976 and become America’s 39th president. He was himself voted out four years later by Ronald Reagan’s “Morning in America” conservative wave.
He then spent the rest of his life becoming perhaps the most beloved former president, by becoming a respected elder statesman on numerous domestic and world topics and setting a standard for community service worldwide through numerous organizations, all while fighting advancing age and several health issues, including a bout with brain cancer.
Mariel boat lift, Iran hostage standoff, energy crisis tested Carter’s presidency
Carter’s struggles with Miami’s boiling summer of 1980 — a one-two punch of the Mariel boatlift from Cuba and the May race riots — might not have been on the same level as the humiliating 14½-month Iran hostage standoff, an energy crisis, and what Carter infamously called the nation’s “crisis of confidence.” But the image of people booing him at a Liberty City town hall meeting fed criticism that he was a nice guy who was in way over his head as president. And it helped cost him re-election that fall.
Carter had been the original anti-Washington outsider presidential candidate.
In February 1975, Carter, then 50 and fresh off wrapping up his term as Georgia governor, visited The Breakers in Palm Beach to speak at a money-raising dinner for a medical school. He drew little attention from passers-by as he told reporters, “Yes, I am a serious candidate” for president.
Almost exactly a year later, when he came through for a three-day campaign swing through Palm Beach and Broward counties, all that had changed. He had won the Florida primary in March, with 34% in a field of 12 Democratic candidates, and by the summer, he led the pack of 1976 Democratic presidential nominees. And by the end of that year, he was president-elect. He’d beaten Gerald Ford, 55 to 45%. In Florida, his margin was about 52 to 47%.
Over the next four years, Carter would deal with a full plate of issues. Some would become great successes: top among them the Israel-Egypt Camp David peace accords. But 1970s economic “stagflation” — weak job growth coupled with inflation — steadily eroded the nation’s patience and confidence in the man who had won them over by promising never to lie to them.
Early in 1980, his attention again would turn to Florida.
After six Cubans had crashed the Peruvian embassy on April 1, then-Cuban President Fidel Castro declared that anyone who wanted to boat down to the port at Mariel and pick up a loved one was free to do so. Carter announced the United States would take 3,500, saying on May 5, “We welcome you with an open heart and open arms.”
Castro called his bluff. In the ensuing weeks, South Florida absorbed 125,000. Miami-Dade County’s social services and schools were overwhelmed. Eventually, some refugees would migrate north, taxing Broward and Palm Beach counties and the Treasure Coast.
For Castro, it was a convenient purge of dissidents, the disaffected and troublemakers, whom his propaganda machine branded as unworthy “worms.” And he also took the opportunity to empty his prisons. About 10 percent of the refugees were Cuba’s most hardened criminals or people with mental illnesses. They fed a crime rate that became a national sensation. People suggested the wily Cuban dictator had hoodwinked an American president again.
That would have been more than Florida could handle. But other refugees, especially those who had arrived from Haiti to a far different welcome, complained newly arrived Cubans already were getting preferred treatment.
And then there was Arthur McDuffie.
From Liberty City race riots to Habitat for Humanity
On Dec. 17, 1979, the insurance salesman — black, 33, and with no criminal record — had been chased by police through Liberty City and ended up dead. District Attorney Janet Reno, who later would be Bill Clinton’s U.S. attorney general, took four white cops to trial, alleging they beat McDuffie to death and then covered it up. Blacks fed up with what they saw as decades of police abuse seethed and waited. In March, a judge, warning the case was “a time bomb,” moved the trial to Tampa.
It didn’t matter. When the officers were acquitted May 17, furious residents of Liberty City broke windows, looted, pulled white motorists from their cars and beat them to death and burned one shop after another. The violence would last three days and leave 18 dead, 400 hurt and $100 million in damage.
In a four-hour visit to South Florida, Carter was noncommittal about what the federal government would do — if anything — to help South Florida recover from a refugee crisis brought about by national policy, and rebuild neighborhoods burned after decades of building Black rage that certainly wasn’t specific to Miami. As Carter left a community center following a tense town hall meeting, people threw rocks, cans and bottles at his limo; one bottle hit it.
“The people are not easily fooled,” a Miami News editorial said, “and they have long memories, longer even than Mr. Carter may think.”
By July, Carter’s White House would reveal a package of aid. It was too late. Months later, Carter was voted out.
In the ensuing decades, his image would shift as he devoted his life to philanthropy and peacemaking. In 1989, now eight years into his forced retirement, Carter still was a popular figure when he addressed about 2,500 people at a $60-a-head benefit at Florida Atlantic University in Boca Raton.
And two years later, he was back in South Florida with Habitat for Humanity, which builds affordable housing around the world. In that one week, he and volunteers would build 14 houses and a daycare center. The neighborhood: Liberty City.
Eliot Kleinberg retired from The Palm Beach Post in 2020 after a 36-year journalism career.
Florida
Old Dominion vs. South Florida prediction: Cure Bowl odds, pick and best bet
There is a reason why bettors adore bowl season. Each game feels like a series of riddles. How do these two teams match up? Will they be motivated for this game? Who is opting out? Who is even coaching this game?
All of that comes into question in Old Dominion vs. South Florida in Wednesday’s Cure Bowl in Orlando, Fla.
Let’s try to sort through all the details for this contest, which features a spread of 2.5 points in favor of South Florida.
Cure Bowl: South Florida vs. Old Dominion odds, prediction
There’s no doubt over who the better team is in this matchup. Up until a loss to Navy on Nov. 15, it looked like South Florida was headed to the AAC Championship Game, and quite possibly, the College Football Playoff.
But that loss ended those hopes, and subsequently allowed head coach Alex Golesh to have his head turned by Auburn. Golesh will undoubtedly bring plenty of his best players with him to the Plains, a list that could include quarterback Byrum Brown.
Betting on College Football?
Brown has already indicated that he will opt out of the Cure Bowl, though he will serve as an assistant coach, for whatever that’s worth.
It’s hard to understate Brown’s importance to the Bulls. The 21-year-old’s statline was as impressive as just about any quarterback in the country this side of Fernando Mendoza, and he will command a whopping payday in the coming weeks as he decides whether to hit the portal or stick with USF for 2026.
The Monarchs will also be without their starting quarterback, Colton Joseph, who is entering the transfer portal after a stellar 2025 campaign. Losing Joseph’s dual-threat capabilities isn’t a good thing, but they should have a like-for-like swap with Quinn Henicle running the show.
Like Joseph, Henicle has shown he can beat you with his legs, which should keep the Monarchs in some sort of rhythm when they have the ball.
The same can’t be said of the Bulls. Going from Brown to Gaston Moore figures to be a massive dropoff, as Brown accounted for almost 4,200 yards and 42 touchdowns when you combine his passing and rushing stats.
With all the unknowns, this feels like a coin flip, so we’ll take the plus-money on Old Dominion.
The Play: Old Dominion moneyline (+128, FanDuel)
Why Trust New York Post Betting
Michael Leboff is a long-suffering Islanders fan, but a long-profiting sports bettor with 10 years of experience in the gambling industry. He loves using game theory to help punters win bracket pools, find long shots, and learn how to beat the market in mainstream and niche sports.
Florida
New law, recent memo outline new rules for license plate frames in Florida
TALLAHASSEE, Fla. (WCTV/WCJB) – Covering your license plate is now considered a second-degree misdemeanor in Florida.
The new law, which went into effect Oct. 1, sets new penalties for people who have coatings, covers or devices designed to shield their license plates from traffic cameras and toll cameras.
The Florida Department of Highway Safety and Motor Vehicles sent a memo to all law enforcement agencies on Dec. 12 to clarify the rules for license plate frames, which are a popular way for people to support their favorite sports teams, causes and alma maters.
The memo says the new law does not prohibit frames, as long as it doesn’t obscure the visibility of the “alpha numeric plate identifier” or the “decal located in the top right hand corner of the plate.”
Tallahassee Police are now weighing in on the new guidelines.
“My best advice is to remain clear and visible,” said TPD Detective Michael Carter. “If you have any concerns, any doubts, just keep it clear and visible.”
Detective Carter said the new law really aims to crack down on people who have ill intent and are trying to avoid detection by traffic cameras or toll cameras.
Carter says having an unobstructed license plate helps law enforcement solve crimes.
“Let’s say you were involved in a hit-and-run — we may potentially be able to use that plate to get a lead to get a direction to start looking,” Carter said. “But if someone is actively avoiding or putting something on their plate so it’s not readable, where it can’t be detected, that’s hurting you, that’s hurting me, that’s hurting everyone.”
TPD is one of several law enforcement agencies across the state trying to clarify the new frame rules for motorists in their area.
A social media post from the Seminole County Sheriff’s Office shared examples to help people determine if their license plate frames comply with the new rules.
The law went into effect in October and was signed by Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis on May 19.
The second-degree misdemeanor carries a penalty of up to a $500 fine, up to 60 days in jail, or both, meaning you’d have to appear in court.
But the law itself isn’t new. It used to only be a non-criminal traffic infraction.
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Florida
Muslim rights group sues Florida Gov. DeSantis over ‘foreign terrorist’ label
ORLANDO, Fla. (AP) — A leading Muslim civil rights group in the U.S. has sued Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis over his order designating it and another organization as a “ foreign terrorist organization,” saying the directive was unconstitutional.
The Council on American-Islamic Relations, known as CAIR, has more than 20 chapters across the United States and its work involves legal actions, advocacy and education outreach.
The lawsuit was filed late Monday by the CAIR-Foundation and CAIR-Florida, its affiliate in the state. The suit asked a federal judge in Tallahassee to declare DeSantis’ order unlawful and unconstitutional and prevent it from being enforced.
“He has usurped the exclusive authority of the federal government to identify and designate terrorist organizations by baselessly declaring CAIR a terrorist organization,” the lawsuit says.
DeSantis’ order was among a series of recent actions or statements made by Republican elected officials which target U.S. Muslims or their groups.
U.S. Sen. Tommy Tuberville, R-Ala., on Sunday posted on social media that “Islam is not a religion. It’s a cult.”
A day later, CAIR designated Tuberville, who is running for Alabama governor, as an anti-Muslim extremist for his “increasingly hateful and dangerous attacks on Alabama Muslims.” The group said it was the first time it had given a U.S. senator that designation. Tuberville responded on social media that it was a “badge of honor.” When asked Tuesday about his statements, Tuberville spokesman Mallory Jaspers repeated what Tuberville had said.
U.S. Rep. Randy Fine, R-Fla., also posted Monday on social media about his support for “a Muslim travel ban, radical deportations of all mainstream Muslim legal and illegal immigrants, and citizenship revocations wherever possible.”
“Mainstream Muslims have declared war on us. The least we can do is kick them the hell out of America,” Fine wrote.
Anti-Muslim bias has persisted in different forms since Sept. 11, 2001, and there’s been a rise in Islamophobia during more than two years of war in Gaza.
During a news conference about the Florida lawsuit, Charles Swift, a lawyer for the Muslim Legal Fund of America, called the elected officials’ statements dangerous and bigoted.
“The Constitution protects people’s rights to be bigoted, not the government’s rights,” said Swift, whose group is one of the legal organizations representing CAIR. “When a governor issues an executive order to silence Muslims, that’s a different question altogether because if you can do that, you can silence anyone.”
CAIR said in the Florida lawsuit that it has always condemned terrorism and violence. The lawsuit alleges DeSantis targeted the group for defending the free speech rights of people in cases where state officials and officials elsewhere tried to punish or silence those who expressed support for Palestinian human rights.
The order by DeSantis last week also gives the same “foreign terrorist” label to the Muslim Brotherhood, a pan-Arab Islamist political movement. President Donald Trump last month issued an executive order that sets in motion a process to designate certain chapters of the Muslim Brotherhood as a foreign terrorist organization.
The governor’s order instructs Florida agencies to prevent the two groups and those who have provided them material support from receiving contracts, employment and funds from a state executive or cabinet agency.
Florida has an estimated 500,000 Muslim residents, according to CAIR.
When reached by email for comment on Tuesday, the governor’s press secretary, Molly Best, referred to DeSantis’ recent social media posts on the topic in which he said he looked forward to a trial. In one post, DeSantis said, “I look forward to discovery — especially the CAIR finances. Should be illuminating!”
Texas Gov. Greg Abbott has issued a similar proclamation in Texas. CAIR last month asked a federal judge to strike down Abbott’s proclamation, saying in a lawsuit that it was “not only contrary to the United States Constitution, but finds no support in any Texas law.”
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Associated Press writers Kimberly Chandler in Montgomery, Alabama, and Kate Payne in Tallahassee, Florida, contributed to this report.
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Follow Mike Schneider on Bluesky: @mikeysid.bsky.social
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