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Here’s who is running against Spartz and Goodrich in Indiana’s 5th Congressional District

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Here’s who is running against Spartz and Goodrich in Indiana’s 5th Congressional District


It might not seem like it, but Hoosier voters across Indiana’s 5th Congressional District have nine candidates to choose from in the Republican primary election just weeks away. 

Much of the Republican race for the 5th District has centered on incumbent U.S. Rep. Victoria Spartz, who turned the primary upside down in February when she reversed her 2023 decision to not seek reelection. Spartz was first elected in 2020 to represent the 5th Congressional District, which stretches from Hamilton County north to Grant County.

Since February, internal polling from both campaigns shows the race appears to be a battle between Spartz and Noblesville state Rep. Chuck Goodrich, who has led the entire field in fundraising with million-dollar personal donations to his campaign. The two have gone head-to-head in attack ads this election cycle with Goodrich’s campaign attacking Spartz’s previous support for aide to Ukraine while Spartz has claimed Goodrich “puts China first.” 

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5th District GOP primary: U.S. Rep. Victoria Spartz has an uphill climb to reelection amid massive campaign cash gap

But while Spartz and Goodrich take swipes at each other, there are seven other candidates also fighting for Republican votes. The winner of the primary will face either Ryan Pfenninger or Deborah Pickett who are competing in the Democratic primary next month.

Here is what you need to know about the Republicans running in the 5th Congressional District primary on May 7. (IndyStar has listed the candidates alphabetically based on their last name.)

Raju Chinthala

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Home: Carmel

Occupation: speech pathologist, founder and president of the Indiana India Business Council

Campaign Website: rajuforcongress.com

Money raised/spent: Per federal campaign finance reports, Chinthala has raised $274,000 and spent just under $45,000.

Notable: Chinthala, who was born in India, was endorsed earlier this year by former Carmel Mayor Jim Brainard, who led the city for nearly three decades.

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Max Engling

Home: Cicero, but currently lives in Fishers.

Occupation: Full-time candidate

Campaign Website: maxforindiana.com

Money raised/spent: Per federal campaign finance reports, Engling has raised just over $200,000 this election cycle and spent about $125,000.

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Notable: Engling previously worked in Washington D.C. in the role of director of member services for former House Speaker Kevin McCarthy, who was ousted from the chamber’s leadership role in October 2023.

Chuck Goodrich

Home: Noblesville

Occupation: State Representative, CEO of Gaylor Electric

Campaign Website: gowithchuckgoodrich.com

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Money raised/spent: Per federal campaign finance reports, Goodrich has raised $3.4 million and spent $3 million this election cycle. Goodrich has donated $2.6 million to his campaign.

Notable: Goodrich, who is the CEO of Gaylor Electric, started as an intern at the company in the early 1990s. Goodrich’s leadership role with the company and at the Statehouse has been a conduit for the state representative to carry bills tied to apprenticeships and work-based learning, part of a movement in state government to prepare students for career paths beyond higher education degrees. While those bills have been celebrated, there remain questions from some groups, such as the Indiana Fiscal Policy Institute, about additional funding and resources needed for such programs to actually be successful.

Mark Hurt 

Home: Kokomo

Occupation: Lawyer

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Campaign Website: markhurt.org

Money raised/spent: Per federal campaign finance reports, Hurt has raised about $147,000 and spent just under $120,000 this election cycle.

Notable: According to his campaign website, Hurt has worked on health care policy for politicians such as former Iowa Congressman Fred Grandy, former Michigan Gov. John Engler and former U.S. Senator Dan Coats, an Indiana senator who served as the director of National Intelligence from 2017 to 2019 in the Trump administration.

Patrick Malayter

Home: McCordsville

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Occupation: Former accountant and consultant to accounting firms

Campaign Website: patrickmforcongress.com

Money raised/spent: Per federal campaign finance reports, Malayter has raised $6,700 and spent no money yet this election cycle.

Notable: Maylayter’s key issue on the campaign trail has been establishing term limits for members of Congress. According to his campaign website, Malayter believes there should be eight-year limits on how long federally elected officials can serve in Washington D.C.

Matthew Peiffer

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Home: Muncie

Occupation: President of A Voice for Kids, a foster children advocacy nonprofit

Campaign Website: Peiffer does not have a campaign website, but posts about his involvement in the community on Facebook at the page Muncies Smile Man.

Money raised/spent: Per federal campaign finance reports, Peiffer has not raised or spent any money this election cycle.

Notable: Peiffer is a former foster child and has told media outlets he does not expect to win the primary election. At a League of Women Voters forum in Anderson in early April, Peiffer said he threw his hat into the race to make people more aware of issues he believes actually affect everyday Hoosiers, including mental health care for children in foster care systems and insurance for living donors.

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LD Powell

Home: Carmel

Occupation: Businessman

Campaign Website: ldpowellforcongress.com

Money raised/spent: Per federal campaign finance reports, Powell has raised just under $39,000 and spent about $35,000 this election cycle. Powell donated $35,000 to his campaign.

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Notable: Powell is the only veteran in the Republican primary. He served in the U.S. Navy and is also a certified flight instructor.

Larry L. Savage Jr.

Home: Anderson

Occupation: Property management

Campaign Website: Savage does not have a campaign website but is posting about the election on the Facebook page Larry Savage for U.S. Congress Indiana District5.

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Money raised/spent: There are no federal campaign finance reports for Savage’s campaign.

Notable: Savage describes himself as a “grassroots guy” and calls himself the “MAGA candidate” on his campaign Facebook page. Savage said he is pro-marijuana legalization and knows people that need access to marijuana to deal with post-traumatic stress disorder.

Victoria Spartz

Home: Carmel

Occupation: U.S. Representative for Indiana’s 5th Congressional District

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Campaign Website: spartzforcongress.com

Money raised/spent: Per federal campaign finance reports, Spartz has raised $358,000 and spent $133,000 since rejoining the 5th District primary in February.

Notable: Spartz grew up in Ukraine and immigrated to the U.S. in 2000 after meeting her husband. Spartz has drawn headlines about her ties to the country since February 2022 when Russia further invaded Ukraine, from an emotional press conference in March 2022 condemning violence from Russia to criticism of Ukrainian leaders. Spartz voted no on the House’s recent approval of aide to Ukraine that passed the chamber on April 20.

Contact IndyStar’s state government and politics reporter Brittany Carloni at brittany.carloni@indystar.com or 317-779-4468. Follow her on Twitter/X @CarloniBrittany.





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An Indiana district turned to voters to fund more preschool seats. Here’s what happened next.

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An Indiana district turned to voters to fund more preschool seats. Here’s what happened next.


(CHALKBEAT INDIANA) — When Pete Hinnefeld and his wife started looking for a preschool for their daughter, they hoped to send her to the same school her brother attended, which was just down the road from their house and offered Spanish-language immersion.

To do this for Lydia, then age 3, they were prepared to pay the $600 monthly cost.

But after voters approved a property tax referendum to fund early learning for children living within the Monroe County Community School Corporation, the family’s preschool bill was cut by more than half. Nearby preschool cut down time spent commuting to their parents’ house for babysitting, and helped Lydia build social skills.

The family are one of hundreds now benefitting from the 2023 referendum, which has more than doubled the number of children attending 3- and 4-year-old preschools in the district.

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“For us, this is why you pay taxes,” Hinnefeld said. “It’s important for young kids to have access to school and if parents need to work, it’s an opportunity to let them work.”

The referendum put forward by the district, located in Bloomington, is a first in the state, offering all families tuition support on a sliding scale based on income, no matter whether children attend a district preschool or a partner provider.

It represents a local solution to problems with accessing and affording early learning that have left thousands of Indiana families waiting for help. Indiana in December 2024 froze its Child Care and Development Fund, or CCDF, and On My Way Pre-K dollars, which provide funding for early learning for income-eligible households.

A $200 million funding increase for CCDF approved by the State Budget Committee this week will allow Indiana to begin issuing vouchers againin May to around 14,000 more children, for a total enrollment of around 57,000. Those funds will last around one year.

Still, around 20,000 children will remain on the waitlist, and families may have fewer options for where to use their vouchers as hundreds of providers have closed since the freeze was announced, according to early learning advocates in the state. In a recent survey of early childhood educators in Indiana — which includes those working in a variety of settings — 90% of respondents said families are struggling to pay tuition.

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A statewide universal preschool program is unlikely, Republican leaders have said. Instead, a legislative proposal this year would have let cities and counties — not just school districts — ask voters to fund preschool seats. It failed to get traction, but its advocates expect it to return.

The political climate isn’t especially promising for local tax increases: A new Indiana law has placed caps on property tax revenue that are already affecting local budgets. Lawmakers also recently restricted when schools can place referendums on the ballot.

Still, a new local revenue stream could be a boon in some Indiana communities, such as those with high demand for preschool, existing programs, and high social cohesion, said Sam Snideman, vice president of government relations for United Way of Central Indiana.

“There are going to be communities where this makes a ton of sense,” Snideman said. “The increasing challenge for an entity that goes before the public for a referendum is making a very clear value case. What is the common good and what is in the community interest is very important.”

School district’s pre-K enrollment doubles after referendum

Before Monroe schools brought the referendum request to voters, the district conducted a study that showed there were not enough early learning seats to serve children in the community, said Timothy Dowling, director of early learning and enrollment at Monroe schools. And families couldn’t always afford the seats that were available.

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But the district also knew that research links quality early learning improved later academic outcomes, Dowling said.

“We wanted to do everything we can to help our students get the benefit of early learning, because we know it pays off in huge dividends,” Dowling said.

The referendum equated to around a $50 increase yearly for a home with an assessed value of $250,000, according to the district website, and also paid for instructional supplies for K-12 students. It passed with 55% of the vote; Dowling said the community study and transparency about how the referendum funds would be used were key to its success.

As a result of the successful referendum, all families in the district qualify for at least $4,000 in tuition assistance for preschool for 4-year-olds, whether their children attend a district school or at one of seven community providers.

Around 76% students in the district’s program attend for free based on their family’s income, Dowling said. Families in the lowest income tier who send their children to community providers receive $8,000 in tuition assistance.

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The program also offers tuition assistance for 3-year-old preschool based on income and where the student attends school. For families making 225% or less of the federal poverty level, preschool is free at district programs. Often those families struggled the most to afford child care, even when state child care vouchers were available, Dowling said.

In 2024-25, the year after the referendum passed, the number of 4-year-olds attending preschool doubled from 184 to 378, with 64 of those children attending preschool at outside centers. This year, the district expanded preschool for 3-year-olds, based on the timeline laid out in the referendum. Enrollment jumped from 78 to 123, with another 33 students attending community child care centers, Dowling said.

With multiple types of providers, families have options, said Kelly Sipes, the executive director for Penny Lane Childcare Centers, which is a partner provider with the district. Those who need transportation might choose a district-run preschool, she said, but those who need year-round care during school holidays can choose a center like Penny Lane instead.

Her centers are usually at capacity, Sipes said, and child care needs in the community persist. When CCDF funding was cut, some of her families turned to the funding from the district instead.

“It’s awesome for the families,” Sipes said. “We should be all in this together as a community.”

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Pitching child care: ‘We live in a society’

Replicating referendum-funded preschool might work well in communities where school-based providers already exist, and where there’s a sufficient tax base and steady demand for child care, Snideman said. It would also be an incentive to attract working families.

But it could be a harder sell in rural districts, where there are fewer families and less demand.

Generally, school referendums pass in districts that are wealthier, and in areas with less farmland, said Larry DeBoer, a Purdue University professor emeritus of agricultural economics, who has studied school referendums in depth.One of the biggest predictors of success is whether a school district has tried to pass a referendum before — even if they’ve failed, a second referendum is more likely to pass, DeBoer said.

Monroe schools had previously passed an operating referendum the year before its 2023 preschool referendum. As a county, Monroe has a slightly lower per-person income than Indiana as a whole, and has more students than the small and medium-sized districts most likely to propose successful ballot measures. It’s home to Indiana University, and tends to vote Democratic in a largely conservative state.

A legislative proposal this year, HB 1430, would have given the power to levy preschool referendums to counties and cities, potentially casting a wider net for both family demand and child care providers.

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The bill did not receive a hearing, in part because Indiana legislative leaders are usually reluctant to consider bills with a fiscal impact in even-numbered years where they don’t pass a state budget. And the most recent state budget passed in 2025 was tight, with cuts to spending and programs due to a revenue shortfall.

The bill’s author, Rep. Blake Johnson, a Democrat, said that conversations about the bill have been fruitful, and that he expects the idea to return in a future session.

Given budget concerns, a locally funded solution that communities can tailor to their own needs may be more successful than a statewide one, said Patrick McAlister, who leads the Preschool Choice Alliance, a statewide group.

“This is an economic development need. Here’s the tool and the option to exercise it or not,” Johnson said.

A successful referendum would be a boon to working parents who struggle to afford the cost of early learning, said McAlister, who used to be the director of the Indianapolis Mayor’s Office of Education Innovation. But even for non-parents, a preschool referendum could have a positive impact on property values and in other ways, McAlister said.

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Ultimately, it would be one part of an “all and above strategy” addressing care for children from birth to age 2.

“We live in a society,” McAlister said. “There are certain things we hold true and caring for children is a value many people share.”

Aleksandra Appleton covers Indiana education policy and writes about K-12 schools across the state. Contact her at aappleton@chalkbeat.org.



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Ty Simpson tells why he believes Indiana dominated Alabama in Rose Bowl

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Ty Simpson tells why he believes Indiana dominated Alabama in Rose Bowl





© Grace Hollars/IndyStar / USA TODAY NETWORK via Imagn Images

Ty Simpson was a guest on the “Downs 2 Business” podcast with Caleb Downs and Josh Downs, and he discussed why he believed Indiana beat Alabama in the Rose Bowl.

The Crimson Tide’s offense was unable to score a touchdown against the Hoosiers in the 38-3 loss. Simpson shone a light on why he felt Indiana had so much success against Alabama on X.

“From my point of view, I was like they don’t much,” Simpson said. “I was like they do the same thing every down and so when I get the ball, I knew exactly what was going to happen. They just didn’t mess up, bro. They were in the exact same spot they were supposed to be, and they were so well coached. It was so much different than the SEC. In the SEC, they’ll play man, they’ll do these unorthodox coverages because kind of how it is. That game was crazy to me. Of course, I got hurt; that was a bummer. But I just knew what they were going to do, but we couldn’t really run the ball. We didn’t really throw it. It was so crazy to me how it happened.”

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Indiana went on to beat Oregon in the semifinals of the College Football Playoff, and the Hoosiers defeated Miami in the National Championship after defeating the Crimson Tide.

Simpson and Caleb Downs are now both gearing up to be drafted this month.







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3 Big Takeaways From Indiana Basketball’s Transfer Portal Dominance

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3 Big Takeaways From Indiana Basketball’s Transfer Portal Dominance


Indiana may be one of the most decorated programs in college basketball history, but a brand name no longer has the recruiting pull it used to. In the past, the Hoosiers had a foolproof sell: it’s Indiana. Nowadays, in the NIL era, the playing field has been leveled. 

To win in the transfer portal and recruiting as a whole, a program like Indiana needs a premier recruiter – and it has one in Darian DeVries.

Heading into his second season as the Hoosiers head man, DeVries is on an absolute heater, as he just landed his sixth transfer (Villanova guard Bryce Lindsay) on Wednesday night. 

With the addition of Lindsay, the Hoosiers have arguably the No. 1 transfer class in the nation and certainly one of the top three. Here are three takeaways from Indiana’s offseason thus far:

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Indiana Hoosiers head coach Darian Devries reacts in the first half of the NCAA game at Value City Arena on Saturday, March 7, 2026 in Columbus, Ohio. | Samantha Madar/Columbus Dispatch / USA TODAY NETWORK via Imagn Images

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Indiana won’t have a talent problem in 2026-27

On one hand, the expectations are high in Bloomington – especially after the turnaround Curt Cignetti engineered in just two quick years on the gridiron. And an NCAA Tournament appearance isn’t exactly the Herculean task a College Football Playoff berth, let alone a national title, is. 

Then again, DeVries didn’t have much time to craft his 2025-26 roster, and the end result wound up being less-than ideal from a talent perspective. All things considered, DeVries didn’t do a poor job given the roster he had. But it was also his roster. 

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Coaching is a balance of roster-building, X’s and O’s and culture. It’s up to DeVries to tailor a roster fit to his coaching strengths. Here in the 2026 offseason, he’s sent a message: recruiting will not be a problem. As a result, talent won’t be a weakness – it’ll be a strength. 

The question now: can DeVries take advantage of an uber-skilled crew? Can he mesh the pieces and, ideally, create a product better than the sum of its parts? If the 2025-26 season was any sign, the answer is yes – which means a Big Dance appearance should be the bare minimum next year. 

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How will the backcourt depth chart shake out?

Notre Dame guard Markus Burton celebrates during a NCAA men’s basketball game against Missouri at Purcell Pavilion on Tuesday, Dec. 2, 2025, in South Bend. | MICHAEL CLUBB/SOUTH BEND TRIBUNE / USA TODAY NETWORK via Imagn Images
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The Hoosiers are going to have a loaded guard rotation, and DeVries has a variety of options in terms of a starting backcourt.

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Markus Burton is a surefire starter at lead guard, but then DeVries can choose between Bryce Lindsay and Jaeden Mustaf at the two, or, potentially, he could run both together at shooting guard and small forward.

What about Duke transfer Darren Harris, though? He’s more of a wing, but it’s not exactly clear how he’ll fit in the fold. And incoming combo guard Prince-Alexander Moody can also compete for minutes. 

Fortunately, DeVries can’t exactly go wrong. A Burton-Lindsay starting backcourt would be undersized but loaded, chock-full of shooting and playmaking, while a Burton-Mustaf combo would be a slashing nightmare for opponents, strong defensively and tough on the boards. 

And if Moody shocks the college hoops world and manages to sneak in over both Lindsay and Mustaf, that means the Hoosiers have a bona fide star on their hands. 

With the addition of Lindsay, the Hoosiers have arguably the No. 1 transfer class in the nation and certainly one of the top three. Here are three takeaways from Indiana’s offseason thus far.

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The Hoosiers should be much better on the glass

Indiana could have been a lot better on the boards a year ago. The Hoosiers were No. 296 in offensive rebounding rate and No. 122 in defensive rebounding rate, per Bart Torvik. As a squad, Indiana was often undersized – and sometimes by a huge margin. Naturally, the glass suffered, affecting both sides of the floor. 

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Mar 20, 2026; Tampa, FL, USA; Alabama Crimson Tide forward Aiden Sherrell (22) shoots against Hofstra Pride forward Victory Onuetu (6) in the second half during a first round game of the men’s 2026 NCAA Tournament at Benchmark International Arena. Mandatory Credit: Matt Pendleton-Imagn Images | Matt Pendleton-Imagn Images

In 2026-27, the Hoosiers should flip the script in that department. With incoming big men Aiden Sherrell (Alabama) and Samet Yigitoglu (SMU) combining for 14.1 total rebounds per outing despite neither playing more than 30 minutes per game in this past campaign, Indiana should have a dominant glass-cleaning unit in the frontcourt in 2026-27.

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