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What does a service fee ban mean for diners? Expect higher menu prices — a lot higher

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What does a service fee ban mean for diners? Expect higher menu prices — a lot higher

Coming this summer is a new state law that bans unadvertised service fees, surcharges and other additional costs that are added to the end of a bill for meals or delivery service.

On July 1, Senate Bill 478, which Gov. Gavin Newsom signed into law in October, is set to prohibit “junk fees” across a wide swath of businesses, including online ticket sales, hotels, restaurants, bars and delivery apps.

Sens. Bill Dodd (D-Napa) and Nancy Skinner (D-Berkeley), who co-wrote the bill, say it will offer greater protections for consumers.

“These deceptive fees prevent us from knowing how much we will be charged at the outset,” Atty. Gen. Rob Bonta, who co-sponsored the measure, said in a statement the day it was signed. “They are bad for consumers and bad for competition. … With the signing of SB478, California now has the most effective piece of legislation in the nation to tackle this problem. The price Californians see will be the price they pay.”

Many owners of restaurants and bars rely on now-ubiquitous surcharges to offer employee benefits such as healthcare and higher wages and often note surcharges on menus; some are listed as “elective,” left to the discretion of the diner. As implementation of the law looms, some now say the consequences could be disastrous and “upend” the industry.

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The restaurants will need to factor surcharge fees into menu prices, as opposed to simply advertising them at the end of a bill, state officials said.

“At this point, we are going to have to raise our prices a big chunk,” said James Beard Award-winning restaurateur Caroline Styne, co-owner and wine director of the Lucques Group of restaurants and wine director of Hollywood Bowl Food & Wine.

For instance, the famous Ode to Zuni roast chicken with fennel panzanella at A.O.C. is currently priced at $39 and will likely rise to $49 once the law goes into effect, she said.

“Restaurants are in a very tough spot right now,” Styne added. “We’ve really been under tremendous pressure … most restaurants are hemorrhaging money.”

Although most new laws in California take effect on Jan. 1, the delayed implementation was intentional, allowing more time for restaurants, bars and other businesses to adjust accordingly, according to a representative for the attorney general’s office. Clarifying materials on the new law are also expected to be published by the state before July 1.

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“SB478 is about greater transparency for consumers and clear communication about the actual cost of goods and services,” a spokesperson told The Times in a statement.

Previous statements from the attorney general’s office said SB478 would not “bar restaurants from charging service fees,” the San Francisco Chronicle reported last fall. “Those fees, however, must be disclosed (so they are no longer hidden) in restaurants’ advertised prices.”

Now, according to the office of the attorney general, restaurants and bars will still be able to advertise surcharges and other fees on the menu but they must be included in menu prices from the outset. A representative of the office declined to address how or whether elective fees would be addressed in the new law.

For customers, that might mean sticker shock when a $35 menu item in theory could now be listed at $42; for many restaurants, the fallout could be a decrease in business. Rolling surcharges or fees of 1% to 20% or more into menu pricing could also trigger other business costs.

Styne said the new law will only precipitate the closure of more restaurants, which are still recovering from the pandemic and summer strikes.

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FTC cracks down on junk fees

California’s law could have national implications. Days after Newsom signed SB478, the Biden administration announced “new efforts to crack down on junk fees and bring down costs for American consumers” in collaboration with the Federal Trade Commission. The new FTC regulation would prohibit “omitting” and “misrepresenting” fees from the total cost of goods.

“It’s a very similar approach at a federal level,” said Laurie Thomas, executive director of the Golden Gate Restaurant Assn. “If the playing field is level across the United States, is it going to hurt restaurants?

“I think that in areas like San Francisco that have higher mandated laws that put costs on small restaurants — the extra healthcare spend, the extra sick pay, the extra paid family leave — all the stuff we pay for that people aren’t even aware of, it’s gonna have to make us put prices higher.”

Her organization represents roughly 800 restaurants in San Francisco and has been attempting to advise and prepare restaurateurs on how to comply with the new legislation. Thomas said she has been seeking clarity on California’s rule since October, with little directive from the state on how restaurants should proceed.

“A lot of people are reaching out for clarity,” she said. “There’s a lot of frustration. It’s not going to drop the price of dining out. What it might do is close more restaurants. But maybe people don’t care about that anymore.”

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Service charge controversy

Service fees have become a point of contention for diners, food workers and restaurant owners. In June, former servers at Jon & Vinny’s, a popular Italian American restaurant, filed a class-action lawsuit in Los Angeles Superior Court against its owners, Jon Shook and Vinny Dotolo, alleging that their company denied servers tips, resulting in a reduction of take-home pay, due to diner confusion regarding an 18% service fee.

The restaurant owners subsequently changed the language at the bottom of customer bills regarding the fee: “The service charge is not a tip or gratuity, and is an added fee controlled by the restaurant that helps facilitate a higher living base wage for all of our employees. Please scan the QR Code at the top of the receipt for additional information, or speak with a manager.”

Last month, a former server at Found Oyster launched a class-action lawsuit against parent company Last Word Hospitality, alleging that the firm wrongfully withheld tips in the form of service fees. The complaint was filed in Los Angeles County Superior Court.

Kato restaurateur Ryan Bailey is aware of the scrutiny and said it’s possible that some operators are “misusing the service charge.” But most, he believes, are distributing them correctly and relying on them to keep their businesses and employee benefits running smoothly.

“Every restaurateur that I know who cares in this industry is using it in a way that is so immensely appropriate and responsible and forward thinking that if it was to go away, it would be really crippling to everybody,” Bailey said.

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“We have people who have progressed from entry level positions into management positions because they felt that we are taking care of them and care about their financial stability. It has allowed us to make the workweek a 40-hour workweek,” rather than the industry norm of a patchwork of hours or otherwise part-time shifts for servers and back-of-house employees, he added.

At Kato, the No. 1 restaurant in the city, according to The Times’ 2023 101 Best Restaurants list, Bailey said the 18% surcharge helps pay for an employee benefit package that includes mental, medical, dental and vision insurance. It also balances pay on slow nights.

Food delivery apps will function differently under the new law.

According to the attorney general’s office, these apps must list the price for delivery costs and all other fees; services such as delivery cannot be advertised as free or at a given amount, with additional miscellaneous fees tacked on at the end of the transaction. However, unlike with restaurants, previously listed surcharges or service fees cannot be built into the item price. Assembly Bill 2149, also referred to as the Fair Food Delivery Act of 2020, states that menu prices are set by the participating restaurants on the platforms and cannot be inflated by delivery services.

A representative for Postmates and Uber Eats, which are both owned by Uber, said that the listing of prices is already compliant with the new law and that the company worked directly with lawmakers to ensure compliance. Last year, a statement from DoorDash said, “There are no hidden fees, junk fees or surprises at checkout. We’re upfront on pricing.”

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For some apps such as Postmates, applicable fees are detailed by pressing the small “i,” or “info,” button next to “delivery fee” or “taxes & other fees” in the checkout cart. DoorDash exercises this same checkout format, as well as breaks down possible charges via a small “pricing & fees” button near the top of each restaurant’s listing.

When asked whether this is acceptable procedure as is, as well as how the practice differs from restaurants and bars listing surcharges and fees on menus, a representative for the attorney general said, “We are unable to provide legal advice or analysis.”

“Fees help us operate the DoorDash platform, ensure Dashers are paid fairly, and offer merchants tools to grow their businesses,” a spokesperson for DoorDash wrote in a statement to The Times. “That said, we are always working to make our platform more transparent and affordable and we never surprise consumers with hidden fees or junk fees. Consumers always see what they will pay — multiple times — before checkout on our platform.”

For restaurants, the law will also prohibit a common 18% service charge on parties of six or more. Styne characterized the change as unfair, since additional labor has to be provided with such large parties. The restaurant shouldn’t have to absorb that additional cost, she argued. A senate official told The Times that they were awaiting clarification from the attorney general’s office regarding the law’s inclusion of large-party surcharges.

Rising labor costs, high taxes and tight regulations paired with razor-thin profits have made California a tough place for restaurants to stay open, Styne said. “There are a lot of businesses that will be upended by this.”

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Cindy Carcamo contributed to this report.

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Devin Nunes Departs Trump Media After 4 Years as C.E.O.

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Devin Nunes Departs Trump Media After 4 Years as C.E.O.

President Trump’s social media company, which has consistently lost money and struggled with a flagging share price, announced Tuesday that it was replacing Devin Nunes as its chief executive officer.

The announcement offered no reason for the sudden departure of Mr. Nunes, a former Republican congressman from California. Mr. Trump had tapped him to run the company, Trump Media & Technology, in late 2021.

The announcement was made in a news release by the president’s eldest son, Donald Trump Jr., who is a company board member and oversees a trust that controls his father’s 115-million-share stake in Trump Media. President Trump is not an officer or director of the company.

Mr. Nunes said in a statement on Truth Social, which is Trump Media’s flagship product, that it was an “appropriate time” for a new leader with experience in media and mergers to “steer Trump Media through its current transition phase.”

Trump Media has incurred hundreds of millions in losses, and its shares have performed poorly since the company went public by completing a merger with a cash-rich special purpose acquisition company, or SPAC, in March 2024. The stock, which ended its first day of trading around $58 a share, closed Tuesday at $9.82.

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Shares of Trump Media trade under the symbol DJT, which are President Trump’s initials. Truth Social has emerged as the main social media platform for Mr. Trump to communicate his policy decisions and opinions to the world.

Last year, Trump Media took in $3.7 million in revenue and recorded a $712 million net loss.

In December, Trump Media announced a plan to merge with TAE Technologies, a fusion power company. The all-stock deal, which was valued at $6 billion at the time, would create one of the first publicly traded nuclear fusion companies.

Trump Media said in February that it was considering spinning off its Truth Social platform in a merger with another cash-rich SPAC, Texas Ventures Acquisition III Corp.

Mr. Nunes is being replaced on an interim basis by Kevin McGurn, who has been an adviser to Trump Media since the end of 2024. Mr. McGurn, a former executive at Hulu, the streaming service, was listed in a recent regulatory filing as the chief executive of Texas Ventures.

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The Trump Media release announcing the management change provided no update on the merger with TAE Technologies or the proposed SPAC deal for Truth Social.

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Netflix plans to buy historic Radford Studio Center

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Netflix plans to buy historic Radford Studio Center

Streaming entertainment giant Netflix is in negotiations to buy the historic Radford Studio Center lot in Studio City.

Netflix plans to purchase the Los Angeles studio that has been home to generations of landmark television shows, including “Gunsmoke” and “Seinfeld,” according to two people with knowledge of the pending deal who were not authorized to speak about it publicly.

The studio’s previous operator, Hackman Capital Partners, defaulted on a $1.1-billion mortgage in January. Investment bank Goldman Sachs took over the property and is in talks with Netflix to sell it for between $330 million and $400 million.

Representatives for Hackman and Netflix declined to comment on the planned sale.

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Culver City-based Hackman Capital Partners and Square Mile Capital Management teamed up to buy the Radford Avenue property from ViacomCBS in 2021 with a winning bid of $1.85 billion, after a competitive battle for the 55-acre studio beloved by the television industry.

At the time, the staggering price tag underscored the value — and scarcity — of TV soundstages in Los Angeles as content producers scrambled for space to shoot TV shows and movies to stock their streaming services. It was one of the largest-ever real estate transactions for a TV studio complex in Los Angeles.

Since then, production has substantially declined in Southern California. L.A. continues to battle the loss of production to other states and countries, as well as the lingering effects on the industry of the pandemic and the 2023 dual writers’ and actors’ strikes. Cutbacks in spending at the major studios after a surge in streaming-fueled TV production have further damped film activity in the region.

Founded by silent film comedy legend Mack Sennett in 1928, the lot became known as “Hit City” in the decades after World War II as popular TV shows such as “Leave It to Beaver,” “Gilligan’s Island,” “The Mary Tyler Moore Show,” “The Bob Newhart Show” and “Will & Grace” were made there. The storied lot gave the Studio City neighborhood its name,

Netflix, which has a market cap of about $455 billion — more than double that of Walt Disney Co. — has maintained its dominance in the global streaming business with more than 325 million subscribers.

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The Los Gatos-based company has production offices worldwide, including facilities in Albuquerque, Brooklyn, London, Madrid and Toronto.

Netflix had secured an $82.7-billion deal to buy Warner Bros. studios and streaming services in December, but withdrew from the bidding war in late February after Paramount Skydance offered $31 a share. As part of the switch, Netflix was paid a $2.8-billion termination fee.

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Kevin Warsh, Trump’s Pick to Lead Fed, Faces Senate at Tricky Moment

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Kevin Warsh, Trump’s Pick to Lead Fed, Faces Senate at Tricky Moment

Kevin M. Warsh, President Trump’s pick to lead the Federal Reserve, has spent years refining his pitch for why he should get one of the most powerful economic jobs in the world.

At his confirmation hearing on Tuesday, he will have to convince Senate lawmakers that he is ready to step into the role, which has become politically explosive amid Mr. Trump’s relentless attacks on the institution and its current chair, Jerome H. Powell.

Mr. Warsh, who is scheduled to testify before the Banking Committee at 10 a.m., plans to commit to being “strictly independent” on decisions related to interest rates, according to his prepared remarks. He also plans to tell lawmakers that he is unbothered by Mr. Trump’s incessant calls for substantially lower borrowing costs. And he will use his opening statement to underscore his focus on disrupting the “status quo” at an institution he said just last year was in need of “regime change.”

“In a time that will rank among the most consequential in our nation’s history, I believe a reform-oriented Federal Reserve can make a real difference to the American people,” he plans to tell lawmakers, adding: “The stakes could scarcely be higher.”

Mr. Warsh, 56, faces significant hurdles to winning confirmation. He has broad support among Republicans, who control the Senate and can confirm him along party lines. Yet his candidacy has stalled because of an ongoing investigation by the Justice Department into Mr. Powell and his handling of the Fed’s headquarters renovations.

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Mr. Powell’s term as chair ends May 15, but Mr. Warsh looks increasingly unlikely to be in place by then. That’s because Senator Thom Tillis of North Carolina — a Republican on the Banking Committee who has expressed support for Mr. Warsh — has vowed to block any attempt to confirm a new Fed chair until the legal threats into Mr. Powell are resolved. For Mr. Tillis, the investigation is a blatant attempt to coerce Mr. Powell into lowering rates, undermining the Fed’s independence and confirming the politicization of the Justice Department.

“I’m not going to condone bad decision-making and bad behavior,” Mr. Tillis told reporters on Monday in reference to the Justice Department’s lack of evidence of any wrongdoing.

The department has vowed to continue its investigation, despite numerous legal setbacks.

“I think ultimately, he will be confirmed,” Senator John Kennedy of Louisiana, another Republican on the committee, told reporters on Monday. “I just don’t know what decade.”

Mr. Warsh’s ascent would mark a homecoming for the Wall Street financier, who served as a Fed governor from 2006-11.

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Since leaving the Fed, he has amassed assets worth well in excess of $100 million, according to financial disclosures submitted before his hearing. Those have drawn scrutiny because Mr. Warsh repeatedly invoked “pre-existing confidentiality agreements” to avoid disclosing the details behind several of his investments. He has said he would divest a substantial amount of his assets before taking the job.

The global financial crisis dominated Mr. Warsh’s first tenure at the Fed, thrusting him into the middle of discussions about how the central bank should respond to the threat of bank failures, turmoil in financial markets and a painful recession that followed. Mr. Warsh, then the youngest-ever member of the Board of Governors, was initially supportive of the Fed’s efforts to shore up financial markets by buying enormous quantities of government bonds and expanding its balance sheet to ease strains in financial markets and support growth by keeping market-based rates low.

But he soon soured on subsequent efforts to buy more bonds and resigned in protest. That experience has stuck with Mr. Warsh, who has made a smaller balance sheet a pillar of his plans if he takes over as chair.

Mr. Warsh would also be likely to usher in changes to how the Fed communicates its policy views, having expressed misgivings about its strategy of providing so-called forward guidance, or hints about how interest rates may change in the future to guide expectations. He has also suggested that policymakers across the Fed system should speak far less. Mr. Powell held a news conference after each rate decision, or eight a year, and delivered speeches with regularity. Mr. Trump’s pick to join the Fed last year, Stephen I. Miran, often speaks multiple times a week.

“Once policymakers reveal their economic forecast, they can become prisoners of their own words,” Mr. Warsh said in a speech last year. “Fed leaders would be well served to skip opportunities to share their latest musings. The swivel-chair problem, rhetorically waxing and waning with the latest data release, is common and counterproductive.”

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What is far less clear is how much Mr. Warsh would heed the president’s demands for lower interest rates. Mr. Trump said he would not pick someone for chair who did not support lower borrowing costs.

Mr. Warsh sought in his opening statement to downplay the costs of a president’s voicing his opinions about rates, saying central bankers must be “strong enough to listen to a diversity of views from all corners, humble enough to be open-minded to new ideas and new economic developments, wise enough to translate imperfect data into meaningful insight and dedicated enough to make judgments faithfully and wisely.”

Earlier this year, many officials at the Fed saw a path to gradually lower rates as the impact of Mr. Trump’s tariffs faded and inflation restarted its slide back toward 2 percent after almost of year of stalling out. The war in Iran — and the energy shock it has unleashed — has upended those forecasts, however, prompting officials to turn wary about lowering rates.

Mr. Warsh will face questions on Tuesday about the economic impact of the war and how it has changed his thinking around the Fed’s ability to lower rates. While at the Fed, he was known as an inflation hawk who often argued against providing policy relief for fear that it could stoke price pressures. He also said the Fed should aspire to engage in rule-based policymaking that stems from formulas that prescribe how officials should set rates based on levels of inflation and employment.

While campaigning to be chair, Mr. Warsh embraced the need for rate cuts, arguing that there was a path for lower borrowing costs because of his plans to shrink the balance sheet, which would lift longer-term rates that then could be offset by lowering short-term ones. He also argued that higher productivity from the boom in artificial intelligence could unleash higher growth without stoking inflation, which could give the Fed more space to lower rates than otherwise would be the case.

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In his opening statement, Mr. Warsh made clear, however, that a failure to bring down inflation, which has been stuck above the Fed’s 2 percent target for roughly five years, would strictly be the Fed’s fault, suggesting that he would shoulder the blame if he did not bring it back down during his tenure.

“Inflation is a choice, and the Fed must take responsibility for it,” he will tell lawmakers.

Megan Mineiro contributed reporting.

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