World
The Iran War and Angry Voters
Much of Britain goes to the polls today. There are local elections in England, and parliamentary elections in Wales and Scotland. They are a big test for the government of Prime Minister Keir Starmer, whose Labour Party is bracing for crushing losses. If pollsters are right, the right-wing populist Reform U.K. party will win the highest overall vote share.
There are many reasons Europe’s political center is so unpopular. Starmer’s counterparts in Germany and France are also polling at historic lows. But the war in Iran isn’t helping. Today I write about how the economic crisis sparked by the war is accelerating the rise of the nationalist right across Europe.
How the Iran war is boosting Europe’s far right
Last week I was in Germany, where I met with officials, journalists and a leader of the far-right Alternative for Germany party. I was struck by how much the conversation had shifted from just a few months ago, when I was last there. People not only expect the AfD to win an outright majority in state elections in September — they openly discuss the possibility of the AfD running, or at least joining, the federal government after the next national election.
The AfD is now the strongest party in opinion polls. Recent surveys show that it would win between 26 and 28 percent of the vote if elections were held today. That puts it ahead of Chancellor Friedrich Merz’s center-right Christian Democrats, at 22 to 24 percent, and at nearly twice the level of the Social Democrats, his coalition partner.
The far right has been on the rise for years. And Merz’s government has failed to deliver on many fronts, from infrastructure to economic growth, accelerating that rise. But what’s striking is that the AfD’s most recent surge in the polls — and the latest decline of the center-right and center-left — coincide with the economic fallout from the war in Iran.
That’s emblematic of a wider phenomenon. Since the U.S. and Israel attacked Iran, incumbent governments around the world have been facing voters who are angry about the economic pain the war has inflicted. But in Europe in particular, where the most prominent opposition increasingly comes from right-wing populist parties, that has meant a near-continent-wide boost for the far right.
‘Crisis entrepreneurship’
The war has battered economies around the world. Protests over rising energy costs have rocked capitals from Dublin to Nairobi to Manila.
But Europe is noteworthy because populist parties across the continent have a well-honed playbook for capitalizing on just this sort of voter frustration. And they’re turning to it now.
I spoke to Mark Leonard, director of the European Council on Foreign Relations, who has interviewed far-right leaders for his new book, “Surviving Chaos.” He told me how the so-called new right in Europe thrives in the midst of crisis.
Right-wing populist parties use crises like the war, Leonard said, “to build their own legitimacy by showing that the mainstream parties are overwhelmed by them and unable to control the country’s destiny.” Then, they argue that the government response to the crisis highlights how these mainstream parties are not on the side of the people.
The AfD offers perhaps the starkest examples of this kind of “crisis entrepreneurship,” Leonard said. Born out of Europe’s debt crisis in the early 2010s as an anti-euro party, it used the migrant crisis of the mid-2010s to reinvent itself as an anti-immigrant party. It then tapped into anti-vaccine sentiment during the pandemic to present itself as the party of freedom.
In every one of these crises, Leonard said, the AfD argued that mainstream parties were on the side of foreigners or elites: They wanted to bail out Greeks, or let in refugees, or deprive Germans of basic freedoms.
The energy crisis resulting from the war is another opportunity for the AfD, Leonard said. It may show that not only are mainstream parties unequipped to manage a complicated world, but once again, with their efforts to, say, ban nuclear power and reduce fossil fuel reliance, they’re out of touch.
For parties like the AfD, Leonard said, an event like the war is “kind of manna from heaven.”
Solving the Trump problem
Starmer, who has been unpopular for a long time, was never going to have a good election.
But in January, before the war, he gave a speech about how Britain had turned a corner. Growth was projected to be 1.3 percent this year and an interest rate cut seemed imminent. Now, in the face of rising inflation, that cut has been shelved and the economy is barely expected to grow at all. With Britain predicted to take the biggest hit of any major economy as a result of the war, polls show Labour could lose three-quarters of its current seats.
In Germany, no far-right party has held power at the state or federal level since the end of World War II. But polls show the AfD could win an outright majority in the eastern state of Saxony-Anhalt this fall. That would render the firewall — the longtime consensus among other parties never to go into coalition with the far right — irrelevant.
Britain and Germany are not set to hold national elections until 2029, provided their weakened governments last that long. The next big European country to hold a national election where the far right might triumph is France in April next year.
When Trump was re-elected, Europe’s nationalist right celebrated. But his tariffs and threats to invade Greenland increasingly made him a liability with voters. The Trump boost became a Trump problem.
Ironically, perhaps, the war in Iran — which is as unpopular in Europe as anything the president has ever done — is helping far-right parties to solve that problem now.
For more: A sense of disaffection and frustration is rampant across Britain, opinion polls suggest. It will likely fuel an electoral disaster for Starmer’s party. Here’s what to know about the elections.
Conflicting messages on the state of Iran negotiations
Iran and the U.S. offered contradictory and rapidly changing assessments on the state of the war and peace talks yesterday.
Trump, hours after threatening more attacks on Iran, said in remarks from the Oval Office that the U.S. had “very good talks” with Iran in the last 24 hours. “We’re in good shape, and now we’re doing well, and we have to get what we have to get,” he said.
Iran gave a different take. Its Foreign Ministry spokesman said yesterday that the government was reviewing an American plan to end the war and would give its response to Pakistan, which is mediating talks. Earlier in the day, another official dismissed a reported proposal to end the war as “more a list of American wishes than a reality.”
For more: For Iran, lifting the U.S. military blockade of its ports and relieving pressure on its economy is one of the main incentives to seek a deal, my colleague Farnaz Fassihi writes. The country is running out of space to store its oil.
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Israel says its operations are aimed at dismantling Hezbollah’s military infrastructure. Videos show that Israeli soldiers are using the same tactics in Lebanon that they employed in Gaza, including controlled demolitions. Take a look.
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As President Donald Trump voiced growing frustration Wednesday with Iranian negotiators, accusing them of lying and cheating, the latest escalation has exposed an even more fundamental problem for Washington: whether the officials at the negotiating table have the power to deliver an agreement — or whether anyone in Tehran does.
“I don’t know if we’re going to have a deal. We may just do it without a deal,” Trump said at the NATO summit in Ankara. “These people, they lie and they cheat.”
But Trump’s frustration with Iran’s negotiators is only part of the problem. Since the death of Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, it has become increasingly unclear who in Tehran has the authority to make — and enforce — an agreement.
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Tehran has deployed a new front on social media including an influence campaign to sway Americans and undermine President Donald Trump’s push for a nuclear deal. (Hamed Malekpour / Middle East Images / AFP via Getty Images)
Mojtaba Khamenei succeeded his father as supreme leader after the elder Khamenei was killed in the opening U.S.-Israeli attacks on Feb. 28. But Mojtaba has not appeared publicly since the attack, and U.S. assessments cited by Reuters have described authority as dispersed among senior Revolutionary Guard commanders and powerful civilian officials.
Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, a former IRGC commander who led Iran’s negotiating delegation, has emerged as one of the country’s most powerful surviving political figures.
Banafsheh Zand, an Iranian-American journalist and editor of the Iran So Far Away Substack, said power inside the Islamic Republic has fractured since the death of Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, leaving the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps as the country’s dominant force.
“The person who is negotiating with the U.S. is not necessarily someone who is endorsed by the others,” Zand told Fox News Digital.
She described Ghalibaf as one power center competing with figures including IRGC commander-in-chief Ahmad Vahidi, Quds Force commander Esmail Qaani and former Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif.
Vahidi controls the IRGC’s overall military structure, while Qaani oversees its external operations and relationships with Iran-aligned armed groups across the region. Zarif, by contrast, remains closely identified with the more accommodationist political camp that previously championed negotiations and sanctions relief.
“The hardliners, in terms of their political presence, have also been pushed aside,” Zand said. “So really, it’s the IRGC. And within the IRGC, whoever signs the deal is not necessarily signing on behalf of everybody else. They’re signing on behalf of themselves.”
Her assessment reflects a central problem facing Washington: Iran’s negotiators, political institutions and military commanders may not share the same interpretation of what was agreed — or the same willingness to implement it.
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Iran’s Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Qalibaf and Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi were greeted by Pakistan Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar and Army Chief Field Marshal Gen. Asim Munir upon their arrival at Nur Khan airbase in Rawalpindi, Pakistan, on April 11, 2026. (Pakistan Ministry of Foreign Affairs/AP)
Yet Trump’s declaration does not necessarily mean diplomacy has been permanently abandoned.
Behnam Ben Taleblu, senior director of the Iran program at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, told Fox News Digital that the clearest evidence would be the restoration of the U.S. blockade, the introduction of additional military forces or a new round of major economic sanctions.
Otherwise, he said, Trump may continue operating in the “gray zone” between negotiations and open war while keeping his options available.
The more difficult question is why Tehran would jeopardize sanctions relief and risk overwhelming American firepower when its military has already been severely degraded.
Ben Taleblu said Iran’s leaders appear to believe escalation is essential to the survival of the Islamic Republic.
“This is a regime that is weaker, but lethal, and less capable, but more confident,” he said. Iran’s leadership believes its adversaries have vulnerable economic and military interests throughout the Gulf, he added, while the regime itself is more willing to accept destruction.
People hold placards with an image of Iran’s new supreme leader Mojtaba Khamenei with late Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, during a gathering to support Mojtaba Khamenei, amid the U.S.-Israeli conflict with Iran, in Tehran, Iran, March 9, 2026. (Majid Asgaripour/WANA (West Asia News Agency) Via Reuters)
“Their survival and their military success and their political success runs through more, not less, escalation,” he said.
Lisa Daftari, foreign policy analyst and the editor-in-chief of The Foreign Desk, agrees the escalation is deliberate, aimed at turning regional instability into leverage.
“By targeting commercial shipping and Arab states, the regime is signaling that it can hold global energy flows and America’s regional partners hostage to extract leverage, distract from its domestic crisis, and test U.S. red lines,” Daftari told Fox News Digital.
She said Tehran is betting that Washington and its Arab partners will be unwilling to sustain another war and will ultimately back down first.
“The regime’s core weapon is time,” Daftari said. “By escalating in the Persian Gulf and attacking ships and Arab states, they are creating rolling crises that raise the cost of confronting them while they consolidate power at home.”
Daftari argued that the strategy reflects the Islamic Republic’s longstanding character rather than a temporary response to pressure.
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Firefighters work in the aftermath of Iranian drone attacks, at a location given as Bahrain (Reuters)
“This regime was never designed to be reformed or softened,” she said. “What they are showing us now is exactly who they intend to remain: a hardline, revolutionary regime determined to stay in power.”
But determining how that strategy is translated into action is more complicated. Authority in Tehran appears divided, raising questions about who is directing the escalation and whether the officials negotiating with Washington can commit the broader security establishment.
That division is already visible in the dispute over the Strait of Hormuz.
A Middle Eastern source familiar with the issue told Fox News Digital that Tehran and Washington are operating from fundamentally different readings of Clause five of the memorandum. The publicly released text says Iran will use its “best efforts” to arrange safe commercial passage through the strait without charge for 60 days, while removing military and technical obstacles and conducting demining operations. It does not expressly state that foreign vessels must obtain Iran’s approval or use routes designated by Tehran.
According to the source, Iran interprets that language as giving it responsibility — and therefore authority — to coordinate shipping and determine the routes vessels use during the interim period. Washington’s interpretation is that Iran agreed to lift its maritime blockade and fully reopen the international waterway.
When the two sides have different interpretations of a single page, how do they intend to write a treaty, the source said.
Iran views control over passage through the Strait of Hormuz as one of its last major sources of leverage over the United States, Gulf governments and the global economy, the source said, “That is the heart of the matter.”
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The truck carrying the coffins of the slain Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei and members of his family makes its way through mourners during the funeral procession toward Azadi Tower in Tehran, Iran, on Monday, July 6, 2026. (Vahid Salemi/AP)
Taken together, the experts’ assessments suggest Tehran is unlikely to face a simple choice between surrendering to Trump’s pressure and returning to negotiations. Ben Taleblu said the regime believes its survival depends on “more, not less, escalation,” while Daftari said it is deliberately “playing out the clock” by creating repeated regional crises. That raises the prospect that, even if Iranian officials return to the table, the IRGC could continue targeting commercial shipping, U.S. interests and American allies to preserve its leverage and strengthen its position inside Iran.
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