Alaska
Opinion: Alaska would thrive under communism
As a Green Party candidate who has qualified to run for U.S. senator in Alaska’s August 2026 primary, I am not reluctant to say that I am a communist.
I say this not out of nostalgia or ideological purity, and certainly not to excuse the failures or crimes committed in communism’s name, but because I believe that — given Alaska’s specific conditions — collective ownership and democratic control of resources offer a more workable future than the one we currently have.
Alaska is a paradox. It is vast, resource-rich and sparsely populated, yet it struggles with inequality, housing shortages, food insecurity and some of the highest rates of suicide, addiction and domestic violence in the country.
The state generates enormous wealth — from oil, gas, fisheries, timber and military investment — yet many Alaskans find it difficult to meet basic needs while much of that wealth flows out of state to distant shareholders.
This is not primarily a failure of geography or culture. It is largely a question of ownership and control.
Under the current economic system, Alaska often functions like an internal resource colony. Natural wealth is extracted for private gain, communities are subjected to boom-and-bust cycles driven by global markets and long-term social costs are borne locally. Profits leave; consequences remain.
Communism, at its core, begins with a modest proposition: that the people who live on the land should have a collective stake in and democratic control over the wealth produced from it.
Alaska already practices a limited version of this idea. The Alaska Permanent Fund dividend is one of the most unusual policies in the United States. Oil revenues are pooled and distributed equally to residents as recognition of shared ownership.
The PFD has reduced poverty, particularly in rural and Indigenous communities, and has produced measurable benefits in health and education. When it is reduced, those effects are felt quickly.
A more expansive version of this approach would move beyond an annual check. Revenue from Alaska’s natural wealth could be used to guarantee access to housing, health care, education, transportation and energy infrastructure — treating these not primarily as commodities, but as basic social goods.
Housing illustrates the challenge. In much of Alaska, the private market struggles to deliver affordable, durable homes. Construction costs are high, speculation distorts prices and overcrowding is common. A publicly planned approach could prioritize long-term need and climate-appropriate design over short-term return.
Food security presents a similar problem. Alaska imports most of what it eats, leaving residents vulnerable to high prices and supply disruptions. Collective investment in regional agriculture, fisheries processing and local distribution would reduce dependence on fragile supply chains.
Critics argue that collective systems suppress initiative. Yet insecurity suppresses initiative as well. When people are not consumed by the cost of housing, health care or education, they are better positioned to work, innovate and contribute.
Finally, environmental stewardship matters. Alaska is warming faster than almost anywhere else on Earth. A system driven by short-term profit struggles to plan on generational timescales. Democratic control allows communities to weigh ecological costs against social needs more deliberately.
At bottom, this is about dignity and self-determination. Alaska does not lack wealth. The question is whether that wealth is organized primarily for private accumulation or for broad public benefit.
Richard Grayson is a writer, retired college professor and lawyer who finished tenth in the 2024 primary for U.S. representative, garnering 0.13% of the vote.
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Alaska
Head of conference committee says Hilcorp helped influence failure of Alaska LNG bill
The chair of a legislative conference committee that released a proposal for a compromise Alaska LNG bill that failed to pass Thursday said the project developer withdrew its support for the measure after oil and gas producer Hilcorp reached out to “twist” the company’s arm.
But the version of events laid out by Rep. Calvin Schrage in an interview Friday was challenged somewhat by a lobbyist for Glenfarne, who said that while Glenfarne changed its position on the bill, it did so without pressure from Hilcorp. One factor for Glenfarne, however, was how the bill would affect Hilcorp and potentially lead to downstream cost increases for the Alaska LNG project, the lobbyist said.
A spokesperson for Glenfarne also had a different take in a text, saying it was “misleading and incorrect” of the lawmaker to say the company had ever supported the bill.
A Hilcorp spokesperson declined to provide comment for this article.
Schrage, an independent lawmaker from Anchorage, chaired the six-member committee that created the compromise bill that ultimately failed on Thursday.
The committee advanced the bill 4-2 early Thursday with Schrage’s support, leading to the floor votes where the bill was approved in the Senate and died on a tie vote in the House.
The bill contained a provision that would expand the state’s corporate income tax to include Hilcorp and other oil and gas companies that are S corporations or limited liability companies, while exempting the Alaska LNG project itself from the income tax.
Gov. Mike Dunleavy, an opponent of the corporate income tax expansion, on Thursday called a third special session on the topic starting July 27, so the Legislature can again consider a multibillion-dollar property tax break to help the project win financing.
Schrage: Glenfarne got ‘cold feet’
On Wednesday, Schrage said he spoke with Adam Prestidge, president of Glenfarne Alaska LNG, who has represented the company in Juneau as lawmakers pursued a bill that could support the project.
Schrage said he understood that Glenfarne, based in New York, supported the bill that had been developed by the conference committee.
Glenfarne ”didn’t ask for the S-corp (provision) to be in it,” Schrage said. “They didn’t particularly want it in there, but it didn’t impact them. And the bill met their needs and would allow them to have a good chance of moving forward with the project.”
Glenfarne had said it would issue a statement supporting the bill, once the conference committee released it publicly Thursday and moved it to the full Legislature for votes, according to Schrage.
“I told (Glenfarne) everything that was in there, and anything that was new from the prior committee substitute version (of the bill),” Schrage said. “They were pleased with the changes. Their top concerns were addressed. Again, they felt that the bill was viable, and once we made it public, (they) were willing to make a public statement in support of the bill.”
But early Thursday, Schrage said he reached out to Glenfarne lobbyist Wendy Chamberlain to confirm that the company still planned to express public support for the bill.
“That was when I got the first indication that they had gotten cold feet,” Schrage said. “The statement I got was that they were trying to get ahold of me. They needed to talk to me about that.”
With only days before the end of the special session Sunday, Schrage said the committee had to move ahead with the meeting to get the bill to the full Legislature, with its proposed corporate income tax expansion and the project exemption.
Applying the corporate income tax to pass-through entities in the oil and gas industry has been a major demand by the 14-person Senate majority, in part to make up for a portion of lost income to the state under the agreed-upon tax break for the project.
Hilcorp, which operates the state’s largest oil field and holds much of the gas that could be provided to the project, if it is built, has been viewed as the main target of the proposed corporate income tax expansion.
Critics of the expansion, including members of the House minority, have said that it did not belong in the bill, and that it could hurt the gas line‘s viability and threaten valuable oil and gas production in Alaska if Hilcorp and other producers and explorers with similar corporate structures are forced to pay more.
Schrage said that after the committee approved the bill, “Glenfarne got ahold of me and told me privately that they, regrettably, despite their support for the bill, had had their arm twisted by Hilcorp and were no longer able to support the bill,” he said. “That if they did so publicly, that Hilcorp would make all of their contracts that they would need to enter into in the future nearly impossible to negotiate, and for that reason they would be unable to support the bill and would have to insist on a clean version of the bill according to them.”
The message from Hilcorp was that they did not support the income tax measure, Schrage said.
“It’s frustrating, it’s disappointing. We had a real opportunity to move this gas line legislation forward, give this project a fighting chance, and a Texas billionaire decided to shut the whole thing down because he didn’t want to pay a tax” even though the company once told lawmakers Hilcorp would pay it if required, Schrage said. He was referring to Jeffery Hildebrand, founder of Hilcorp Energy, the large, Houston-based, privately held oil and gas company.
Chamberlain: ‘Financial pressure’ was the issue
Wendy Chamberlain, a lobbyist for Glenfarne, said in an interview Friday that there was no arm-twisting by Hilcorp.
Hilcorp has “been very, very clear” about its opposition to the corporate income tax expansion, and Glenfarne has long been aware of that, she said.
“We did change our mind, you know, absolutely did,” she said of Glenfarne. “We’ll go with that, right? We told Calvin that we’d support it.”
But there was not pressure from Hilcorp, she said.
The change came because Glenfarne learned on Wednesday that the corporate income tax expansion would be part of the bill, something the company had not expected the conference committee would include, she said.
When Glenfarne realized it would be included, it changed its position on the bill after exploring the potential impact of the tax, she said.
The company communicated about it with Hilcorp, which would be one of the project’s largest suppliers of natural gas and operating fields that supply the gas for the pipeline, she said.
A corporate income tax on Hilcorp could lead the company to pass along its increased costs, in the price of gas that the Alaska LNG project would buy from Hilcorp, she said.
That could affect the project’s financial numbers “dramatically,” she said.
The potential impact was uncertain, she said, adding another complication with the bill. One unknown in the bill was whether or not natural gas from Hilcorp would be considered part of the project and therefore exempt from the corporate income tax, or not, she said.
In addition, Glenfarne faces a cap on the price of gas it can sell to utilities in Alaska, at $16 per MMBTu and rising with inflation. That was included in the conference committee bill, and it is a measure sought by Alaska lawmakers seeking to protect Alaska ratepayers, and one that Glenfarne has accepted, Chamberlain said.
With expectations for higher gas prices on the front end, and with the price cap, Glenfarne could not support the corporate income tax provision, Chamberlain said.
“When we say we’re feeling pressure, we need to clarify we, Glenfarne, we’re feeling pressure and it’s financial pressure,” Chamberlain said, not pressure from Hilcorp.
Chamberlain said she understands Schrage’s displeasure.
“To be honest, I get the representative,” Chamberlain said. “We did say we’d support it, and then when he told us (about the income tax provision), we said we wouldn’t.”
“We couldn’t do it, and so you can see the problem,” she said. “He’s disappointed. We’re disappointed. He’s a good guy.”
“You know, to be honest, I felt really bad we had to go back,” she said. “He did a tremendous job for us.”
Tim Fitzpatrick, a spokesperson with Glenfarne, said in a text on Friday responding to Schrage’s allegation that the company did not take a position on the bill.
“This is misleading and incorrect,” Fitzpatrick said in an email. “Glenfarne didn’t take a position on a bill we hadn’t seen, and once we saw the bill we immediately opposed it because of the S Corp income tax increase, which we have consistently opposed. This tax increases commercial and economic uncertainty in Alaska for the whole industry working together to support this project and bring energy relief. With a $16 project energy price cap, it makes project economics challenging and will result in higher energy costs for Alaskans.”
Alaska
EPA waives Clean Air Act restrictions on high-sulfur diesel for the North Slope
The Environmental Protection Agency issued a temporary waiver Friday under the Clean Air Act for using diesel with higher sulfur levels above the Arctic Circle in Alaska. In a letter to Gov. Mike Dunleavy, EPA Administrator Lee Zeldin said the 20-day waiver was meant to address fuel supply disruptions caused by the war in the Middle East.
“It is in the public interest to take action to address the extreme and unusual supply circumstances that prevent distribution of an adequate supply,” Zeldin wrote in the letter.
The Clean Air Act requires the use of cleaner burning ultra-low-sulfur fuel in highway and non-road vehicles and equipment. The fuel produces fewer emissions and does not damage modern engines.
Zeldin said much of the equipment used above the Arctic Circle still has engines designed for high-sulfur diesel. He said that some North Slope topping refineries, which separate diesel from crude oil and produce heating oil, can produce high-sulfur diesel to power that machinery, which could reduce the demand for diesel hauled into the region.
“Alaskans will no longer be forced to unnecessarily truck their fuel hundreds of miles across the state, and Alaskan families will feel lower prices at the pump,” Zeldin said in a prepared statement.
Fuel prices began to rise again earlier this month after the collapse of the ceasefire with Iran, with NPR reporting that prices were 86 cents higher per gallon than they were before the war. A new U.S. blockade of the Strait of Hormuz means prices could climb even higher.
Under Secretary of Energy Kyle Haustveit said during a roundtable in Anchorage that the waiver will allow for the production of tens of thousands more barrels of diesel.
“These topping units that have been restricted from an emission standpoint can now run at a higher output capacity,” Haustveit said. “It’s going to bring more supply to market.”
Sen. Dan Sullivan applauded the waiver and said he had advocated for it to lower fuel prices. He said in a press release that the action will allow North Slope producers to put idle refining capacity to work.
“Global fuel supply disruptions have been a significant challenge for Alaska communities, resulting in rising fuel prices,” Sen. Sullivan said in a prepared statement.
He said he measure “frees up Alaska-produced fuel to help put downward pressure on prices for hard-working Alaskans.”
The waiver is limited to highway and non-road vehicles and non-road equipment certified to operate on high-sulfur diesel fuel. It applies only above the Arctic Circle.
Copyright 2026 KNBA
Alaska
New Partnerships With State of Alaska & University of Alaska Fairbanks Expand on Critical Minerals & Energy Innovation – CleanTechnica
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NLR Laboratory Director Jud Virden Signs Partnership Agreements at Alaska Sustainable Energy Conference in Anchorage
The National Laboratory of the Rockies (NLR) signed two new memorandums of understanding (MOUs) on May 19 that aim to increase research and innovation in critical minerals, energy, and buildings in Alaska and the Arctic. These partnerships build on longstanding collaborations and are designed to tap into Alaska’s resources in a way that benefits both the state and the nation.
“Alaska faces unique challenges,” NLR Director Jud Virden said. “NLR is proud to partner with the state and its flagship university to develop and accelerate innovative solutions to Alaskan challenges and address our nation’s pressing needs in critical minerals, energy, and buildings.”
At the Alaska Sustainable Energy Conference, joined by U.S. Department of Energy (DOE) Assistant Secretary Audrey Robertson, Alaska’s governor Mike Dunleavy, and University of Alaska Fairbanks (UAF) leadership, Virden signed agreements that will make it easier for NLR to work with these key partners to scale solutions for the real world.
NLR is the only DOE national laboratory with a physical presence in Alaska, located adjacent to the University of Alaska Fairbanks campus. NLR’s Alaska research focuses on energy and building technologies in extreme climates and remote locations, as well as support for military, government, and communities in decreasing energy costs and improving reliability. Recent projects include an analysis of the state’s power grid to address declining natural gas supply within Alaska, an evaluation of methods to stabilize permafrost on military sites, and support for designing a secure, resilient facility on the Alaska-Canada border.
Through the MOU with the university, NLR gains access to UAF expertise in microgrids, engineering, and critical minerals—such as the Alaska Critical Minerals Collaborative, a research unit at UAF connecting government, industry, and researchers to advance critical mineral development across Alaska. The laboratory may also host students and fellows from UAF’s College of Engineering and School of Mines, Arctic engineering, geosciences, and other relevant programs, offering a training ground for the critical mineral workforce of the future.
On the flip side, NLR can provide access to advanced analysis tools, such as the ability to create digital twins of mines and microgrids with its Advanced Research on Integrated Energy Systems (ARIES) platform, and a wide range of capabilities in its new Energy Materials and Processing at Scale (EMAPS) facility that offers partners an entirely new model for “market-first” research: the ability to grow laboratory-scale innovations into scalable and validated market-relevant prototypes under a single roof.
“This partnership leverages the unique strengths of each of our organizations to create something that is greater than the sum of two parts,” UAF Interim Chancellor Mike Sfraga said.
NLR’s agreement with the state is complementary in approach, paving the way for NLR and the state to coordinate resources, share research, and boost Alaska energy and critical mineral production.
“This agreement helps turn Alaska’s resources and know-how into practical solutions,” Gov. Dunleavy said. “By formally partnering with federal researchers who are already based in Alaska, we can lower energy costs, build infrastructure that works in Arctic conditions, strengthen domestic supply chains, and create good-paying jobs, especially in rural and remote communities. It puts Alaska at the center of solutions that matter to both our state and the nation.”
Learn more about NLR critical minerals research and collaborations.
By Molly Rettig, NLR
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