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Could Alaska be the final destination for Japan’s carbon pollution? • Alaska Beacon

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Could Alaska be the final destination for Japan’s carbon pollution? • Alaska Beacon


For decades, Alaska shipped liquefied natural gas to Japan, which burned the fuel to generate power — and also generated ample climate-warming carbon emissions.

Now, the Biden administration wants to study whether those Japanese emissions could be captured, liquefied and shipped back to Alaska. There, they’d be injected and locked away underground in Cook Inlet, just west of Anchorage, to help stem the warming of the climate.

Officials from the U.S. Department of Energy announced Tuesday at an Anchorage workshop that they’re starting a formal study of the concept, building on Japan-U.S. cooperative agreements announced by the White House last month.

“Even as the decline of natural gas in the Cook Inlet heralds the end of a previous and impressive energy area in this region, awareness and interest is growing here in the region’s potential to become a storehouse for capturing carbon emissions — both domestically and internationally,” said Brad Crabtree, assistant secretary for the Department of Energy’s Office of Fossil Energy and Carbon Management.

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Crabtree spoke Tuesday to an audience at Anchorage’s Sheraton hotel that, in addition to Alaska policymakers and fossil fuel executives, included some 15 representatives of Japan’s energy industries and government. 

The Department of Energy’s new study is a reflection of the growing interest in injecting and storing climate-warming carbon pollution in underground reservoirs in Alaska — a trend amplified, in part, by provisions in President Joe Biden’s signature climate law to incentivize greater use of the technology.

Alaska lawmakers are currently debating a bill sponsored by GOP Gov. Mike Dunleavy that would establish a legal system for carbon injection and storage. And one Japanese company recently hired an Alaska-based lobbyist, at $7,500 a month, to track carbon-related policy developments in the state.

Many climate advocates are skeptical of carbon storage’s potential to meaningfully reduce global warming, saying it’s expensive, unproven on a large scale and enables continued dependence on fossil fuels. 

But Crabtree, in an interview after his announcement, said that certain substantial sources of carbon pollution aren’t tied to fossil fuel combustion. Cement manufacturing, he noted, generates emissions not just from burning fuels but from a specific chemical process that converts limestone into lime.

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“I don’t see this as enabling oil and gas at all,” he said. “I see this as enabling the transformation of our energy industrial economy to be fully decarbonized.”

Brad Crabtree (Photo by Nathaniel Herz/Northern Journal)

Alaska, however, has to overcome a significant obstacle in order to participate in the carbon storage industry, according to Crabtree: While it has “enormous” storage potential in the form of depleted oil and gas reservoirs, it produces relatively low quantities of emissions from its few major power plants and industrial facilities.

That’s where Japan, and possibly South Korea, come in. 

Japan is the world’s fifth-highest energy consumer, according to the U.S. Energy Information Administration’s most recent statistics. But while Japan has committed to being carbon neutral by 2050, it has limited capacity to deposit emissions underground, as well as risks to the integrity of storage from earthquakes, Crabtree said.

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Japanese businesses have already signed study agreements with international partners to explore the idea of shipping carbon to Malaysia and Indonesia and storing it there. Now, Crabtree’s office will examine whether the same idea is possible in the U.S., with a focus on Alaska.

An official from a Japanese company following those developments, who requested anonymity because of their political sensitivity, described the interest from his country as “very, very early.”

“It’s a tool that’s being evaluated,” the official said. “The economics are painfully expensive.”

Oil companies have long injected carbon into their reservoirs to help extract more petroleum. But the federal government has licensed very few projects solely dedicated to storing carbon to keep it out of the atmosphere. 

As of September, the Environmental Protection Agency had issued just two permits that have led to projects, both in Illinois, according to E&E News.

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Enhanced tax credits for CO2 storage in Biden’s climate law have boosted industry interest in new projects, but there’s now a major permitting backlog at the EPA. And because the tax credit only applies to carbon captured in the U.S., Japanese emissions shipped to Alaska wouldn’t qualify, Crabtree said.

The energy department’s study, with help from a newly hired contractor, will examine whether the cross-border carbon shipment concept makes technical and economic sense — and what costs and prices for capture and storage would allow such projects to move forward. 

One idea is that if Alaska can produce climate-friendly fuels, like hydrogen, to ship to Asia, the same tankers could return to the state carrying carbon emissions.

“We create this value chain of, potentially, exporting energy to Japan and backhauling carbon dioxide, which we then sequester in our rocks,” said John Boyle, Alaska’s commissioner of natural resources.

Studying the technical feasibility should be just the first step, said Kelsey Schober, director of government affairs at Alaska’s branch of the Nature Conservancy, which recently published a study on carbon capture and storage in the state.

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“It can’t be the only step. We also have to ask: What are the impacts? Who’s going to feel those impacts the most? Have they been consulted about these projects?” she said.

From an environmental perspective, Schober added, the potential benefits of carbon capture and storage depend on where the pollution is coming from. It’s more valuable, she said, if it’s being used for industries — like cement manufacturing or steelmaking — that are difficult to decarbonize.

“We have to think about prioritizing avoiding and reducing direct emissions — not just using CCUS technologies as a way to bail out existing emission levels,” she said, using an acronym for carbon capture and underground storage.

Nathaniel Herz welcomes tips at [email protected] or (907) 793-0312. This article was originally published in Northern Journal, a newsletter from Herz. Subscribe at this link.

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Deciphering the habits of lynx living near the Haul Road

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Deciphering the habits of lynx living near the Haul Road


An adult lynx peers through fall leaves. (Photo by Matt Kynoch)

Located 60 miles above the Arctic Circle, Coldfoot is a busy truck stop on Alaska’s Dalton Highway. Step off the gravel pad, which underlies a year-round population of 34, and you’ll head into several hundred miles of dense boreal forest and the mountain tundra of the Brooks Range.

It’s midsummer and peak travel time on the Dalton, Alaska’s only road to the Arctic Ocean. Large trucks of many types haul freight, fuel, machinery and other supplies to Deadhorse and Prudhoe Bay, and passenger vehicles haul tourists hoping for musk oxen.

From the edge of the Coldfoot truck stop, a pair of yellow eyes in a softly severe, silver face looks out from dense willows and alders. They curiously and calmly take in the people coming and going from their vehicles, tapping on phones, ripping open candy bars, taking selfies.

The eyes belong to Alaska’s only native wild cat, the Canada lynx. She quietly turns away from the parking lot, exposing a leather collar with a GPS transmitter. Her kittens are not quite old enough to accompany her on hunting trips, so she heads back alone toward her den in the hills, a shallow scrape of dirt under a willow bush. The collar identifies her as F700529, but she has a nickname — Lucy.

Lucy is one of more than 50 lynx tracked by Knut Kielland, a professor at the University of Alaska Fairbanks’ Institute of Arctic Biology. Together with his graduate student Emily Wieser​ and UAF wildlife biologist Ophelie Couriot​, they hope to answer questions about lynx resiliency to human disturbance along the Middle Fork of the Koyukuk and Dietrich rivers, which flow near the Dalton.

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Large trucks traveling to and from Deadhorse and Prudhoe Bay dominate the Dalton Highway. (Photo by Arthur T. LaBar)

Understanding how lynx respond to Dalton traffic is now of particular interest. Trucks servicing ConocoPhillips’ Nuna and Willow oil development projects will use the highway year-round as their main artery, and if the proposed Ambler Mining Project is approved, vehicles supporting mining operations will also use the Dalton.

Lucy and generations of lynx before her have lived, died and raised families alongside the pipeline’s Haul Road. After workers built 390 miles of highway between April and September 1974, others began constructing the 800-mile trans-Alaska pipeline. At its peak in 1977, the Coldfoot-Wiseman stretch of highway felt the passage of more than 450 large trucks each day. After a sharp decline in the 1980s, truck traffic has remained steady over the past 40 years, though passenger vehicle traffic has increased since the highway opened to the public in 1994.

How have lynx like Lucy responded to road construction and use? Until recently, it’s been difficult to measure. In environmental impact statements they prepared for the Alyeska Pipeline Service Co., contractors focused on how large mammals — caribou, moose, bears — might be impacted by the pipeline. Lynx were not a focus of environmental assessment during litigation and construction, so little pre-pipeline information is available.

Knut Kielland, left, and Matt Kynoch look over age-count figures for marten, wolverines and lynx in Kielland’s office during a recent interview. Coincidentally, Kynoch is wearing a T-shirt from the Coldfoot truck stop. (Photo by Sara Wilbur)

Enter Kielland and GPS collars, which he started buckling onto Coldfoot-Wiseman lynx in 2017. Kielland’s collars capture location six times a day, which gives an unprecedented picture of lynx behavior and movement in the area.

The lynx resiliency project is only a year old — too early for conclusions. However, based on recent research led by former UAF graduate students Akashia Martinez-Dragomir and Matt Kynoch, Kielland predicts that lynx, whose personalities differ just like yours and mine, will respond in various ways to the expected increase in traffic volume.

Lynx kittens rest in a den on a steep slope above the Dalton Highway. (Photo by Matt Kynoch)

Martinez-Dragomir found that female lynx’s response will be mostly influenced by whether or not they raise kittens — denning mothers will stay closer to their dens, while kitten-less females may roam more broadly. Kynoch saw that lynx are most active during twilight, which coincides with but may not be caused by quieter Dalton traffic. Individual differences in lynx behavior may augment or mask any traffic-volume effect, so more GPS data are needed to suss out general patterns.

As Lucy slips back to her shallow den on a quiet hillside, Kielland and his collaborators track her from their Fairbanks offices, watching how this cryptic cat moves as trucks in increasing numbers continue to rumble their way north.





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Head of conference committee says Hilcorp helped influence failure of Alaska LNG bill

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Head of conference committee says Hilcorp helped influence failure of Alaska LNG bill


A sign for Hilcorp Alaska is seen on an office building in Midtown Anchorage in 2023. (Loren Holmes / ADN archive)

The chair of a legislative conference committee that released a proposal for a compromise Alaska LNG bill that failed to pass Thursday said the project developer withdrew its support for the measure after oil and gas producer Hilcorp reached out to “twist” the company’s arm.

But the version of events laid out by Rep. Calvin Schrage in an interview Friday was challenged somewhat by a lobbyist for Glenfarne, who said that while Glenfarne changed its position on the bill, it did so without pressure from Hilcorp. One factor for Glenfarne, however, was how the bill would affect Hilcorp and potentially lead to downstream cost increases for the Alaska LNG project, the lobbyist said.

A spokesperson for Glenfarne also had a different take in a text, saying it was “misleading and incorrect” of the lawmaker to say the company had ever supported the bill.

A Hilcorp spokesperson declined to provide comment for this article.

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Schrage, an independent lawmaker from Anchorage, chaired the six-member committee that created the compromise bill that ultimately failed on Thursday.

The committee advanced the bill 4-2 early Thursday with Schrage’s support, leading to the floor votes where the bill was approved in the Senate and died on a tie vote in the House.

The bill contained a provision that would expand the state’s corporate income tax to include Hilcorp and other oil and gas companies that are S corporations or limited liability companies, while exempting the Alaska LNG project itself from the income tax.

Gov. Mike Dunleavy, an opponent of the corporate income tax expansion, on Thursday called a third special session on the topic starting July 27, so the Legislature can again consider a multibillion-dollar property tax break to help the project win financing.

Gov. Mike Dunleavy holds a press conference after calling the Legislature into a third consecutive special session to continue working on a tax break bill for the proposed Alaska LNG project at the Alaska State Capitol building in Juneau on July 16, 2026. Behind him stood members of the House Republican minority caucus, Rep. Frank Tomaszewski of Fairbanks, Rep. Garret Nelson of Sutton, and Rep. Kevin McCabe of Big Lake. (Mari Kanagy / ADN)

Schrage: Glenfarne got ‘cold feet’

On Wednesday, Schrage said he spoke with Adam Prestidge, president of Glenfarne Alaska LNG, who has represented the company in Juneau as lawmakers pursued a bill that could support the project.

Schrage said he understood that Glenfarne, based in New York, supported the bill that had been developed by the conference committee.

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Glenfarne ”didn’t ask for the S-corp (provision) to be in it,” Schrage said. “They didn’t particularly want it in there, but it didn’t impact them. And the bill met their needs and would allow them to have a good chance of moving forward with the project.”

Glenfarne had said it would issue a statement supporting the bill, once the conference committee released it publicly Thursday and moved it to the full Legislature for votes, according to Schrage.

“I told (Glenfarne) everything that was in there, and anything that was new from the prior committee substitute version (of the bill),” Schrage said. “They were pleased with the changes. Their top concerns were addressed. Again, they felt that the bill was viable, and once we made it public, (they) were willing to make a public statement in support of the bill.”

Rep. Calvin Schrage, I-Anchorage, speaks in favor of a tax break bill for the proposed Alaska LNG project on the House floor at the Alaska State Capitol building in Juneau on Thursday, July 16, 2026. Schrage chaired the conference committee that drafted a compromise bill. (Mari Kanagy / ADN)

But early Thursday, Schrage said he reached out to Glenfarne lobbyist Wendy Chamberlain to confirm that the company still planned to express public support for the bill.

“That was when I got the first indication that they had gotten cold feet,” Schrage said. “The statement I got was that they were trying to get ahold of me. They needed to talk to me about that.”

With only days before the end of the special session Sunday, Schrage said the committee had to move ahead with the meeting to get the bill to the full Legislature, with its proposed corporate income tax expansion and the project exemption.

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Applying the corporate income tax to pass-through entities in the oil and gas industry has been a major demand by the 14-person Senate majority, in part to make up for a portion of lost income to the state under the agreed-upon tax break for the project.

Hilcorp, which operates the state’s largest oil field and holds much of the gas that could be provided to the project, if it is built, has been viewed as the main target of the proposed corporate income tax expansion.

Critics of the expansion, including members of the House minority, have said that it did not belong in the bill, and that it could hurt the gas line‘s viability and threaten valuable oil and gas production in Alaska if Hilcorp and other producers and explorers with similar corporate structures are forced to pay more.

Schrage said that after the committee approved the bill, “Glenfarne got ahold of me and told me privately that they, regrettably, despite their support for the bill, had had their arm twisted by Hilcorp and were no longer able to support the bill,” he said. “That if they did so publicly, that Hilcorp would make all of their contracts that they would need to enter into in the future nearly impossible to negotiate, and for that reason they would be unable to support the bill and would have to insist on a clean version of the bill according to them.”

The message from Hilcorp was that they did not support the income tax measure, Schrage said.

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“It’s frustrating, it’s disappointing. We had a real opportunity to move this gas line legislation forward, give this project a fighting chance, and a Texas billionaire decided to shut the whole thing down because he didn’t want to pay a tax” even though the company once told lawmakers Hilcorp would pay it if required, Schrage said. He was referring to Jeffery Hildebrand, founder of Hilcorp Energy, the large, Houston-based, privately held oil and gas company.

Glenfarne Group CEO Brendan Duval and Glenfarne Alaska LNG president Adam Prestidge are recognized during Dunleavy’s State of the State address, delivered to a joint session of the Alaska Legislature in Juneau on Jan. 22. (Marc Lester / ADN)

Chamberlain: ‘Financial pressure’ was the issue

Wendy Chamberlain, a lobbyist for Glenfarne, said in an interview Friday that there was no arm-twisting by Hilcorp.

Hilcorp has “been very, very clear” about its opposition to the corporate income tax expansion, and Glenfarne has long been aware of that, she said.

“We did change our mind, you know, absolutely did,” she said of Glenfarne. “We’ll go with that, right? We told Calvin that we’d support it.”

But there was not pressure from Hilcorp, she said.

The change came because Glenfarne learned on Wednesday that the corporate income tax expansion would be part of the bill, something the company had not expected the conference committee would include, she said.

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When Glenfarne realized it would be included, it changed its position on the bill after exploring the potential impact of the tax, she said.

The company communicated about it with Hilcorp, which would be one of the project’s largest suppliers of natural gas and operating fields that supply the gas for the pipeline, she said.

A corporate income tax on Hilcorp could lead the company to pass along its increased costs, in the price of gas that the Alaska LNG project would buy from Hilcorp, she said.

That could affect the project’s financial numbers “dramatically,” she said.

The potential impact was uncertain, she said, adding another complication with the bill. One unknown in the bill was whether or not natural gas from Hilcorp would be considered part of the project and therefore exempt from the corporate income tax, or not, she said.

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In addition, Glenfarne faces a cap on the price of gas it can sell to utilities in Alaska, at $16 per MMBTu and rising with inflation. That was included in the conference committee bill, and it is a measure sought by Alaska lawmakers seeking to protect Alaska ratepayers, and one that Glenfarne has accepted, Chamberlain said.

With expectations for higher gas prices on the front end, and with the price cap, Glenfarne could not support the corporate income tax provision, Chamberlain said.

“When we say we’re feeling pressure, we need to clarify we, Glenfarne, we’re feeling pressure and it’s financial pressure,” Chamberlain said, not pressure from Hilcorp.

Chamberlain said she understands Schrage’s displeasure.

“To be honest, I get the representative,” Chamberlain said. “We did say we’d support it, and then when he told us (about the income tax provision), we said we wouldn’t.”

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“We couldn’t do it, and so you can see the problem,” she said. “He’s disappointed. We’re disappointed. He’s a good guy.”

“You know, to be honest, I felt really bad we had to go back,” she said. “He did a tremendous job for us.”

Tim Fitzpatrick, a spokesperson with Glenfarne, said in a text on Friday responding to Schrage’s allegation that the company did not take a position on the bill.

“This is misleading and incorrect,” Fitzpatrick said in an email. “Glenfarne didn’t take a position on a bill we hadn’t seen, and once we saw the bill we immediately opposed it because of the S Corp income tax increase, which we have consistently opposed. This tax increases commercial and economic uncertainty in Alaska for the whole industry working together to support this project and bring energy relief. With a $16 project energy price cap, it makes project economics challenging and will result in higher energy costs for Alaskans.”





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EPA waives Clean Air Act restrictions on high-sulfur diesel for the North Slope

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EPA waives Clean Air Act restrictions on high-sulfur diesel for the North Slope


The Environmental Protection Agency issued a temporary waiver Friday under the Clean Air Act for using diesel with higher sulfur levels above the Arctic Circle in Alaska. In a letter to Gov. Mike Dunleavy, EPA Administrator Lee Zeldin said the 20-day waiver was meant to address fuel supply disruptions caused by the war in the Middle East.

“It is in the public interest to take action to address the extreme and unusual supply circumstances that prevent distribution of an adequate supply,” Zeldin wrote in the letter.

The Clean Air Act requires the use of cleaner burning ultra-low-sulfur fuel in highway and non-road vehicles and equipment. The fuel produces fewer emissions and does not damage modern engines.

Zeldin said much of the equipment used above the Arctic Circle still has engines designed for high-sulfur diesel. He said that some North Slope topping refineries, which separate diesel from crude oil and produce heating oil, can produce high-sulfur diesel to power that machinery, which could reduce the demand for diesel hauled into the region.

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“Alaskans will no longer be forced to unnecessarily truck their fuel hundreds of miles across the state, and Alaskan families will feel lower prices at the pump,” Zeldin said in a prepared statement.

Fuel prices began to rise again earlier this month after the collapse of the ceasefire with Iran, with NPR reporting that prices were 86 cents higher per gallon than they were before the war. A new U.S. blockade of the Strait of Hormuz means prices could climb even higher.

Under Secretary of Energy Kyle Haustveit said during a roundtable in Anchorage that the waiver will allow for the production of tens of thousands more barrels of diesel.

“These topping units that have been restricted from an emission standpoint can now run at a higher output capacity,” Haustveit said. “It’s going to bring more supply to market.”

Sen. Dan Sullivan applauded the waiver and said he had advocated for it to lower fuel prices. He said in a press release that the action will allow North Slope producers to put idle refining capacity to work.

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“Global fuel supply disruptions have been a significant challenge for Alaska communities, resulting in rising fuel prices,” Sen. Sullivan said in a prepared statement.

He said he measure “frees up Alaska-produced fuel to help put downward pressure on prices for hard-working Alaskans.”

The waiver is limited to highway and non-road vehicles and non-road equipment certified to operate on high-sulfur diesel fuel. It applies only above the Arctic Circle.

Copyright 2026 KNBA

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