Virginia
Like DOGE, Virginia Is Leading The Way On Government Efficiency
Virginia Statehouse, Richmond, Virginia.
The Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE) is one of the most high-profile experiments in Trump’s second administration. With billionaire entrepreneur Elon Musk at the helm, DOGE has been tasked with slashing government waste and reducing bureaucratic staffing levels. While DOGE’s efforts have been bold and aggressive out of the gate, its reforms are also sparking controversy and creating uncertainty due to their unselective nature. In contrast, Virginia has pursued a more methodical approach to reducing red tape, saving taxpayers billions while avoiding the turbulence that accompanies indiscriminatory spending cuts.
Unlike past government reform efforts that tend to take a more incremental approach, DOGE has embraced what Elon Musk calls a “radical” strategy to shrink the federal bureaucracy. It is auditing agency spending, cancelling grants, and rescinding federal contracts. At the same time, DOGE has pursued deep agency budget cuts, offered a buy-out package to federal employees and imposed significant reductions in staffing at departments like the U.S. Agency for International Development.
DOGE is also sparking a wave of state-level government efficiency reforms. New Hampshire’s new Commission on Government Efficiency will make recommendations on cutting state spending and streamlining government operations. Oklahoma’s new Division of Government Efficiency (DOGE-OK) will review agency spending to ensure it aligns with legislative intent and benefits Oklahoma taxpayers.
While these initiatives are just getting started, Virginia has already spent years implementing its own regulatory efficiency model. In fact, regulatory reform has been a consistent theme across the two most recent Virginia governors. Under former Gov. Ralph Northam, the state launched a regulatory reduction pilot program in 2018, which focused on cutting unnecessary occupational licensing requirements. Then, under Gov. Glenn Youngkin, Virginia created the Office of Regulatory Management (ORM) in 2022, a new centralized regulatory oversight office.
While both the federal DOGE and Virginia’s ORM aim to improve government efficiency, their approaches have some sharp differences. DOGE has often focused its cuts on politically controversial programs, such as those related to diversity, equity, and inclusion, foreign aid, climate initiatives, and public health grants. In contrast, ORM has pursued a more orderly, bipartisan approach, taking a regulatory reform that began under a Democratic governor and expanding it under a Republican one.
Virginia’s ORM was created with a clear mission to reduce counterproductive red tape while ensuring regulations remain effective and justified. A key component of this effort has been a goal to cut 25 percent of regulatory requirements across state agencies. ORM has also worked to streamline permitting processes through the creation of a new online permit tracking system.
To guarantee that regulations are economically sound, ORM enforces new cost-benefit analysis requirements, forcing agencies to demonstrate that proposed rules can justify their costs. In contrast to DOGE, ORM takes a more evidence-based approach, subjecting regulations to analysis requirements that emphasize whether rules solve a real problem and do so at a reasonable cost.
In a new paper for the Virginia Institute for Public Policy, I explain how Virginia’s ORM-driven regulatory reforms have already saved the state an estimated $1.2 billion per year. Building Code reforms alone have saved $723 million, reducing the cost of constructing a new home by $24,000. Businesses have benefited from 85 percent faster licensing approvals at the Department of Professional and Occupational Regulation. DPOR averaged 33 business days to process licensing applications, which was reduced to just five business days, yielding $179 million per year in additional earnings potential.
Improvements to stormwater management regulations have resulted in a yearly $124 million in savings, while a new general permit process at the Virginia Marine Resources Commission has cut costs by $47 million. Even election processes have seen cost reductions, with the elimination of witness signature requirements for absentee ballots generating $7.1 million in annual savings.
Despite ORM’s achievements, the office remains vulnerable. Since most of its reforms were implemented through executive order, the next governor could undo them overnight. If Virginia wants to make sure its regulatory reforms last, the state legislature should make ORM permanent. Codifying ORM into law would provide much-needed stability for businesses and guarantee that the progress made in the last few years is not easily reversed.
Regulatory reform tends to work best when it is based on a consensus. That usually means data-driven and bipartisan. While DOGE is undoubtedly making progress with its chainsaw approach to the federal budget, the ultimate success of its reforms is still uncertain. On the other hand, Virginia has already proven that smarter government is possible and is actively saving taxpayers billions. As other states look for a model for government efficiency, they should be looking to Virginia in addition to DOGE.
Virginia
Virginia’s voided special election cost $11.6 million
We now know how much it cost Virginia to hold an election that didn’t count: $11.6 million.
Of that, the state will pick up $4.99 million, leaving localities to pay the balance of $6.6 million for the April 21 special election on redistricting that the Virginia Supreme Court later ruled was placed on the ballot unconstitutionally.
The numbers come from the Department of Elections, after Cardinal News filed a Virginia Freedom of Information Act request to find out the cost of the election.
I contacted localities small, medium and large and none said they’d have a particular problem paying their share. All said they’d already budgeted for primary elections that they expected in June. With the push to redraw Virginia’s congressional lines, those June primaries were bumped to August, putting them in a new fiscal year, so the money set aside for the June primaries was used to cover the special election on a proposed constitutional amendment to allow redistricting.
Election costs
Total cost of April 21 special election: $11,636,147
What state will pay for: $4,999,738
What localities must cover: $6,636,147
Source: Virginia Department of Elections
The issue some localities face now is that the Aug. 4 primary becomes an unexpected expense, although all said they’d figure out a way to pay for it. “We always budget for extra elections, so I think we will have money to cover this,” said Buckingham County administrator Karl Carter by email. It cost $44,373 to run the special election in his county. Of that, the state will pay $9,019, leaving the county to cover $35,353. (Each locality submits its expenses and the state calculates a reimbursement rate based on that.)
Other local government officials had similar things to say. The cost of running elections — paying for poll workers is one of the main expenses — depends largely on how big a locality is. Elections cost more in bigger localities, but they also have bigger budgets.
In Virginia Beach, the election cost $750,533. The state will pay $265,509, leaving the city to cover $465,023. City spokesperson Ali Weatherton-Shook said the city would save enough money through unfilled vacancies to cover unexpected election expenses.
In Chesterfield County, the election cost $619,970. The state will pay $223,356, leaving the county to cover $396,613. “Chesterfield tries to plan ahead for these growing demands,” said county spokesperson Stephen Bays. “In the county’s FY2027 budget, we added $630,000 to the Registrar’s budget to help fill the gap to cover the increasing costs of elections.”
The most expensive locality was, not surprisingly, the state’s biggest: Fairfax County. It cost $1,545,781 to hold the election there. The state will pay $655,424, leaving the county to cover $910,356. “We allocated additional funds out of carryover to address not only the special election on the amendment but a number of special elections due to both elected officials winning other seats and elected officials that went into the administration,” said county supervisor Pat Herrity, a Republican.
The closest I came to finding a locality that felt pinched by the election cost was Dickenson County. “Unfortunately, moving the primary to August added a third election to our FY-27 budget, which was already very tight,” said Dickenson County administrator Larry Barton by email. (The other two are the fall general election and presumed primaries next June for the 2027 local and legislative elections.) It cost $39,748 to run the special election in Dickenson. Of that, the state will cover $7,802, leaving Dickenson to pay $31,946.
While officials in other localities, though, said they’d have no problem paying the expense, they also pointed out the obvious: Money is finite. “Any time you spend money it competes with critical services and/or increases the tax burden on our residents,” said Herrity, the Fairfax County supervisor.
And some said they’d welcome additional state funding. “Like many localities, Chesterfield would welcome additional state funding for special elections,” said Bays, the county spokesperson. “When state funding falls short, local dollars must fill the gap, leaving fewer resources for other priorities.”
The new state budget that the General Assembly just approved does include an additional $680,000 to help with the cost of three proposed constitutional amendments that will be on the November ballot, in addition to congressional elections and, in some places, local elections.
Since I’m writing this as an opinion column, I will go ahead and inject my opinion here: The Virginia Supreme Court could have avoided this. The court declined to rule on legal challenges to the special election before the vote, citing a 1912 court ruling involving a similar challenge to an upcoming constitutional amendment. In that case, the court held that it should only rule after the vote, on the grounds that passing a constitutional amendment is akin to passing a law — and just as a court won’t intervene until after the governor signs a bill, it shouldn’t intervene until after voters approve a constitutional amendment.
I’m not a legal scholar, but that seems sound reasoning except for one thing: When the Supreme Court let the disputed 1912 amendment vote go forward, it was part of an election that was going to happen anyway, the 1912 presidential election — so there was no additional expense incurred. In this case, the only reason the special election was happening — and so there was expense involved. The court’s adherence to that 1912 precedent cost Virginia $11,636,147.
Of course, some might also say that Virginia Democrats cost the taxpayers that amount by skirting the rules involved in placing an amendment on the ballot, although there was legal dispute over those rules. You’ll recall that the constitutional question turned on when an election legally begins. The constitution says that the legislature must pass an amendment twice, with an election in between. Democrats contended that passing the amendment the first time in a special session in late October satisfied that requirement, because it was ahead of the November general election. The court later ruled that, legally speaking, the election really began when early voting started in September, so Democrats had misread the legal calendar. Democrats could say that Republicans are ultimately to blame, because it was President Donald Trump and Texas Republicans who started the push to redraw congressional lines to “find” more Republican districts so Democratic-controlled states such as Virginia had no choice but to respond in kind to balance things out.
Whoever you choose to blame, we can now put a dollar figure to that attempt — 11.6 million of them.
For more on those upcoming Aug. 4 primaries (for which early voting is already underway), see our Voter Guide. For more political news and analysis, sign up for West of the Capital, our weekly political newsletter that comes out on Friday afternoons.
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Virginia
MEOC Organization hosts annual summer picnic for Southwest Virginia seniors
BIG STONE GAP, Va. (WCYB) — About 100 seniors from across Southwest Virginia spent the day enjoying food, games and fellowship at the Mountain Empire Older Citizens Organization’s annual summer picnic.
The event was held at Bullitt Park in Big Stone Gap and brought together seniors from seven congregate senior sites across several Southwest Virginia counties.
Attendees enjoyed a cookout, played yard games, tried their luck at bingo and caught up with friends.
Organizers said events like the annual picnic give seniors a chance to enjoy activities they may not otherwise have the opportunity to experience.
“It’s exactly what the program is designed for,” MEOC Nutrition Director Kristen Rutherford said. “To add nutrition and education but also promote socialization and prevent loneliness for seniors. A big part of seniors’ lives is that they’re isolated a lot of times. I love it, especially the games that they’re playing. I love that because they’re getting exercise.”
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Organizers said the summer picnic is one of two major events they host each year, along with a Christmas celebration.
Virginia
Virginia reports 10 cases of cyclosporiasis
Cyclosporiasis public health update from Virginia Department of Health
Virginia reported 10 cases of Cyclosporiasis as of July 7. Learn the symptoms, travel risks, and infection prevention.
Cyclosporiasis has been causing illness throughout the United States. As of July 7, the Virginia Department of Health is reporting 10 cases of Cyclosporiasis but is not currently investigating any local outbreaks, according to a press release from state health officials.
Cyclosporiasis is an infection of the intestine caused by a parasite called Cyclospora.
Anyone can get cyclosporiasis. It is more common in people who travel to tropical areas, but the infection can occur in many different countries. The U.S. Centers for Disease Control has received reports of 145 cases of cyclosporiasis acquired in the United States of people who became sick from May 1 through June 16.
The majority of cases and outbreaks are reported during the spring and summer months, although infections can occur year-round. Most outbreaks of cyclosporiasis have been linked to imported fresh produce.
Cyclosporiasis is not spread directly from person-to-person. Infected people pass Cyclospora in their feces, but this form of the parasite cannot make people sick. The parasite needs time in the environment to change into a form that can make people ill. This form of the parasite then can infect someone by entering the body through the mouth, typically by eating or drinking something that is contaminated with Cyclospora.
Cyclospora infects the intestines and usually causes watery diarrhea. Other symptoms can include loss of appetite, weight loss, bloating, increased gas, stomach cramps, nausea, vomiting, muscle aches, low-grade fever, and fatigue. Symptoms usually appear within one week after exposure and if not treated, the illness can last from a few days to a month, or longer.
How to prevent cyclosporiasis
- Wash all fruits and vegetables thoroughly under running water before eating, cutting, or cooking.
- Wash hands carefully with soap and water before and after food preparation and after using the bathroom or changing diapers.
- Travelers, especially to tropical areas, should avoid eating raw or undercooked foods or drinking untreated water.
If you have symptoms of cyclosporiasis, contact your healthcare provider.
People who have diarrhea should rest and drink plenty of fluids. Specific antibiotics are sometimes prescribed.
Staunton News Leader reporter Monique Calello covers healthcare in the Shenandoah Valley and in Virginia. Connect with her at mcalello@newsleader.com.
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