The action comes after The Texas Tribune reported that influencers were being paid to defend impeached Attorney General Ken Paxton.
AUSTIN (Texas Tribune) — Texas’ top campaign finance watchdog voted Tuesday to require social media figures to disclose when they are paid for political advertisement, nearly a year after The Texas Tribune reported that influencers were being quietly paid to defend impeached Attorney General Ken Paxton.
In a 7-0 vote, the Texas Ethics Commission gave final approval to the changes, which were first proposed in March.
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Last summer, the Tribune reported on a new company, Influenceable, that was paying Gen Z influencers to create or share social media posts that attacked the impeachment process and the Texas Republicans leading it, including House Speaker Dade Phelan. Commissioners did not mention the company directly on Tuesday but said at their previous meeting that the changes were in response to “at least one business” that was paying social media figures for undisclosed political messaging.
Influenceable has a partnership with Campaign Nucleus, a digital campaign service that was founded by Brad Parscale, a top official on former President Donald Trump’s last two campaigns. It also received $18,000 from Defend Texas Liberty in May 2023, after which influencers began to parrot claims that Paxton was the victim of a political witch hunt, accuse Phelan of being a drunk or urge their millions of collective followers to come to Paxton’s aid.
Defend Texas Liberty is a political action committee that two West Texas oil billionaires, Tim Dunn and Farris Wilks, used to give more than $15 million to far-right campaigns and candidates in the state since 2021. The two are by far Paxton’s biggest donors.
The new change amends the commission’s rules to clarify that disclosures are required for those who are paid more than $100 to post or repost political advertisements.
“This is not the case of the TEC inventing a substantive requirement to rulemaking,” the commission’s general counsel, James Tinsley, said before the vote. “It’s quite the opposite. It’s pairing back an exception.”
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The rule change was strongly opposed by groups and figures funded by Dunn and Wilks, who decried it when it was first proposed earlier this year and claimed that the commission was creating a “secret speech police” that could target citizens for routine social media posts. Some of the loudest critics of the proposal, including the right-wing website Texas Scorecard, have for years been involved in lawsuits that challenged the constitutionality of the commission and sought to strip it of most of its regulatory powers.
Others argued that it did not go far enough because it held social media users accountable, but not those who pay them and fail to disclose as much.
“I just don’t want to pass the buck onto people that are literally only posting these because they’ll get $75, $80 or $90 out of it,” Andrew Cates, an Austin-based attorney focused on political campaigns, testified Tuesday.
The commission’s executive director, J.R. Johnson, agreed with Cates that the change is narrowly tailored, but added that it does prevent the commission from pursuing new rules in the future that deal with those who are paying social media users to post their political advertisements.
Campaign law experts have previously said that company’s like Influenceable reflect a decadeslong failure to modernize disclosure rules, many of which have not been updated since the widespread proliferation of social media or the internet.
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“The [federal] laws around disclosure of campaign spending assumed a traditional model, like paying somebody to print your ad in the newspaper or paying a TV station to play your ad on the air,” Ian Vandewalker, an expert on the influence of money in politics and elections at the Brennan Center, told the Tribune last year. “Paying an influencer to talk about a candidate doesn’t fit into those traditional definitions, and so it’s slipping through the cracks.”
Texas has some restrictions on out-of-state donations, limits donations during the biennial legislative session and requires disclosures of political advertising that contain “express advocacy.” But otherwise, one longtime campaign finance lawyer said, the state’s rules allow “dark money to run amok.”
“If you’re not actually advocating for or against the election of someone or a proposition, then you pretty much fall outside” most regulations, Austin lawyer Roger Borgelt said last year.
This year, some Republican state lawmakers have called for ethics reform during the 2025 legislative session, citing what they said was a flood of misinformation and deceptive advertising during this year’s GOP primaries. Others directly cited Influenceable, and called for legislation to curb companies like it when lawmakers meet next year.
“I’m somebody who cares about truth and motivation,” State Rep. Tom Oliverson, a Cypress Republican who is currently running for Texas House Speaker, told the Tribune last summer. “I really dislike manufactured outrage and manufactured narratives. I prefer people to be honest, straightforward and truthful. And so I do think that, at a bare minimum, these things should have to be disclosed.”
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This article originally appeared in The Texas Tribune at www.texastribune.org. The Texas Tribune is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media organization that informs Texans – and engages with them – about public policy, politics, government and statewide issues.
Landen Williams-Callis hasn’t been discussed a ton in the last month or two. Real information as it relates to Texas’ chances has been a bit tougher to come by on the elite running back from Richmond Randle. Today, Inside Texas was able to confirm that he’ll take an official visit to Texas next weekend. We’ve long known Texas wanted LW-C, but we haven’t had a good gauge on his interest in Texas.
The New World screwworm outbreak in Texas has reached five confirmed cases, prompting state agencies to establish infested zones aimed at containing the parasite’s spread.
Federal help is now involved as officials respond to the threat posed by the parasite, whose fly larvae burrow into the living flesh of warm-blooded animals, causing severe tissue damage and potential death.
“We know this development is a serious threat,” U.S. Secretary of Agriculture Brooke Rollins said. “We’ve increased the trapping for flies along the border and ramping up surveillance.”
The Texas Animal Health Commission has established four 12.5-mile infested zones where officials believe the parasite is located and reproducing. The closest zone to Austin is Zone 3, which includes Gillespie, Kerr, and Kimble counties.
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Zone 3 was created after New World screwworm was found in a goat in Harper, Texas, on Monday. Rollins also said, “Over the past week and a half, USDA has confirmed 6 cases of the new world screw worm within the US, all but 1 in the South, uh, South of Texas.”
ALSO| New World Screwworm case confirmed in Texas, bringing total of cases in the U.S. to six
State officials say the zones are used to prevent the spread of the parasite and restrict the movement of livestock and other warm-blooded animals through the area.
In Fredericksburg, some residents said the infested zone is a necessary step. Joan Smith, who lives in Fredericksburg, said, “It’s a good thing to protect people. It needs to be done.”
Smith said pet owners should take precautions and consult their veterinarians.
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“Many of our neighbors, we called our local veterinarians. They told us as long as we were using certain medications, your pet is covered,” she said. “Definitely talk to your local veterinarians because they can update you.”
Some businesses in the area said the county’s infested-zone label is not expected to impact tourism this summer.
AUSTIN (KXAN) — Hundreds of Texas landowners gathered in Austin this week to challenge proposed transmission line routes tied to a major statewide power infrastructure project.
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The Bell County East to Big Hill 765-kV transmission project, proposed by Oncor and the Lower Colorado River Authority, is designed to move power across Texas and strengthen the state grid as demand rises from population growth, data centers and industrial expansion.
Landowners, attorneys and utility representatives attend a hearing on the proposed Bell County East-to-Big Hill transmission project at the J.J. Pickle Research Campus in Austin. The hearing centers on dozens of proposed transmission line routes stretching across Central Texas. (KXAN Photo/Eric Henrikson)
In March, the utilities filed plans with the Public Utility Commission of Texas that included 122 potential route options.
This week, administrative judges are hearing testimony about those routes before eventually making recommendations to the PUC.
For Burnet County resident Jan Rose, the possibility of a transmission line crossing her property is overwhelming.
“It’s going to traverse our property, not along the property lines, but right through the middle, about 150 feet from our front door,” Rose said.
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What is the Bell County East-to-Big Hill project?
Rose is one of hundreds of Texans participating in this week’s hearing, arguing why their land is not an appropriate location for future transmission infrastructure.
“We have 13 minutes to present this whole case (to the administrative judges),” Rose said.
The proposed project spans multiple counties across Texas and is part of a broader effort to expand the state’s electric transmission capacity.
Maps showing proposed transmission line route alternatives are displayed during a hearing on the Bell County East-to-Big Hill transmission project at the J.J. Pickle Research Campus in Austin. (KXAN Photo/Eric Henrikson)
Oncor and LCRA argue they studied dozens of route options to reduce impacts to homes, landowners and environmentally sensitive areas.
Why Texas landowners oppose the transmission routes
Still, opponents argue the process pits neighbors against one another while forcing landowners to spend significant money trying to protect their property.
“All of these groups and all of these landowners are going to spend, I mean, collectively, millions of dollars easily, over this next week in legal fees,” said Mia Sarot, founder of the Hill Country Land and Legacy Alliance, an advocacy group representing landowners across Central Texas.
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She also argued the state’s timeline for approving transmission projects compresses the process too aggressively.
How the PUC hearing process works
Under state law, the Public Utility Commission has 180 days from the initial filing to complete the transmission line approval process.
According to Sarot, landowners have about 30 days to intervene in the case, followed by roughly 90 days of review by administrative law judges and about 30 days for PUC commissioners to make final decisions.
“The decisions are made faster than they can really meaningfully have input because you have to understand the project,” Sarot said.
When Texas regulators could make a decision
Following the hearing, administrative judges are expected to send route recommendations to the PUC.
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“It doesn’t mean that the PUC commissioners have to agree with what they do, and they can make a completely different decision,” Sarot said.
Another hearing later this month could further complicate the process. That proceeding will focus on whether additional route alternatives should have been included in the application.
If judges determine the proposed routes were insufficient, portions of the process could be revisited.
“We might then, you know, have to do this again, spend more money. That is very frustrating,” Sarot said.
For Jan Rose and her husband, Austin Rose, the hope is simple. “Our hope is that the PUC will slow this process down,” she said.
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As part of the hearing process, Oncor and LCRA are expected to present witnesses discussing why specific routes were selected. Participants are given 13 minutes to cross-examine utility representatives and limited time to present their arguments.
The Public Utility Commission is expected to make a final decision later this year.
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