Texas
Michigan Film Study: Breaking down everything that went wrong against Texas
We’ve seen this movie before. It’s been a while, but we have. Going back to New Year’s Eve 2021, the Michigan Wolverines clashed with the Georgia Bulldogs in the opening round of the College Football Playoff (CFP). The buzz around Michigan was deafening coming off its first victory against Ohio State since 2011 and first out-right Big Ten championship since 2003. But before the Wolverines could blink, they trailed Georgia, 27-3, at the half before ultimately falling, 34-11, in the Orange Bowl.
The performance was far from what fans had grown used to from a typical Michigan game that season. The Wolverines only averaged 5.2 yards per play (6.6 per pass, 3.4 per rush) and turned the ball over three times (two interceptions and one uncharacteristic fumble from Blake Corum).
Defensively, Michigan generated zero sacks and allowed Georgia to convert 10-of-16 third downs. The Wolverines were RPO’d and quick-gamed to death and although the defense held the Bulldogs to only seven second-half points, it didn’t matter.
The Orange Bowl defeat alerted the Wolverines to the level they needed to reach to win a national championship. Following that loss, Michigan reeled off a 28-1 record over the next two seasons, culminating in finally reaching the sport’s summit eight months ago. On Saturday, we rewound the tape to 2021 to remember what it takes to reach the top.
The clash with Texas was billed as the biggest game of the young season between two blue-blood programs. But before the Wolverines could blink they trailed, 24-3, at the half before ultimately falling, 31-12.
The performance was far from what fans had grown used to from a typical Michigan game the last two years. The Wolverines only averaged 5.1 yards per play (6.2 per pass, 3.7 per rush) and turned the ball over three times (two interceptions and one uncharacteristic fumble from Colston Loveland).
Defensively, Michigan generated limited pressure resulting in zero sacks, and allowed Texas to convert 10-of-16 third downs. The Wolverines were RPO’d and quick-gamed to death and although the defense held the Longhorns to only seven second-half points, it didn’t matter.
Saturday was a sobering reminder of the level the Wolverines need to reach to repeat as national champions. It remains to be seen if they can develop and grow on the fly, but it is always easier to return to the top of the mountain after you have already seen the view.
Let’s check the tape to see where it went wrong for the Wolverines before focusing on the path to improvement.
Cover 3 Simulated Pressure vs. Stop & Go
The Wolverine defense struggled on Saturday, but the unit is not shouldering the lion’s share of the blame for this one. Michigan’s offense turned the ball over three times and each turnover came after the Wolverines possessed the ball for 101 seconds or fewer. One interception came after a three-second possession. With no time to collect its breath, the unit was running on fumes before halftime.
That said, there are still several aspects where the defense needs to improve regardless of offensive support: tackling (pursuit angles), run fits, forcing turnovers, generating pressure and third-down stops.
On the first drive, Texas made it abundantly clear what it was going to do. Head coach Steve Sarkisian copied Georgia’s game plan from the Orange Bowl and showed remarkable poise as a play-caller. Abandoning his love for shot plays, Sark avoided Michigan’s strengths — Will Johnson and Mason Graham — and attacked its vulnerabilities a few yards at a time. In this instance, Sark targeted Michigan’s other corner, Jyaire Hill, for a big gain.
On the third play of the game, Texas faced a third-and-11 from its own 21. Michigan lined up with six across the line of scrimmage insinuating early pressure was coming, but at the snap, two Wolverines dropped back into a disguised Cover 3 variation and Michigan only brought four rushers.
The Longhorns — who are in a seven-man, max-protect 11-personnel look — easily pick up the rush, including a looping Jaishawn Barham who twisted into the field-side D-gap. The lone receiver (Isaiah Bond) to the boundary is working on Hill, and the ball was never going anywhere else.
Bond sprints hard nine yards down the field and hesitates to sell a stick or an out route before taking off on a “Go” route. Hill turns his hips and bites on the fake, decently recovers, but stumbles trying to catch up. Texas quarterback Quinn Ewers easily delivers a strike to Bond a half step before safety Makari Paige can get there.
Third-down conversions were back-breaking, and Hill was too often the victim. In two weeks against USC, look for Wink Martindale to consistently shade a safety to Hill’s side to take away this glaring weakness in the back end.
Speaking of third downs…
Davis Warren’s First Interception
Facing a third-and-two, offensive coordinator Kirk Campbell elected to pass instead of run, but that’s an argument for another day. Campbell dials up a fly motion switch-release Hank concept designed for a quick strike first down.
Loveland comes in motion and works into the flat with the slot receiver (Marlin Klein) running a curl route just beyond the sticks. On the far side, the two receivers switch release (inside receiver goes outside and outside receiver goes inside) with Peyton O’Leary working the middle hook (mirroring Klein) and Tyler Morris running a five-yard curl. This is designed to create separation in man-to-man, but Texas isn’t running man-to-man coverage.
The Longhorns simply rushed four, played shallow Cover 3 with six defenders around the first down marker, and kept one safety deep as a security blanket. The best option on this play is Loveland in the flat — who is the hot option, but technically option three in the progression — but Warren looks him off and works back toward his first two reads. Klein is blanketed, so Warren progresses to his secondary option, Morris.
Now, this is a tight throw where you’d still like to see Morris fight back for the ball more to open up a bigger window. The ball still hits Morris in the hands but, in his defense, this would have been a difficult reception for any receiver to haul in with two defenders draped over him.
Instead, the ball is tipped and eventually intercepted for Warren’s first of the day — for the record, Warren was far from great on Saturday, but the second interception was on Loveland running the wrong route — and put the defense back on the field after a 94-second drive.
This play was doomed from the beginning and could have been avoid by simply running the damn ball. Michigan’s identity crisis is growing more glaring every week, but more on that later. For now, let’s end with something semi-positive.
Jet Motion Fake Reverse CH Counter
On the second drive of the game, Michigan found some rhythm as it marched down the field for its first points of the game. Two plays after a well-executed flea flicker, the Wolverines got back to one of their bread-and-butter run plays, counter.
The Wolverines have practically run every variation of counter imaginable the last three years, and this iteration involves the center and H-back with a little window dressing thrown in for added misdirection.
Just before the snap, Semaj Morgan comes in motion to sell the reverse. Warren fakes the give to Morgan, continues to pivot, and hands the ball off inside to Donovan Edwards.
Center Dom Giudice and Loveland pull, with Giudice tasked with kicking out the defensive end, while Loveland leads through the hole to take out the linebacker or the first player to show. Giudice looked more comfortable on the move in his second start, but his pad level still needs improvement. He is out-leveraged when he cracks the end, leading to Loveland having to help double-team instead of working to the second level.
But wait, I thought this was a positive play? Hold fast.
Edwards reads the backside of this play beautifully, cuts off Loveland’s hip and heads toward the open field. Edwards tries to cut to the sideline for a chance to score a touchdown, but the backside safety just gets enough of his shoelace to bring him down for a gain of 12 yards.
Even when a run play wasn’t executed perfectly, Michigan turned it into chicken salad.
The Wolverines had three running backs average 4.2 yards or more per carry, with Edwards leading the room with 5.1. However, no running back had more than nine carries and the Wolverines as a team only registered 22 rushing attempts. This is not the way.
Heading into Week 3, there are myriad improvements needed for this team to take the next step. Winning third down and protecting the football are simpler places to start, but I think two massive underlying issues need to be addressed before this season slips away.
Commit to an identity
When Sherrone Moore took over as interim head coach for Michigan last season, it was established that it was going to be business as usual until Jim Harbaugh returned. And it was. Moore went undefeated as acting head coach and performed so well that he was named the permanent head coach once Harbaugh returned to the NFL. However, Moore is still treating this position like a substitute teacher, filling in until Harbaugh returns.
But Harbaugh isn’t coming back to Ann Arbor. Neither are J.J. McCarthy, Blake Corum, Junior Colson, Roman Wilson, Trevor Keegan, Zak Zinter or Mike Sainristil. This is a new team that needs a new identity, and that starts from the top down with Moore.
Moore needs to put his original stamp on this program and carve his own path instead of trying to cosplay as the third Harbaugh brother. What is this team’s identity going to be? If it’s truly going to be Moore’s catchphrase “SMASH,” then this team needs to commit to running the football and be more creative and resolute in doing so. If this team wants to focus on balance, then Kirk Campbell needs to call plays specifically for Warren’s skillset instead of treating him like McCarthy who constantly bailed Michigan out on third downs.
Once Moore and this team understand and commit to who they are, everything on the field will begin to take care of itself.
Player Leadership
Michigan prides itself on being a player-led team and locker room. Now, who are the leaders of this team? We know who the team captains are, but which players will speak up and be heard by the collective that this level of execution is unacceptable?
In 2021, Aidan Hutchinson and Josh Ross demanded more accountability from the defense, and center Andrew Vastardis reshaped the offensive line’s mentality in the trenches. In 2022, we saw Sainristil step up to galvanize this team on the sidelines in Columbus. And in 2023, the Wolverines had team leaders at every positional unit.
But now those guys are all gone and someone else needs to step up and demand more. It could be a team captain or it could be a freshman, but accountability needs to be a top priority.
Week 2 Superlatives
The Best Actor in a Bad Movie Award also known as Ewan McGregor in Attack of the Clones
Thank the Arkansas State gods that kicker Dominic Zvada wanted to move north. Zvada was perfect for the second consecutive week, connecting on field goals of 37 and 52 yards. The constant scoring bright spot for the Wolverines, Zvada has been flawless to begin his tenure in Ann Arbor. Of the 13 kickers in college football with five or more makes this season, Zvada is one of only four without a miss.
Could Zvada be Michigan’s second Lou Groza Award winner in three years?
The Come On Do Something Award
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Michigan defensive tackle Kenneth Grant is on pace for six tackles, zero sacks, and zero tackles for loss this season. Now, production isn’t the end all, be all, but SIX and nothing behind the line of scrimmage?! This is by far the worst two-game stretch for Grant since he entered the rotation at the beginning of last season.
Three weeks ago, Grant was being touted as a first-rounder with freakish traits. But at this pace, are we sure he leaves for the NFL at the end of this season? Grant is far too talented to let this continue, but if it does, it will be one of the most disappointing individual regressions in recent Michigan history.
This Mean Something to Me Award
Wide receiver Semaj Morgan did not have a great game. He struggled to get open consistently, misread blocks and even dropped a pass. But the effort and fight Morgan displayed on Michigan’s lone scoring drive late in the fourth quarter were commendable.
Facing a fourth-and-five, Warren connected with Morgan short of the sticks, but Morgan fought off the defender and extended the drive. Two plays later, the duo connected again.
Rolling out to his right, Warren connected with Morgan — who was masterfully working back to his quarterback — for his best throw of the game, and Morgan fought to extend the ball to break the plane. Despite the game being out of hand, Morgan still cared enough to fight for every inch to extend the drive and get the ball across the goal line. Perhaps, even as a sophomore, he’s the fiery leader this team needs to help save its season.
This fourth-quarter drive was reminiscent of McCarthy connecting with Andrel Anthony in the fourth quarter against Georgia for Michigan’s lone touchdown. It was too late, but it was encouraging to see it still meant something to a few players.
Texas
How a man once ordered to pay libel damages helped launch an investigation into Islamic private schools
This article is co-published with ProPublica, a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up for ProPublica’s Big Story newsletter to receive stories like this one in your inbox as soon as they are published.
Nearly a decade ago, a British court ordered a man named Sam Westrop to pay the equivalent of more than $173,000 in libel damages after he published an article on his website calling the founder of a London-based Islamic TV channel a “convicted terrorist.”
Westrop eventually admitted the underlying evidence for the claim was not reliable, according to court filings, and corrected the story on his website.
“There simply was no evidence to support the allegation of terrorism,” the judge in the case wrote.
Years after that ruling, Westrop made similar claims about a group of Islamic private schools in Texas that had applied to the state’s new voucher program. He alleged the school leaders had connections to Islamic extremist or terrorist groups, such as Hamas. Westrop shared his research as early as last fall with the Texas Comptroller of Public Accounts, which oversees the voucher program that awards eligible families taxpayer dollars for private education or homeschooling.
In December, acting Comptroller Kelly Hancock asked the state’s top lawyer if the agency could exclude from the voucher program an unnamed number of schools with supposed ties to the Chinese Communist government or that had hosted events for the Council on American-Islamic Relations, a Muslim civil-rights group. A month later, Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton ruled that it could.
Westrop’s allegations, along with claims made by several others, were among the primary reasons the comptroller’s office investigated the schools and delayed their admittance in the voucher program, according to new legal filings.
The scope of the investigations was also far broader than what was previously known, the filings show. The state used taxpayer money to contract with two investigators to dig into the histories of nearly 50 private schools across the state with alleged ties to radical Islamic organizations and the Chinese government — a number that far exceeds what has been reported.
The extent of the state’s probe and Westrop’s involvement are detailed as part of a new trove of legal filings in a lawsuit four Islamic private school campuses filed against the state comptroller in March after the agency initially kept them out of the program. It draws heavily on an eight-hour deposition of Murl Miller, the comptroller’s chief counsel for general litigation, taken in May as part of the lawsuit.
While the comptroller has since accepted all of the investigated schools into the voucher program, the schools that pursued the legal action are still asking the judge to certify a class-action lawsuit to ensure the comptroller can’t discriminate against certain private schools in the future.
“Religious liberty is not a temporary pass issued after a lawsuit,” said Eric Hudson, an attorney representing the Islamic schools. “We’re pressing on so equal treatment is the rule — not an exception granted under pressure.”
The comptroller’s office has objected to certifying the lawsuit as a class action, saying it shouldn’t be allowed to continue since the four Islamic campuses were ultimately allowed into the voucher program. The state’s lawyers also maintain that a class-action claim is outside the jurisdiction of the current court and case.
“Plaintiffs received not only the initial approval they sought, but also the continuing ability to participate in the Program on the same footing as all other approved providers and families,” the state’s June 26 filing said.
The debate over whether to allow the schools into the voucher program has come amid a wave of anti-Muslim rhetoric among some elected officials and prominent political candidates in Texas and across the country. At the state Republican Party convention last month, members tried to remove Muslims as delegates. Dr. Rick Scarborough, a former Southern Baptist pastor, told a Muslim attendee he wanted him to leave the event. (Scarborough later clarified to The Texas Tribune he wanted him to leave the country and admitted he had some regrets about the interaction.) In November, Texas Gov. Greg Abbott designated CAIR a foreign terrorist organization. Florida’s governor soon followed with his own accusations. CAIR is part of a lawsuit against Abbott and Paxton challenging the enforcement of the governor’s designation, saying he issued it “without due process and in violation of federal law.” The case is ongoing.
In the months since the Islamic schools’ lawsuit was filed, the comptroller’s office has maintained that its leaders did not purposefully single out certain schools. Instead, agency officials said that the Islamic schools were swept up in a wider review of some 700 private schools that were accredited by Cognia, a nonprofit that vets tens of thousands of schools worldwide. The agency has said it did not know which schools had Islamic connections but instead set aside the entire group after discovering not all had up-to-date accreditations, which are mandated to qualify for the Texas voucher program. Cognia could not be immediately reached for comment.
Miller’s deposition, however, contradicts the state’s claim.
In the deposition, Miller said the agency began receiving information as far back as last summer that identified almost 50 schools with alleged links to the Chinese Communist Party or extremist groups. He also confirmed that the third-party researchers hired by the comptroller only examined those particular campuses out of the more than 2,600 private schools now approved for the voucher program.
The filing also said the comptroller initially approved at least one of the Islamic schools represented in the lawsuit for the voucher program, Bayaan Academy, then later removed it two hours after Westrop shared some of his research in January via email.
Miller’s deposition cited a range of sources that prompted the comptroller’s investigations into the schools, including Westrop, a regional Homeland Security Task Force launched last summer to “combat emerging threats from transnational criminal organizations in Southeast Texas,” congressional hearings probing potential terrorist activities in Texas and the RAIR Foundation, an activist and investigative journalism organization combating “the threats from Islamic supremacists, radical leftists and their allies.”
Miller spoke with Westrop on the phone at one point this year. He told lawyers Westrop appeared credible.
“Did you Google Mr. Westrop?” Hudson asked during the May deposition.
“I did not Google, no,” said Miller, who added that the investigators the state hired confirmed his credentials.
“Did they make you aware of a defamation judgment against him for falsely accusing someone of being a terrorist?” Hudson asked.
“No, they did not,” Miller replied.
Westrop, who could not be reached for comment, was hired this year by the Texas Public Policy Foundation, an influential conservative think tank based in Austin. He has continued raising allegations on at least one podcast that extremist groups will take advantage of the school voucher program funding.
Westrop later published his research, which he had shared with the comptroller, on Middle East Forum, a website founded in 1994 that “promotes American interests in the Middle East and protects the West from Middle Eastern threats.”
Miller said in his deposition that the comptroller’s office is “not readily prepared to do investigations and to do deep research into foreign terrorist organizations or any other accusation.”
The comptroller, instead, handed over the list of accused schools provided by Westrop and others to two third-party counterterrorism researchers, Reuben Katz and Lara Burns, a retired FBI agent who now works with George Washington University’s Program on Extremism.
Katz and Burns, who could not immediately be reached for comment, provided the agency with dossiers on each school. Their research included cross-referencing accused school leaders against government terrorism and extremist group databases.
The comptroller ultimately allowed in all of the schools alleged to have Islamic terrorist or Chinese Communist Party ties.
The Islamic school plaintiffs have said their inclusion in the program is still not guaranteed long term and they hope a class-action suit could help change the comptroller’s processes that allowed the agency to delay their admission in the first place.
The filing pointed to a March 24 letter Hancock sent the state attorney general, in which he continued pushing claims linking the Houston Quran Academy’s principal to the Muslim Brotherhood. In the letter, he says the school had been “temporarily” approved for the voucher program but called for its removal. (The school could not be immediately reached for comment; the Houston Chronicle previously reported that Principal Hamed Ghazali said the school has no ties to CAIR and is “purely academic.”) Hancock asked Paxton, whom the comptroller had been feuding with over the attorney general’s legal strategy in the investigation, to highlight what he called the school’s “terror ties.” He urged the attorney general to strip the school, “and any other school with documented ties to terrorism,” of its corporate charter. (Hancock has since announced he will step down from his position as acting comptroller at the end of this month.)
Of Hancock’s comments, Miller said in his deposition, “There’s a lot of mistakes and misstatements in this particular letter, but again, I’m not the acting comptroller.”
“We,” Miller said, had determined the accusations of terrorist ties were not accurate. “This letter came completely out of the blue, and — and so this was a surprise to all of us.”
An attorney for the plaintiffs asked whether the comptroller has the authority to remove a school from the approved list, overriding the agency’s own internal research. Miller opposed the notion multiple times before conceding at one point.
“It’s possible, yes,” Miller said.
Misty Harris contributed research. Vianna Davila contributed reporting.
Disclosure: Texas Comptroller of Public Accounts and Texas Public Policy Foundation have been financial supporters of The Texas Tribune, a nonprofit, nonpartisan news organization that is funded in part by donations from members, foundations and corporate sponsors. Financial supporters play no role in The Texas Tribune’s journalism. Find a complete list of them here.
Texas
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