North Carolina
Republican, white voter registrations surge in NC
With five months until Election Day, North Carolina Republicans appear to have momentum, at least when it comes to how people identify themselves when they register to vote.
The North Carolina Board of Elections recently updated voter registrations for all 100 counties. The database previously had been locked from March to mid-May because the GOP had a runoff, and no new registrants were supposed to have been added.
Inside Politics has scrutinized the new numbers and how they have changed from 2020 to 2024, as well as the historical change in registration in between previous four-year election cycles.
One takeaway: It looks like the state has become more conservative since 2020.
This newsletter will not make a prediction as to whether Joe Biden or Donald Trump will win North Carolina. But, if registration trends are any indication, it appears Biden could underperform in the president’s nationwide popular vote total by as much or more than he did in 2020.
(Here is what I mean: Four years ago, Biden lost North Carolina by 1.3 percentage points, even though he won the national popular vote by 4.5 percentage points. I consider that lagging the national average by 5.8 points.)
Let’s get to the numbers. Here is the change in registration by party from June 2020 to June 2024:
- Democrats: -126,000 (2.4 million total)
- Republicans: +156,000 (2.25 million total)
- Unaffiliated: +450,000 (2.77 million total)
At first glance, this trend looks terrible for Democrats.
But it’s not uncommon for the Democrats to have lost registered voters and still come close in presidential elections and to win Council of State races.
This is, in part, because many of the people who have left the party are probably older, conservative voters who became Democrats when they were young. They have voted for Republicans for a while. Democrats have also won over enough unaffiliated voters to make up for their losses. (And there’s plenty of debate over how independent most unaffiliated voters actually are, or whether they usually vote with one party or another.)
Now let’s go back in history. I’m going to shift the time frame from August to August, because North Carolina’s primary was held later in past elections.
Here is what the change looked like from August 2016 to August 2020:
- Democrats: -123,000 (2.54 million total)
- Republicans: +91,600 (2.11 million total)
- Unaffiliated: +408,5000 (2.35 million total)
August 2012 to August 2016:
- Democrats: -97,000 (2.66 million)
- Republicans: +26,300 (2.02 million)
- Unaffiliated: +328,000 (1.95 million)
August 2008 to August 2012:
- Democrats: +76,800 (2.76 million)
- Republicans: +56,000 (1.99 million)
- Unaffiliated: +320,000 (1.62 million)
May 2004 to August 2008:
- Democrats: +277,600 (2.68 million total)
- Republicans: +190,000 (1.94 million total)
- Unaffiliated: +387,500 (1.29 million total)
Here are a few thoughts.
First, it’s not inevitable that Democrats lose registrations. During the Obama years, voters were excited to be Democrats and registrations increased. Also, losing 126,000 registrations over the last four years — after losing 121,000 in the previous four years — is not sustainable. In one of the nation’s fastest-growing states, the state Democratic Party needs voters to like it enough that they register as Democrats.
Look at it another way: In August 2012, there were 1.99 million registered Republicans and 2.76 million Democrats in the state. Now, there are 2.25 million Republicans and 2.4 million Democrats, drawing close to parity in just a bit more than a decade.
Republicans are having a good cycle, adding 156,000 new registered voters. If you have declared yourself a Republican since 2020 after four years of Trump, it’s safe to say you are committed to the GOP. Considering Trump won North Carolina by 75,000 votes in 2020, that can be a difference maker.
Unaffiliated voters continue to be the Democratic Party’s big hope. The belief is that young voters don’t want to be identified with either party, even if they are progressive. With 450,000 new unaffiliated voters, that’s a large pool for the Democrats to draw voters from and offset GOP gains.
A county-by-county look
Here is some more interesting information about registrations:
Of the state’s 100 counties, there are nine with more registered Democrats today than four years ago: Alamance, Brunswick, Cabarrus, Chatham, Henderson, Johnston, Mitchell, Union and Wake.
(Mitchell County, in the mountains, has one more registered Democrat than it did in 2020.)
Mecklenburg County — the county with the most registered Democrats — has 2,500 fewer registered Democrats than it did in 2020. That’s a .07% drop. Mecklenburg Democrats will probably surpass their 2020 registrations by the end of summer as voter drivers ramp up.
On the other side, many counties — mostly rural ones — have seen massive declines in Democratic registrations.
Twenty-nine counties have seen their Democratic registrations fall by more than 15%. Robeson County is the largest by absolute numbers, where Democratic registration has fallen by nearly 8,600 people, or 20%. Robeson used to be one of the state’s bluest counties.
On the Republican side, 93 of 100 counties have more registered Republicans than four years ago. The seven that dropped: Durham, Forsyth, Guilford, Mecklenburg, Orange, Wake and Watauga.
White and Black registrations
Now let’s look at registrations by race and ethnicity.
From June 2020 to June 2024, the number of registered voters who self-identify as Black dropped by nearly 2,700.
The number of voters who self-identify as white increased by nearly 204,000. A good chunk of those new white registrants are probably Hispanic, whose registrants increased by 79,000 over the last four years. (The registration form allows people to identify as Hispanic regardless of their race, meaning race and Hispanic ethnicity are separate, overlapping categories.)
Overall, that’s good news for Republicans, since Black voters are the most reliable Democratic group and the GOP wins a majority of the white vote.
The problem with analyzing all of this is that an increasing number of voters aren’t picking any race or ethnicity when registering to vote.
There are 38,100 multiracial voters. And nearly 920,000 voters — 12% of the voting pool — chose “undesignated” or “other.”
Democrats like to focus on the state becoming more diverse, with more voters of color.
And that’s true: In 2012, 71% of the state’s registered voters were white. That’s now fallen to 65%.
But Black voters have also seen their share shrink, as well, from 22.5% in 2012 to just under 20% today.
A proposal to limit property tax increases is set to go before state lawmakers Tuesday — an effort that could culminate with North Carolinians voting on the issue as early as this year.
The state House of Representatives’ Finance Committee is scheduled to discuss a proposed state constitutional amendment restricting how much city and county governments could raise property taxes each year.
Amendments to the state Constitution must be approved by North Carolina voters. If the idea is approved by a supermajority of legislators, North Carolinians would be asked to decide the issue through a ballot vote, likely in November.
The legislation, House Bill 1089, doesn’t outline a limit for property tax increases. It calls on state lawmakers to come up with specific restrictions at a later date — if the referendum is approved by voters.
The bill is part of a broader push by legislators in the Republican-controlled General Assembly to address affordability issues ahead of the midterm elections.
Republicans in the state Senate last week approved a bill that would temporarily block county governments from applying appraisals conducted during this calendar year to property tax bills. Reappraisals often lead to higher property tax bills. Republican Senate leader Phil Berger has referred to that proposal as a “moratorium” that could bring temporary relief to taxpayers in a number of counties scheduled to reappraise properties this year — including Guilford and Harnett. Berger has framed the idea as simply buying time for the legislature to come up with more sweeping reforms.
The proposed constitutional amendment moving forward in the House could be that more sweeping idea, although it’s unclear if the Senate will go along if the idea passes the House.
Tax reduction has been a stated goal of Republican lawmakers for decades, but the proposed reappraisal moratorium and constitutional amendment are not guaranteed to pass. Neither Berger nor House Speaker Destin Hall has committed to supporting the other chamber’s idea for addressing rising property taxes.
Democrats have expressed skepticism over both plans. Senate Minority Leader Sydney Batch, D-Wake, chided Senate Republicans last week for failing to take up an amendment to Berger’s bill that would have lowered the state’s income threshold to qualify for property tax exceptions.
Rep. Lindsey Prather, D-Buncombe, said Monday — during a press conference calling for higher taxes on millionaires — that the property tax changes being proposed by GOP lawmakers seemed aimed more at gathering political credit than solving a problem.
“We can be the quote-unquote ‘good guys’ down here in Raleigh and say we’re going to lower your property taxes,” Prather said. “But all that means is that the local governments are going to have to be the ‘bad guys’ to raise revenue in other ways.”
Closing a loophole
The House Finance committee on Tuesday is expected to consider a proposal that could help municipal governments recoup more property tax revenue. The committee is expected to discuss House Bill 1042, which would tighten rules for nonprofit organizations that receive property tax exemptions.
The state currently allows certain organizations to avoid paying property taxes if they use their property entirely for charitable purposes and are not run for profit — a law that kept nearly $750 million worth of property out of Wake County’s tax base in 2025. The proposed change seeks to winnow down the list of who qualifies, especially nonprofits that provide affordable housing for low- or moderate-income people.
North Carolina
North Carolina (NCHSAA) High School Softball 2026 State Playoff Brackets, Matchups, Schedule – May 11
The 2026 North Carolina high school softball state playoff brackets are out, and High School On SI has all eight brackets with matchups and schedules for every team.
The first round begins on May 5, and the playoffs will culminate with the NCHSAA state championships being played May 27-30 at Duke University in Durham.
2026 North Carolina High School Baseball State Tournament Schedule
May 5: First Round
May 8: Second Round
May 12: Third Round
May 15: Fourth Round
May 19-23: Regionals
May 27-30: State Championships
North Carolina (NCHSAA) High School Softball 2026 State Playoff Brackets, Matchups, Schedule – May 11
CLASS 1A BRACKET (select to view full bracket details)
Third Round – May 12
No. 1 Bear Grass Charter vs. No. 5 Vance Charter
No. 3 East Columbus vs. No. 2 Northside – Pinetown
No. 1 Robbinsville vs. No. 5 Falls Lake Academy
No. 6 Bethany Community vs. No. 2 Oxford Preperatory
Third Round – May 12
No. 1 North Duplin vs. No. 8 Camden County
No. 5 Rosewood vs. No. 4 East Carteret
No. 3 Perquimans vs. No. 11 Pamlico County
No. 10 Franklin Academy vs. No. 2 Manteo
No. 1 South Stanly vs. No. 9 East Wilkes
No. 5 South Stokes vs. No. 4 Starmount
No. 3 Swain County vs. No. 6 Murphy
No. 7 Highland Tech vs. No. 2 Roxboro Community
Third Round – May 12
No. 1 Midway vs. No. 9 Providence
No. 12 Wallace-Rose Hill vs. No. 4 Heide Trask
No. 3 Farmville Central vs. No. 11 Ayden – Grifton
No. 10 Northwood vs. No. 2 McMichael
No. 1 West Lincoln vs. No. 8 Union Academy
No. 5 Draughn vs No. 4 Pine Lake Preperatory
No. 3 West Davidson vs. No. 11 East Surry
No. 7 Walkertown vs. No. 2 West Wilkes
Third Round – May 12
No. 1 Randleman vs. No. 9 Nash Central
No. 5 Bunn vs. No. 4 East Duplin
No. 3 Southwest Onslow vs. No. 6 Roanoke Rapids
No. 7 Ledford Senior vs. No. 2 Central Davidson
No. 1 West Stokes vs. No. 8 Forbush
No. 5 Pisgah vs. No. 4 West Stanly
No. 19 North Surry vs. No. 11 Foard
No. 10 Mount Pleasant vs. No, 2 Bunker Hill
Third Round – May 12
No. 1 Southeast Alamance vs. No. 8 C.B. Aycock
No. 5 Seaforth vs. No. 4 Rockingham County
No. 3 Eastern Alamance vs. No. 6 West Carteret
No. 7 South Brunswick vs. No. 2 Southern Nash
No. 1 Enka vs. No. 9 Oak Grove
No. 5 Crest vs. No. 13 West Rowan
No. 3 North Davidson vs. No. 6 Franklin
No. 10 East Rowan vs. No. 2 North Lincoln
Third Round – May 12
No. 1 Union Pines vs. No. 9 South Johnston
No. 5 South View vs. No. 4 Gray’s Creek
No. 3 J.H. Rose vs. No. 6 Harnett Central
No. 7 Triton vs. No. 2 West Brunswick
No. 1 Kings Mountain vs. No. 8 Charlotte Catholic
No. 5 Alexander vs. No. 13 T.C. Roberson
No. 3 Piedmont vs. No. 6 Central Cabarrus
No. 10 A.C. Reynolds vs. No. 2 South Caldwell
Third Round – May 12
No. 1 D.H. Conley vs. No. 8 Wake Forest
No. 5 Purnell Sweet vs. No. 4 Cleveland
No. 3 Heritage vs. No. 6 Topsail
No. 7 South Central vs. No. 2 New Bern
No. 1 Weddington vs. No. 8 Mooresville
No. 5 A.L. Brown vs. No. 4 Hickory Ridge
No. 3 East Forsyth vs. No. 11 Porter Ridge
No. 7 Ronald Reagan vs. No. 2 South Iredell
Third Round – May 12
No. 1 Willow Spring vs. No. 4 Hoggard
No. 3 E.A. Laney vs. No. 2 Cornith Holders
No. 1 Providence vs. No. 4 Hough
No. 3 West Forsyth vs. No. 2 Apex Friendship
More Coverage from High School on SI
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North Carolina
Perspective | What North Carolina gets right about workforce: Progress beyond politics
Across the country, workforce development is often framed as a policy challenge. In North Carolina, we’ve come to understand it as something more fundamental: a shared responsibility between educators and employers that works best when it rises above politics. It is a nonpartisan priority with bipartisan support — and a clear focus on outcomes.
North Carolina’s approach to workforce and talent development offers a different model — one grounded in collaboration, consistency, data, and a relentless focus on student and employer needs.
Over the past several years, our state has aligned around an ambitious goal: ensuring that 2 million North Carolinians ages 25-44 hold a high-quality credential or postsecondary degree by 2030. myFutureNC is a nonpartisan, nonprofit organization, led by a bipartisan Board of Directors, that was created to champion this work.
This goal is not owned by a single administration or political party. It is the state’s attainment goal — codified in law with bipartisan support and signed by the governor — to ensure North Carolina remains economically competitive now and into the future. The work is guided by leaders across business, education, policymakers, and philanthropy.
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This kind of alignment doesn’t happen by accident. It requires trust, discipline, and a willingness to prioritize long-term impact over short-term wins — placing the needs of students and employers above the silos that often define education and workforce systems.
North Carolina’s leaders don’t agree on everything, and unanimity is not what makes this work. There is broad agreement on a set of essential truths: Talent is the top driver of economic development. Education fuels economic prosperity, public safety, and healthier communities. Having a robust educational system and an educated population is one of our state’s greatest assets. Economic mobility matters. And preparing people for meaningful work benefits everyone.
This alignment is delivering results. North Carolina has been named the No. 1 state for business three out of the past four years and ranks No. 1 for workforce — reinforcing what’s possible when leaders stay focused on shared priorities.
This strong foundation has enabled progress in areas that often stall in partisan debate. Through strategic policy and philanthropic investments, the state has expanded pathways into high-demand careers, strengthened connections between education and industry, and increased access to work-based learning opportunities, including apprenticeships and pre-apprenticeships.
That same foundation is shaping how policy is developed in real time. The proposed Workforce Act of 2026 reflects North Carolina’s cross-sector approach — bringing together business and education leaders, policymakers, and philanthropists to strengthen pathways into high-demand careers and expand access to work-based learning. Rather than introducing a new direction, this Act builds on what is already working, demonstrating how alignment can translate into coordinated action.
The bipartisan-led Governor’s Council on Workforce and Apprenticeships puts this approach into practice. Building on the state’s existing foundation, the council brings together leaders from industry, education, and government to strengthen coordination across the workforce system. Its value lies not in setting a new direction, but in reinforcing and accelerating a shared one.
This is what it looks like to build systems designed to last. Workforce development is not a one-year initiative or a single funding cycle — it is a long-term investment in people, communities, employers, and the educational infrastructure that supports them. North Carolina’s progress is rooted in structures that bring partners together consistently, align efforts across sectors, and create continuity beyond political cycles.
By embedding collaboration into how the work gets done — not just what gets prioritized — the state has created a model that can evolve over time while staying focused on its goals.
Work remains to be done. Gaps in attainment persist, and ensuring opportunity reaches every corner of the state will require continued focus and innovation. But North Carolina’s significant progress and continued success being No. 1 nationally in many related categories demonstrates what is possible when leaders choose partnership over partisanship.
At a time when it’s easy to focus on what divides us, North Carolina offers a reminder: Some of the most important work we do — preparing people for the future of work and ensuring employers have access to skilled talent — is our north star and unifying force.
And in our shared goal of 2 million by 2030, we are not just building a stronger workforce. We are building a stronger state — for today and for generations to come.
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