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What channel is NC State baseball vs Georgia on today? NCAA Tournament time, TV, streaming

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What channel is NC State baseball vs Georgia on today? NCAA Tournament time, TV, streaming


N.C. State baseball and Georgia will continue the NCAA Tournament’s Athens Super Regional on Sunday at Foley Field.

The Wolfpack didn’t waste any time in the opening game of the super regional series, jumping on the Bulldogs early in an 18-1 win to move within a win of the berth in the College World Series.

The Wolfpack (37-20), which is the No. 10 national seed and the seventh-seeded Bulldogs (41-16) play at noon Sunday (ESPNU). If necessary, a time for the third game will be determined at a later date. The first two games will be televised on ESPNU and can be streamed on ESPN+.

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If the Wolfpack win one more game, it will make its first College World Series appearance since 2021. The Bulldogs last advanced to the College World Series in 2008, beating N.C. State in the super regional round.

SUPER BEATDOWN: N.C. State pounds Georgia baseball behind 11-run inning in game one win

TICKETS: NC State baseball tickets in Athens Super Regional: Best options for NCAA Tournament 2024

SUPER REGIONAL PREDICTION: NCAA baseball tournament Athens Super Regional preview, prediction for NC State vs Georgia

Here’s how to watch, including time, TV schedule and streaming info for the Wolfpack’s second game in the NCAA Tournament’s Athens Super Regional.

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NC State vs Georgia channel today in Athens Super Regional: Time, TV schedule 

Date: Sunday, June 9

Time: Noon

TV channel: ESPNU

Game 2 of NC State vs. Georgia will be televised on ESPNU and will stream on ESPN+ in the Wolfpack’s first game of the Athens Super Regional. You can also stream the game on the ESPN app by using your TV provider credentials or on Fubo, which carries the ESPN family of networks and offers a free trial to select users.

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NC State vs Georgia livestream in NCAA Tournament 2024

Stream: ESPN+ | Fubo (free trial)

You can stream the game on the ESPN app by using your TV provider credentials or on Fubo, which carries the ESPN family of networks and offers a free trial to select users.

NC State schedule in Athens Super Regional 

Below is NC State baseball’s postseason schedule. For the Wolfpack’s full 2024 college baseball schedule, click here.

Athens Super Regional 

  • Saturday, June 8: NC State 18, Georgia 1
  • Sunday, June 9: NC State vs. Georgia, Noon (ESPNU)
  • Sunday, June 10 (if necessary): NC State vs. Georgia, TBD (TBD)

Staff writer Rodd Baxley can be reached at rbaxley@fayobserver.com or @RoddBaxley on X/Twitter. 

We occasionally recommend interesting products and services. If you make a purchase by clicking one of the links, we may earn an affiliate fee. USA TODAY Network newsroom

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In one affluent Atlanta suburb, Biden and Trump work to win over wary Georgia voters

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In one affluent Atlanta suburb, Biden and Trump work to win over wary Georgia voters


FAYETTEVILLE, Ga. (AP) — President Joe Biden and former President Donald Trump will meet for their first general election debate Thursday in Georgia, the battleground that yielded the closest 2020 margin of any state and became the epicenter of Trump’s efforts to overturn Biden’s election.

Now, in their rematch, Georgia will test which man can best assemble a winning coalition despite their respective weaknesses. Each must persuade grumpy voters in places like Fayette County, a suburb south of Atlanta, that they’re less frightening than the alternative.

Trump, the presumptive Republican nominee for the third consecutive time, has been convicted of felony crimes and awaits sentencing and three more criminal trials, including in Atlanta. That legal peril could exacerbate his struggles with moderate Republicans and independents, some of whom abandoned him as he helped dismantle the constitutional right to an abortion and refused to accept defeat in 2020.

Biden, the Democratic incumbent, has presided over an inflationary economy, struggled with a Middle East war that divides Democrats, and failed to resolve immigration problems along the southern U.S. border. He faces potential defections from nonwhite and younger voters.

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One of Georgia’s richest counties, Fayette has long housed retirees and Delta Air Lines workers seeking homes near Atlanta’s airport. Now it’s also a bastion of Georgia’s state-subsidizedmovie industry. At the Trillith development, a rapidly growing high-end town and movie studio, workers can be overheard discussing the latest Captain America movie being filmed there.

What to know about the 2024 Election

Like other Atlanta suburbs, the 120,000-resident county has been angling left. Democrats haven’t yet deposed Fayette’s Republican majority, but they got close in December 2022, when Democratic U.S. Sen. Raphael Warnock won 49.5% of Fayette’s votes in defeating Republican Herschel Walker.

“We do believe that the pathway to the presidency comes right through Fayette County this year,” said Joe Clark, chair of the Fayette County Democratic Party and a Fayetteville City Council member.

The Trump campaign on June 13 opened its first Georgia campaign office in Fayetteville.

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“They want to try to flip our county,” warned Brian Jack, a former Trump aide who recently clinched the GOP nomination for a Republican-leaning congressional seat.

Statewide, Republicans say Georgia still tilts toward them. Yes, Democrats won statewide four times in Georgia, starting with Biden in 2020, continuing as Jon Ossoff and Warnock swept to twin victories in a 2021 runoff that clinched Democratic control of the U.S. Senate, and culminating in Warnock’s reelection in 2022. But GOP Gov. Brian Kemp won a second term as governor in 2022 over Democrat Stacy Abrams by a comfortable margin, sweeping down-ballot offices along the way.

Lauren Groh-Wargo, Abrams’ top strategist, said Democrats were slow to engage in Georgia in 2020. Both sides have been spending heavily this year.

“This is the first time since the 1990s that Georgia has been a top-tier battleground state for the presidential on both sides of the aisle, from the beginning of both campaigns,” Groh-Wargo said.

Both sides have work to do. Many voters, Democrats and Republicans, say they’re dispirited by the Trump-Biden rematch. Some say they’re not sure that they will even vote.

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Robert Kennedy Jr.’s independent bid is another wildcard. Kennedy hasn’t been certified for the ballot, but he could make Georgia even harder to predict.

Some formerly solid Republicans have taken to splitting their tickets. Trump and Walker showed weakness in metro Atlanta even as Kemp remained strong.

Quentin Fulks, a southwest Georgia native who is Biden’s principal deputy campaign manager and steered Warnock’s 2022 campaign, estimates that Warnock won 9% of Republican voters.

“Candidate quality matters,” said Republican strategist Brian Robinson. Trump ignited “a real realignment” that drew working-class voters without college degrees toward Republicans, Robinson said, but has pushed away college-educated voters.

Some of those voters “still want to vote for Republicans or are willing to,” but only in the right circumstances. In Georgia’s Republican presidential primary in March, about 78,000 voters — most in metro Atlanta — voted for Nikki Haley over Trump even after Haley suspended her campaign. Haley’s total was more than six times Biden’s 2020 Georgia victory margin.

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Fayette ranks seventh among Georgia’s 159 counties in voters who backed Kemp but not Walker. Haley won 13.2% statewide, but nearly 19% in Fayette County.

Rhonda Quillian, shopping at a Peachtree City farmer’s market, backed Haley. She says neither Biden nor Trump feel like an option for her. She’s considering not voting at all.

Quillian said she liked Trump’s policies after she voted for him in 2016, but soured on him, especially after the Jan. 6, 2021, Capitol riot.

“If he wasn’t such an egomaniac, I would vote for him in a skinny minute because of the policies,” Quillian said. “But he’s a little scary when he starts talking and he’s trying to overthrow the election and being anti-Constitution and, you know, ‘I’m the law.’ I’m sorry, no, this is a democratic republic.”

For Biden, the challenge is replicating the coalition that delivered his razor-thin margin. Responding to warnings from Georgia Democrats that he must engage with Black voters, the president has visited routinely, and Vice President Kamala Harris has made five trips to Georgia this year.

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“We have to talk to Black voters in both urban and rural Georgia,” Fulks said. “That is where I start.”

Trump has boasted that he will make inroads among Black voters. Robinson acknowledged it’s unlikely Trump would get even a fifth of Black voters, but said he wouldn’t necessarily have to: Black voters typically account for about 30% of Georgia ballots. If some Black voters stay home, or Biden’s share drops even a little, Trump could benefit.

Deidra Ellington, a counselor who lives in Fayetteville, calls the choice between Biden and Trump “slim pickings.” Ellington, who is Black, says she no longer feels allegiance to either party.

“It’s almost to a point where you’re not even able to live paycheck to paycheck,” Ellington said. “You get the first paycheck, and then it’s borrowing in between before the next paycheck.”

In an April poll by The Associated Press and the NORC Center for Public Affairs Research, more Democrats said Biden had hurt than helped on the cost of living and immigration. The Biden campaign has been trying to salve that pain.

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“The president deeply understands what Americans are going through, and also the fact that there is more work to do,” Fulks said.

Republicans, meanwhile, aim to turn the election into a referendum on Biden’s handling of the economy.

“My pitch is, are you happy with $4 a gallon gas and $6 for a jar of mayonnaise? If you’re not, it was not like that when Trump was in office,” said Suzanne Brown, a Peachtree City Council member who has canvassed for Republicans this spring.

Democrats say they’re out-organizing Trump, aiming to turn out marginal Democrats and persuade independents and moderate Republicans to back Biden. The campaign has a dozen offices and 75 staffers statewide, including some in Fayetteville.

“I think that Trump is underestimating the power of organizing,” Fulks said.

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Not so, says Republican National Committee spokesperson Henry Scavone. He says the Trump campaign has gone from zero offices to a dozen since June 13.

Republicans, aware voters are in a sour mood, are optimistic but not cocky about places like Fayette County.

“If the election were held today, Donald Trump would almost certainly win here,” Robinson said. “But the election isn’t being held today.”

—-

Barrow reported from Atlanta.

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Abortion access has won when on the ballot. That's not an option for half the states — including Georgia

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Abortion access has won when on the ballot. That's not an option for half the states — including Georgia


Tucked inside the West Virginia Statehouse is a copy of a petition to lawmakers with a simple request: Let the voters decide whether to reinstate legal access to abortion.

The request has been ignored by the Republican lawmakers who have supermajority control in the Legislature and banned abortions in the state in 2022, shortly after the U.S. Supreme Court overturned a constitutional right to the procedure.

The petition, with more than 2,500 signatures, is essentially meaningless given the current makeup of the Legislature. But it illustrates the frustratingly limited options millions of Americans face in trying to re-establish abortion rights as the country marks the two-year anniversary since the Supreme Court’s ruling.

West Virginia is among the 25 states that do not allow citizen initiatives or constitutional amendments on a statewide ballot, an avenue of direct democracy that has allowed voters to circumvent their legislatures and preserve abortion and other reproductive rights in a number of states over the past two years.

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Republicans there have repeatedly dismissed the idea of placing an abortion-rights measure before voters, which in West Virginia is a step only lawmakers can take.

“It makes you wonder what they’re so afraid of,” said Democratic Del. Kayla Young, one of only 16 women in the West Virginia Legislature. “If they feel so strongly that this is what people believe, prove it.”

The court’s ruling to overturn Roe v. Wade was praised by abortion opponents as a decision that returned the question to the states. Former President Donald Trump, who named three of the justices who overturned Roe, has repeatedly claimed “the people” are now the ones deciding abortion access.

“The people are deciding,” he said during a recent interview with Fox News host Sean Hannity. “And in many ways, it’s a beautiful thing to watch.”

But that’s not true everywhere. In states allowing the citizen initiative and where abortion access has been on the ballot, voters have resoundingly affirmed the right to abortion.

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Voters in seven states, including conservative ones such as Kentucky, Montana and Ohio, have either protected abortion rights or defeated attempts to curtail them in statewide votes over the past two years. Reproductive rights supporters are trying to put citizen initiatives on the ballot in several states this year.

But voters don’t have a direct say in about half the states.

This is particularly true for those living in the South. Republican-controlled legislatures, many of which have been heavily gerrymandered to give the GOP disproportionate power, have enacted some of the strictest abortion bans since the Supreme Court ruling while shunning efforts to expand direct democracy.

States began adopting the initiative process during the Progressive Era more than a century ago, giving citizens a way to make or repeal laws through a direct vote of the people. Between 1898 and 1918, nearly 20 states approved the citizen initiative. Since then, just five states have done so.

“It was a different time,” said John Matsusaka, professor of business and law at the University of Southern California. “There was a political movement across the whole country when people were trying to do what they saw as good government.”

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Some lawmakers argue citizen initiatives bypass important checks and balances offered through the legislative process. In Tennessee, where Republicans have gerrymandered legislative districts to give them a supermajority in the statehouse, House Majority Leader William Lamberth likened ballot measures to polls rather than what he described as the legislature’s strict review of complicated policy-making.

“We evaluate bills every single year,” he said.

As in West Virginia, abortion-rights supporters or Democratic lawmakers have asked Republican-controlled legislatures in a handful of states to take the abortion question straight to voters, a tactic that hasn’t succeeded anywhere the GOP has a majority.

“This means you’re going to say, ‘Hey Legislature, would you like to give up some of your power? Would you like to give up your monopoly on policymaking?’” said Thad Kousser, professor of political science at the University of California, San Diego. “You need a political momentum and then have the process cooperate.”

In South Carolina, which bans nearly all abortions, a Democratic-backed resolution to put a state constitutional amendment on the ballot never got a hearing this year. Attempts to attach the proposal to other pieces of legislation were quickly shut down by Republicans.

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“If you believe you are doing the right thing for all the people of South Carolina — men and women and babies — you should have no problem putting this to the people,” said Democratic Sen. Margie Bright Matthews, alleging that Republicans fear they would lose if the issue went directly to voters.

In Georgia, Democratic Rep. Shea Roberts said she frequently fields questions from her constituents asking how they can get involved in a citizen-led ballot measure. The interest exploded after voters in Kansas rejected an anti-abortion measure from the Legislature in 2022 and was rekindled last fall after Ohio voters overwhelmingly passed an amendment codifying abortion rights in the state’s constitution.

Yet when she has brought legislation to create a citizen initiative process in Georgia, the efforts have been ignored inside the Republican-controlled Legislature.

“Voters are constantly asking us why we can’t do this, and we’re constantly explaining that it’s not possible under our current constitution,” Roberts said. “If almost half of states have this process, why shouldn’t Georgians?”

The contrast is on stark display in two presidential swing states. Michigan voters used a citizen initiative to enshrine abortion rights in their state constitution in 2022. Voters in neighboring Wisconsin don’t have that ability.

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Instead, Wisconsin Democrats, with a new liberal majority on the state Supreme Court, are working to overturn Republican-drawn legislative maps that are among the most gerrymandered in the country in the hope of eventually flipping the Legislature.

Analiese Eicher, director of communications at Planned Parenthood Advocates of Wisconsin, said a citizen-led ballot measure process would have been especially valuable for her cause.

“We should have legislators who represent their constituents,” she said. “And if they don’t, there should be another option.”

In West Virginia, Steve Williams acknowledges the petition he spearheaded didn’t change minds inside the Legislature.

But the Democratic mayor of Huntington, who is a longshot candidate for governor, said he thinks state Republicans have underestimated how strongly voters believe in restoring some kind of abortion access.

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Republican leadership has pointed to a 2018 vote in which just under 52% of voters supported a constitutional amendment saying there is no right to abortion access in the state. But Williams said the vote also had to do with state funding of abortion, which someone could oppose without wanting access completely eliminated.

The vote was close, voter participation was low and it came before the Supreme Court’s decision that eliminated a nationwide right to abortion. Williams said West Virginia women weren’t facing the reality of a near-total ban.

“Let’s face it: Life in 2024 is a heck of a lot different for women than it was in 2018,” he said.


Associated Press writer Jeffrey Collins contributed to this report from Columbia, South Carolina. Kruesi reported from Nashville, Tennessee, and Fernando from Chicago.


The Associated Press receives support from several private foundations to enhance its explanatory coverage of elections and democracy. See more about AP’s democracy initiative here. The AP is solely responsible for all content.

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Way-Too-Early College Football Week Seven Preview: Georgia Tech vs North Carolina

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Way-Too-Early College Football Week Seven Preview: Georgia Tech vs North Carolina


After starting the month of October with a home game vs Duke, Georgia Tech heads back on the road for another ACC clash with North Carolina. The Yellow Jackets and the Tar Heels are plenty familiar with each other, but there is a new twist on this year’s matchup. Former Georgia Tech head coach Geoff Collins is now the defensive coordinator for Mack Brown’s team and he is hoping to turn around what has been one of the ACC’s worst defenses over the past few seasons. North Carolina is also losing quarterback Drake Maye, who was the No. 3 pick in this year’s NFL Draft.

Even during the down years under Collins, Georgia Tech has had no problem beating North Carolina. The Yellow Jackets have won three straight vs UNC, five of the last six, and they have only lost four times to the Tar Heels since 2009. After not being able to take advantage of having a top-three pick at quarterback, North Carolina seems to have lost a little bit of momentum as a program, but they still have talent and can make noise in the ACC this year.

So how do these two teams matchup? Let’s take a really early look at how these two teams matchup.

Georgia Tech Offense vs North Carolina Defense

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Georgia Tech is going to return the majority of what was one of the ACC’s best offenses last season and they had perhaps their best game of the year when they faced North Carolina in Atlanta. The Yellow Jackets offense racked up over 600 yards of total offense, including 348 on the ground. The offense was starting to really hit its stride towards the end of the season, but this might have been the peak for them last year.

Yellow Jackets quarterback Haynes King was one of only two players in the nation with at least 2,700 passing yards, 600 rushing yards, 25 touchdown passes, and five touchdown runs this season (joining LSU’s Jayden Daniels), and one of only six ACC players to achieve those numbers in a regular season since 2000. He led the ACC in touchdown passes and was fourth in passing yards. He is back for another season on The Flats and might be the best quarterback in the conference this year. One reason to buy into the Yellow Jackets is that they might have the best quarterback on the field against many of their opponents. As good as King was though, he had a problem with turnovers and that won’t cut it against some of the teams on Georgia Tech’s schedule, including Duke.

Jamal Haynes was such a great story last season. He made the change from wide receiver to running back during fall camp and that move paid dividends. Haynes earned all-ACC honors as a running back (third team) and was an honorable mention all-purpose performer. He led Georgia Tech with 1,059 rushing yards, seven rushing touchdowns, and six yards per carry ranked second on the team. Those numbers ranked fifth in the ACC in rushing yards and he was tied for sixth in the conference with seven rushing touchdowns and his 6.0 yards per carry ranked third in the league. Haynes had a strong bowl performance against UCF rushing for a game-high 128 yards on 18 carries. He also had a good outing against the Georgia Bulldogs rushing for 81 yards. Haynes was the second highest-rated player on the Yellow Jackets per Pro Football Focus with a 76.9 score and looks primed for another big season in 2024. I think he is in for a huge season and is not getting the recognition he has earned.

This is going to be one of the deepest wide receiver rooms in the ACC and there are some newcomers who could bolster the group.

Eric Singleton Jr was the highest-rated player in the Yellow Jackets 2023 recruiting class according to 247Sports and he looked like he might be a potential superstar last season.

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Singleton Jr. ranked fourth among all freshmen nationally (true or redshirt) in 2023 with 59.5 receiving yards per game and was tied for fourth among true freshmen nationally with six touchdown receptions. His 714 receiving yards and six touchdown catches both ranked among the top 10 overall in the Atlantic Coast Conference, while his six TD receptions were the second-most by a freshman in Georgia Tech history. Could he have an even better season in 2024? I think it is certainly possible and the chemistry between him and King was noticeable last year.

Singleton is not the only dangerous receiver for the Yellow Jackets.

Malik Rutherford was the second-leading receiver on Georgia Tech. He caught 46 passes for 502 yards and three touchdowns while averaging 10. 5 yards per catch. His biggest performance came in Georgia Tech’s big win over North Carolina. Rutherford caught six passes for 83 yards and two touchdowns. He was a reliable player and can stretch the field with his speed and is also a player who can get the ball in a variety of ways. 

Christian Leary was the fourth-leading receiver for Georgia Tech this season, catching 25 passes for 309 yards and two touchdowns, while also returning kickoffs.

Chase Lane had a good start to the year, but injuries cost him some time. I think he could have a really good 2024 season if he stays healthy. Duquesne transfer Abdul Janneh had six catches for 122 yards and two touchdowns. He will once again provide depth for Georgia Tech next year. 

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Leo Blackburn is one of the most physically impressive players on the Georgia Tech roster at 6’5 220 LBS and if he is able to stay healthy this season, he could add a whole new element to the Yellow Jackets offense.

The offensive line is going to be one of the best in the ACC as well.

In just one season, head coach Brent Key and first-year offensive line coach Geep Wade turned Georgia Tech’s offensive line from its biggest weakness to perhaps the best unit on the entire team. Georgia Tech went from one of the worst rushing teams in the ACC to leading the league in rushing. It was a pretty stunning turnaround if you had watched the line in 2022 and the good news for the Yellow Jackets is that the offensive line returns four of the five starters and added an All-Conference transfer this offseason. 

North Carolina had a dreadful defense last season and they are losing linebacker Cedric Gray to the NFL as well. They still have some experienced players though, but they’ll have to prove they’re an improved unit.

On the defensive line, Desmond Evans, Kevin Hester, and Jahvaree Ritzie are all back. Evans had 33 tackles and three sacks last season, while Hester and Ritzie combined for 55 tackles. The Tar Heels also added Ole Miss transfer Joshua Harris through the transfer portal

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The strength of the Tar Heels defense might be in the linebacker group, even with the loss of Gray. Kaimon Rucker was one of the best pass rushers in the ACC, finishing the year with 8. 5 sacks. Power Echols was second on the team last season with 102 tackles and he is back to be one of the leaders on this side of the ball. Amare Campbell might be one of the favorites to be the other starter at linebacker.

In the secondary, Alijah Huzzie and Marcus Allen are the favorites to start at cornerback, with the duo combining for four interceptions last season. Antavious Lane and De’Andre Boykins could be impact players and NC State transfer Jakeen Harris could grab a starting spot as well. This defense has a lot of work to do if they want to be a better unit, but they actually might have more questions on the offensive side of the ball. Georgia Tech’s offense should hold the advantage in this matchup.

Georgia Tech’s Defense vs North Carolina’s Offense

UNC has been one of the best offensive teams in the country over the past few seasons, but for the first time under Mack Brown, they have some questions at quarterback. After having Sam Howell and Drake Maye, UNC might be turning to Texas A&M/LSU transfer Max Johnson to lead the offense. Johnson has been a steady quarterback over the past four seasons, but lost his job at various times throughout his career at Texas A&M. He has plenty of experience though and that is what Brown might lean on.

Former Tar Heels quarterback Jacoby Criswell transferred to Arkansas, but is now back to compete for the job or at least provide experience and depth. Conner Harrell is the other name to know in the quarterback room.

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The good thing for whoever starts at quarterback is that they get to hand the ball to Omarion Hampton, who ran for 1,504 yards last season and is one of the top running backs in the country. Hampton is likely going to be leaned on for much of this season and he should be up to the task. The depth is the question. USC transfer Darwin Barlowe and Caleb Hood should be the top backups.

At wide receiver, UNC is losing Tez Walker, but everyone else is back. J.J Jones led the team with 711 yards last season, former Georgia Tech receiver Nate McCollum returns after having 469 yards last season, and other names to know are Kobe Paysour and Gavin Blackwell. Tight end Bryson Nesbit had 585 yards last season.

The offensive line was the point of emphasis for UNC in the transfer portal. They brought in four transfers, former Yellow Jacket Jakiah Leftwich, Zach Greenberg, North Texas transfer Howard Sampson, and Georgia transfer Austin Blaske are all in to compete and provide depth up front. Jonathan Adorno, Willie Lampkin, and Trevyon Green are other names to know along the North Carolina offensive line.

Leo Blackburn is one of the most physically impressive players on the Georgia Tech roster at 6’5 220 LBS and if he is able to stay healthy this season, he could add a whole new element to the Yellow Jackets offense.

The offensive line is going to be one of the best in the ACC as well.

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In just one season, head coach Brent Key and first-year offensive line coach Geep Wade turned Georgia Tech’s offensive line from its biggest weakness to perhaps the best unit on the entire team. Georgia Tech went from one of the worst rushing teams in the ACC to leading the league in rushing. It was a pretty stunning turnaround if you had watched the line in 2022 and the good news for the Yellow Jackets is that the offensive line returns four of the five starters and added an All-Conference transfer this offseason. 

At linebacker, Kyle Efford is looking to lead a group that includes veteran starter Trenilyas Tatum, Georgia transfer E.J. Lightsey, Louisville transfer Jackson Hamilton, and freshman Tah’j Butler.

Georgia Tech is returning a strong duo at safety with LaMiles Brooks and Clayton Powell-Lee, while Ahmari Harvey could be ready for a breakout season in 2024. The biggest question in the secondary will be who starts at corner opposite of Harvey. Tennessee transfer Warren Burrell might be the favorite on the outside while Rhode Island transfer Syeed Gibbs and Rodney Shelley might be the guys at nickel.

Overview

I expect North Carolina to be a team that takes a step back this season. They had one of the best quarterbacks in the country for the past five seasons, but they no longer have that luxury. Hampton is a great player, but there are questions along the offensive line and there is no guarantee that the defense is going to be any better. Still, if they get better production from the quarterback than expected and the defense takes a leap, they could be a factor in the ACC race again. Those are big ifs though.

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Georgia Tech is the better team in my opinion, but getting a road win against UNC and not looking ahead to next week’s game vs Notre Dame is going to be tough. Georgia Tech has had the Tar Heels number and they enter the 2024 season as the better team in my opinion.



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