Georgia
Here in Georgia our festivals are full, but our poets are in prison – and now we feel abandoned by Europe | Archil Kikodze
‘They want us to stop seeing each other, to lose contact, to feel alone,” the Icelandic writer Sjón told me. By “they”, he meant the dark forces rising across the world: populists, fascists, fundamentalists.
That was in September 2025, at the Tbilisi international festival of literature, attended by more people than ever before. The halls were full, and I think everyone present felt grateful to the foreign guests for coming – in defiance of “them.”
I don’t think coming to Tbilisi is an act of great heroism – yet. But already I have countless examples of people no longer coming – people who hold this city and this country dear, people who understand the context, who don’t need things explained to them. Their absence gives me a completely new and unfamiliar feeling of abandonment.
Europeans who put down roots here over decades are leaving Tbilisi. Most of them came in the 1990s on humanitarian missions. My father jokingly called them “cultural refugees”. They fell in love with this place and stayed here for ever. But nothing lasts for ever, and their departure feels like an alarm bell to me.
Our young people are leaving, too. Quietly, without fuss. You think someone is still here because they remain active on social media, and then it turns out they are already trying to settle in Lisbon, Dublin or Berlin.
There are too few of us to create communities and diasporas abroad. We will simply dissolve, scatter across the world, and disappear. Or rather, the part of us that loves thinking and is incapable of flattery will disappear.
For those of us who remain here, literary festivals and similar cultural events are places where it is possible to breathe freely. You see like-minded people and tell them how glad you are to meet them somewhere other than one of the protests that have continued since the government called a halt to Georgia’s EU membership negotiations. The festival doors are open to everyone, but regime conformists have no need to meet foreign or Georgian authors. They already know everything.
There was an empty chair for poet Zviad Ratiani at the book festival. Two months earlier, he had effectively forced his own arrest by repeating the act of another political prisoner, the nonconformist journalist Mzia Amaghlobeli, who slapped a police officer.
Ratiani believed his action would change something. The last time I saw him was in court. He stood throughout the hearing, rolling cigarettes in his hands. Even his refusal to sit in the defendant’s chair was symbolic.
Ratiani is in prison now. Yet I often see him in the city streets, regularly mistaking passersby for him.
At the annual Tbilisi film festival in December, the name most often heard from the stage was that of another prisoner of the regime, actor Andro Chichinadz. Every speaker mentioned Chichinadze, transformed from a charming and talented young man into a hero and a symbol of resistance.
I watched every film, even Ukrainian director Sergei Loznitsa’s Two Prosecutors, about Stalinist repression from a new perspective. Following Russia’s example, the cult of Joseph Stalin has been brought out of mothballs here in Georgia, and to my astonishment it is alive. Stalin’s resurrection coincides with the rebirth of the most absurd ideas of Georgian messianism. Unknown professors and pseudoscientists have begun speaking about the uniqueness of Georgian civilisation.
The festival opened with the Italian biopic Duse. I asked the person beside me why such a boring work was chosen as the opening film, and he whispered back that outside, in the cinema foyer, there was a buffet and several bottles of wine gifted to the festival by the Italian embassy.
Everything became clear.
The Tbilisi international film festival was always poor, but this one was simply destitute.
Despite its poverty, the festival always had interesting guests who were happy to come here. And we eagerly awaited meeting them, attending their masterclasses and public lectures.
This time there was one foreign guest, the actor who played Benito Mussolini in the film. I missed the 10-minute scene featuring Mussolini because I fell asleep, but woke up after the screening to see the Il Duce actor on stage – with his thick neck and square jaw – saying that Tbilisi was a beautiful city. Why Mussolini, of all people? Perhaps the actor was simply in Tbilisi as a tourist, and his visit coincided with the festival.
The most emotional audience at the film festival was the one at the screening of Richard Linklater’s Nouvelle Vague. Nobody wanted to go home afterwards; strangers hugged, smoked together. This joy and excitement felt very real.
“We are part of this, we always were, and they want to separate us from it,” a woman from my generation, whom I know from the protest rallies, told me.
By “this”, she meant Europe.
The film touched me deeply, too, taking me back to the day my young parents came home after seeing Jean-Luc Godard’s masterpiece Breathless.
In my Soviet childhood, everything reached us late, and I vividly remember my parents watching Breathless 20 years after its release and being overwhelmed by it.
In Linklater’s nostalgic film, the young Godard and his friends are shooting Breathless. It is a tribute to the past, made with great tact and love – to people who in the distant 1960s created a masterpiece and laid the foundation for something new and real, perhaps for that very Europe we admire so much, the Europe we aspire to, the Europe each of us imagines differently; a Europe that has already become a myth, and now even the road toward that myth is being closed to us. We are forbidden from approaching it, and we grow angry, sometimes cry, sometimes fall into complete helplessness.
Among like-minded people, you believe everything will be fine, that the efforts of so many good people cannot possibly end in defeat. Yet, still, the tragic feeling of abandonment does not leave me. It feels as though we have returned to those old days when European films reached us, but their creators never did.
Above the hall full of nonconformists hovered the spectre of isolation. The film festival ended, but the street protests continued, and so does our life in a country where laws designed to oppress and constrict us are being adopted at accelerated speed.
We have neither money nor brute force nor, thank God, weapons. They are not afraid of us, but we greatly irritate the government and those who have chosen the path of conformism – as well as others who possess the skills necessary for life in an empire but not in a free society. Such people have begun calling themselves “traditionalists”. They label the pro-European part of the population “liberals”, regardless of political views, and have learned to pronounce the word with particular hatred.
Traditionalists are driven by spite towards liberals. If liberals are noticed caring for stray dogs, traditionalists consider it their duty to treat stray dogs with cruelty.
Tbilisi is becoming a difficult and depressing city to live in.
I walk through the streets of my native city and, once again, I think I see the imprisoned poet and his carrot-coloured jacket.
Every April, I spend several weeks guiding European birdwatchers, and the work never tires me – I enjoy it. But this year, I had only one group, from the Netherlands, in May. No matter where my guests are from – the Netherlands, Belgium or Germany – at some point they will ask me why there are so many EU flags hanging in Georgian towns and villages.
I would usually answer that my country strives to join the EU, and that this is the will of the Georgian people.
Birdwatchers are pleasant people and they come prepared. They know everything about our birds in advance; they have even studied their calls. But most are surprised to hear that 80% of Georgia’s population wants EU membership.
And if the birdwatcher is a good person, that surprise is inevitably followed by discomfort. Especially after I tell them that people have stood in the streets for more than 500 days for European ideals, that many have lost their jobs because of their civic stance, that even more have been fined and beaten. Some protesters are in prison, showing rare resilience, committing acts of civic heroism, refusing pardons.
With my Dutch visitors, we travelled through different regions of Georgia, through various bird habitats, and the tour was a great success. Despite wars and countless disasters, birds continue their annual cycles: crossing borders they know nothing about, rebuilding nests, pairing up.
After five days on the road, none of my birdwatchers had asked the awkward question about EU flags. I do not have to give my prepared angry answer – that, yes, people here go to prison for the European idea. They have stopped asking this question because, in the cities and villages of Georgia, EU flags are now a rarity.
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Archil Kikodze is a Georgian fiction writer, screenwriter, professional photographer and ecoguide
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This article was translated by Maia Gabuldani-Schneider. A longer version was published by VoxEurop.eu
ATLANTA, Ga. (Atlanta News First) — As temperatures climb in metro Atlanta and the rest of Georgia, a federal judge has declined to temporarily block a key part of Georgia’s election law that restricts giving food and water to voters waiting in line near polling places.
In a Thursday order, U.S. District Judge J.P. Boulee denied a renewed request for a preliminary injunction targeting the state’s elections law’s “food, drink and gift” ban, ruling the plaintiffs had not shown the court could grant effective relief against the officials they sued.
The food and water ban is part of SB 202, a law passed by the Georgia legislature in its 2021-22 session after the tumultuous 2020 presidential election and its aftermath.
The measure banning water at polling stations drew national ridicule from entertainers such as Larry David, whose final season of Curb Your Enthusiasm featured the comedian being arrested for giving a bottle of water to a voter standing in line outside a polling place.
The plaintiffs in this most recent challenge were the Sixth District of the African Methodist Church against Georgia Gov. Brian Kemp and the Republican National Committee, and the Georgia State Conference of the NAACP against Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger.
The groups were arguing the law’s criminal penalties chill their “line relief” work, such as handing out food or water, because they fear prosecution.
But Boulee ruled those who were sued, such as the secretary of state and others, aren’t the ones who can prosecute crimes under this law. In Georgia, district attorneys decide whether to bring criminal charges. The plaintiffs did not sue any district attorneys.
Atlanta News First and Atlanta News First+ provide you with the latest news, headlines and insights as Georgia continues its role at the forefront of the nation’s political scene. Download our Atlanta News First app for the latest political news and information.
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Copyright 2026 WANF. All rights reserved.
GEORGIA (WALB) — FEMA approved more than $51 million for 13 recovery and mitigation projects across Georgia following Hurricane Helene.
The funding includes $22 million to temporarily shelter about 1,500 displaced survivors at more than 100 hotels.
Satilla Rural Electric will receive $17 million to restore power and repair utilities in Appling and Jeff Davis counties.
Nashville will receive nearly $2.9 million to remove storm debris from public areas.
Albany is set to receive more than $720,000 to repair utilities.
Several other communities will also receive federal reimbursement, including Berrien and Irwin counties and Augusta’s Family YMCA.
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Copyright 2026 WALB. All rights reserved.
Georgia
No Reset Without Releases: Georgia’s Political Prisoners and the Price of Better Relations with Washington
In recent months, Georgian officials have signaled a desire to improve ties with the Trump administration. Members of the Georgian Dream government have pointed to renewed diplomatic contacts and commercially driven initiatives—including plans for a 70-story Trump Tower Tbilisi—as signs that relations with Washington may be improving after several years of tension.
But as Georgian Dream works to repair relations with the United States, they have expanded ties with counterparts in China, including through a 2023 strategic partnership; they have pursued closer engagement with the Iranian regime, including via high-level Georgian attendance at Iranian state ceremonies, and have been implicated in Iranian sanctions evasion schemes; and they have also faced growing scrutiny over the government’s role in sanctions evasion linked to Russian authorities. At home, Georgian Dream has launched a sweeping crackdown on dissent prompted by the approval of repressive laws and a 2024 decision suspending European Union (EU) negotiations that spurned citizens’ overwhelming support for European integration and closer ties with democratic partners. Georgian Dream has also sought to reframe Euro-Atlantic integration as a source of instability and conflict rather than a guarantor of Georgia’s long-term security and prosperity. Journalists, political opponents, students, artists, and ordinary citizens have been imprisoned, and authorities have passed laws aimed at curbing free expression. The US State Department noted that parliamentary elections that had preceded the EU decision were marred by vote buying and voter intimidation. Georgia is rated Partly Free in Freedom House’s Freedom in the World; its score fell to 51 in the 2026 edition, having lost 7 points in the past two years alone.
It is in the United States’ strategic interest to prevent Georgia from drifting further toward US adversaries. Washington should want to keep Georgia anchored in the democratic, Euro-Atlantic community because Georgia’s trajectory will shape the balance of influence between democratic and authoritarian powers in a strategically important region. But that does not mean the United States should normalize relations on Georgian Dream’s terms. The Trump administration should instead treat the release of Georgia’s political prisoners as a clear first test of whether Georgian Dream is truly prepared to make deals that can improve relations with the United States.
Imprisoned for speaking out
The Trump administration has already demonstrated that sustained pressure and high-level diplomacy can secure the release of political prisoners. Notably, under Special Envoy John Coale’s efforts, hundreds of detainees have been released from Belarus’s prisons in recent months. Georgia’s political prisoners deserve similar attention.
Some of the most emblematic cases of political imprisonment illustrate the breadth of Georgian Dream’s crackdown. Journalist Mzia Amaglobeli, founder of the independent outlets Batumelebi and Netgazeti, is one of the country’s most internationally recognized detainees. The two outlets were known among other things for exposing ruling-party violations in 2024 elections, and her detention since January 2025 on disproportionate charges signals to Georgia’s journalists that reporting the facts carries serious risk.
Zviad Tsetskhladze, a young activist associated with pro-European demonstrations that erupted after EU negotiations were suspended, was arrested while protesting in December 2024; he remains in prison in Tbilisi and has emerged as a symbol of the government’s repression of student and youth activism. The crackdown has also extended beyond traditional political actors. Andro Chichinadze, a well-known Georgian actor, and Paata Burchuladze, an internationally recognized opera singer who often sang at demonstrations, have both been imprisoned for protest activities amid the widening crackdown. Opposition figures including Giorgi Vashadze, Zurab Japaridze, Nika Melia, and Elene Khoshtaria—an opposition politician and mother of four—have also faced detention or prosecution.
These cases reflect a broader pattern in which state institutions, including the judiciary and prosecutorial system, are increasingly being used to raise the cost of dissent and weaken Georgia’s democratic opposition. Independent monitoring organizations have documented systemic judicial bias, excessive use of pretrial detention, and politically motivated prosecutions tied to peaceful protest activity. Within a few years, politically motivated detention has skyrocketed. Compared to just a few isolated cases before 2024 there are now 113 individuals deprived of liberty in cases widely regarded as politically motivated, according to Georgian human rights defenders; 58 are currently serving their sentences, and an additional 55 are in pretrial detention.
A path toward freedom
The Trump administration’s National Security Strategy provides a clear basis for making political prisoner releases central to any reset. It affirms that Americans’ “rights of free speech, freedom of religion and of conscience, and the right to choose and steer our common government are core rights that must never be infringed,” and adds that the United States will press countries that “share, or say they share,” those principles to uphold them “in letter and spirit.” The Georgian government claims to share those principles, but its treatment of political prisoners is the clearest test of whether that claim has meaning.
The United States should not normalize repression in Georgia simply because Georgian Dream has decided to seek warmer relations with Washington through diplomatic outreach and business deals. If the ruling party wants closer ties with the United States, Washington should demand concrete steps to reverse democratic backsliding—including restoring political pluralism, protecting civil society and independent media, and ensuring free and fair elections—in return for deeper engagement. These reforms are essential to keeping Georgia anchored in the Euro-Atlantic community and preventing further drift toward authoritarian powers whose interests run counter to free societies. The release of political prisoners should be treated as the minimum benchmark—not the final one.
So long as Georgian Dream continues to crack down on its own citizens, weaken democratic institutions, and deepen ties with US adversaries, the United States and its democratic partners should continue imposing costs on those responsible. That includes sustained sanctions, visa bans, and targeted measures against Georgian Dream officials, judges, prosecutors, and enablers implicated in democratic backsliding and politically motivated repression.
The Georgian public remains overwhelmingly supportive of democracy and Euro-Atlantic integration. US policy should reflect solidarity with those aspirations—not acceptance of the government’s accelerating authoritarian trajectory.
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