Connect with us

Arkansas

ROBERT STEINBUCH: DEI deja vu | Northwest Arkansas Democrat-Gazette

Published

on

ROBERT STEINBUCH: DEI deja vu | Northwest Arkansas Democrat-Gazette


Central Arkansas Library System formalized a four-month timeline two weeks ago to find its next executive director. During that meeting, Miguel Lopez, a banker and former chairman of the Arkansas Ethics Commission who is among the community members serving on the hiring committee, stepped up with the sad but predictable racialized script.

He’d like an emphasis on programming, he said. So far, so good. But then came the kicker: He wants a director who “either has a diverse background or diverse perspectives, and that can make anyone feel included.”

You know this autotuned siren song by now. DEI isn’t dead; it’s just rebranded, as if the United States Supreme Court, the Arkansas Legislature and governor, and basic common sense hadn’t already weighed in against it.

Note Lopez’s ask: diverse background or diverse perspectives. Of course, the former is the pigment and plumbing mandate that I’ve discussed here many times.

Advertisement

What exactly is “diverse perspectives,” though? Is it someone who believes (i.e., knows) that affirmative action is unconstitutional? Someone who understands that biological sex is real? Someone who voted for Donald Trump?

Somehow, those perspectives never seem to count. That’s because the phrase isn’t a commitment to viewpoint diversity at all. It’s a coded assurance that the successful candidate will embrace the “right” (i.e., left) views–an unwavering adherence to the narrow ideological catechism of race-conscious policy preferences, biological-sex denial, and the full DEI lexicon of systemic grievance–even if the candidate, mon Dieu, doesn’t check the preferred demographic boxes himself. And the moment a candidate expresses support for merit-based hiring, he is no longer “diverse.” He is disqualified. Diversity, it turns out, is remarkably homogenous.

But at least Lopez comes to his outlook organically, having once served as the “Hispanic resource officer” at First Community Bank. Who came up with that title–Archie Bunker?

Lopez says he wants to make everyone feel included. Here’s a radical idea that actually works: include them by hiring the best person for the job without regard to race, sex, or other identity checkboxes. And treat patrons as individuals who come to the library for books, knowledge, programming, and quiet refuge–not as avatars of demographic grievance.

That’s not only good policy, it’s the law. Arkansas prohibits any governmental entity from “discriminat[ing] against, or grant[ing] preferential treatment to, an individual or group on the basis of race, sex, color, ethnicity, or national origin . . . .”

Advertisement

Sadly, the left has spent decades using schools, media, politics, and captured institutions to indoctrinate the public into believing that “diversity” means something nobler than old-fashioned affirmative discrimination. It doesn’t. It functions as a linguistic loyalty oath. To be considered a candidate of a “diverse background” or possessing “inclusive values,” an individual must subscribe wholesale to a specific framework of systemic grievance and identity politics–where dissent is not viewed as a valid counterpoint, but an existential threat to the collective.

Forgive my return to this topic in this column after having had a brief respite, but Lopez’s comments demonstrate that euphemized discrimination resists eradication like a fungus, and efforts to conceal its nature are one of the great hypocrisies of modern times. Take, for example, those academics who insist that their replacement of the pre-Bakke admissions quotas with “holistic review” was anything beyond a transparent shell game.

Holistic review’s score sheet includes such, uh, measurable qualifications as “grit,” which rides along with “lived experience” as wonderfully pliable tools allowing admissions officers to engineer the same racial outcomes as quotas while pretending to evaluate character. The subjectivity isn’t a bug. It’s the feature that makes demographic tailoring possible. No surprise, then, that the outcomes of this alleged comprehensive evaluation method remarkably track the old quota system.

Consider, similarly, the inverted logic of those bemoaning the “implicit bias” of standardized exams painstakingly designed to be neutral. DEI ideologues deride that objectivity, because they won’t abide testing that doesn’t necessarily produce equal results across cohorts. So their solution is always the same: discard the test, massage the scores to create the à priori demanded outcomes, or declare objectivity itself suspect.

Even worse is the central paradox of the modern diversity apparatus: DEI directives champion a kaleidoscope of appearance, but the orthodoxy of thought is non-negotiable. DEI turns neutral public institutions into Red Guard re-education camps (forgive my mixing of communist thuggery for illustrative purposes).

Advertisement

The library should be about literacy, access to ideas, and community enrichment–not an outpost for the latest equity workshop. Patrons don’t check the director’s demographic scorecard before checking out a book. They care whether the shelves are stocked, the programs are substantive, the budget is managed responsibly, and the doors open on time.

Merit doesn’t have a skin color or gender quota. The country has moved past this failed experiment. Corporations have abandoned it. Courts have struck it down. And states are legislating against it, as Arkansas already has. If public institutions like CALS don’t lead by example, they should at least stop lagging behind.

This is your right to know.


Robert Steinbuch, the Arkansas Bar Foundation Professor at the Bowen Law School, is a Fulbright Scholar and author of the treatise “The Arkansas Freedom of Information Act.” His views do not necessarily reflect those of his employer.

Advertisement



Source link

Arkansas

The Summit Church celebrates Family Fun Night in Little Rock with baptisms, barbecue | Arkansas Democrat Gazette

Published

on

The Summit Church celebrates Family Fun Night in Little Rock with baptisms, barbecue | Arkansas Democrat Gazette


Copyright © 2026, Arkansas Democrat-Gazette, Inc.

All rights reserved.

This document may not be reprinted without the express written permission of Arkansas Democrat-Gazette, Inc.

Material from the Associated Press is Copyright © 2026, Associated Press and may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed. Associated Press text, photo, graphic, audio and/or video material shall not be published, broadcast, rewritten for broadcast or publication or redistributed directly or indirectly in any medium. Neither these AP materials nor any portion thereof may be stored in a computer except for personal and noncommercial use. The AP will not be held liable for any delays, inaccuracies, errors or omissions therefrom or in the transmission or delivery of all or any part thereof or for any damages arising from any of the foregoing. All rights reserved.

Advertisement



Source link

Continue Reading

Arkansas

‘This is very real redlining’: outrage in Little Rock as two datacenters loom

Published

on

‘This is very real redlining’: outrage in Little Rock as two datacenters loom


There seems to be a fight over datacenters in nearly every city in the US right now. And amid the extreme polarization of today’s politics, the opposition tends to be bipartisan.

“I would say it’s kind of the far left and the far right ran into each other and had a hug,” said Frank Scott Jr, mayor of Little Rock, Arkansas. “But they come at it from different perspectives.”

Two hyperscale datacenter proposals emerged in January in and near Little Rock. Google plans to develop a 1.43m-sq-ft, $1bn datacenter at the Port of Little Rock, on a 384-acre site. The other, by Avaio, is a $6bn project 10 miles south, in a rural patch of marshy forest in unincorporated Pulaski county.

In most places, if enough people show up to city council meetings or county commission hearings, public pressure can kill a project. But Arkansas is uniquely restrained.

Advertisement

Three years ago, lawmakers in Arkansas’ Republican-dominated legislature passed legislation that blocked local ordinances from banning datacenters.

The language in the law is almost an accident, according to state representative David Whitaker, a Democrat from Washington county, Arkansas. “It had nothing to do with datacenters, per se,” he said. “It came in with a big concern of crypto mining in some of our rural areas… They’d buy shipping containers and drop them off in the middle of the night out in a soybean field.”

The term “datacenters” was tacked on in the definitions during the sausage-making process of legislation, somehow. “Nobody was talking about these datacenters in 2023,” said Whitaker.

But Scott, who said he was at the Arkansas state capitol while the bill was being argued, suggested its inclusion “seems very intentional to those involved” now. While state law prohibits communities from outright bans on datacenters, city or county governments have broad authority to regulate them.

‘They’re going to use up all the water’

The mayor of Little Rock – up for re-election this year – has tried to push back against the proposed projects.

Advertisement

“I think it has a lot to do with water and electricity rates,” Scott said. “Water is, as we know, a security issue. It’s a way of life issue. Then the electricity rates with gas …

“People are very concerned about the dollars, and that this gives not only that, they feel like the datacenters will not pay their fair share. They’re going to use up all the water. They’re going to increase all the electricity, and it’s going to hit their back pocket like gas is right now.”

Arkansas’s nickname is the Natural state, he noted. “So very many people are concerned about our natural resources.”

A map showing two proposed datacenters in Arkansas

Advertisement

The datacenter business found in Little Rock the same attributes that crypto miners found to be attractive in Arkansas: cheap land with cheap power. Arkansas industrial electricity customers pay between 5 and 7 cents per kWh, well below the national average of 8.71 cents per kWh, according to the latest figures from the US Energy Information Administration.

Such is the story across the south and midwest. An analysis of planned datacenter projects by Pew Research found three-quarters of all planned datacenters will be built in these two regions, with the south alone accounting for nearly half of them.

Little Rock, Arkansas’s capital city, is second only to Nashville in GDP growth, according to Scott, who has pitched it as a refuge from the crushing cost-of-living increases that are driving people from the coasts. Little Rock is a healthcare and logistics hub with strong job growth. Parts of the city are gentrifying, including the neighborhood around its renowned Central high school.

The Avaio datacenter project

There are back yards that might want a new datacenter in Arkansas. Those back yards are not in Little Rock, Scott said.

“You have West Memphis, which is a smaller city; they love it,” Scott said, referring to a project of Elon Musk’s xAI in Arkansas, just across the border from Tennessee. “Google’s giving $25m for workforce development and impact funds, and so it gives a great example. But I’ve also seen in the news where there are other small cities, the size of West Memphis, who don’t want it and are just as mad as folks here in Little Rock.”

Advertisement
Frank Scott Jr, mayor of Little Rock, Arkansas, in 2013. Photograph: Danny Johnston/AP

Google was approached for comment.

People in Wrightsville, 10 miles south of Little Rock where the Avaio datacenter project is slated, are hopping mad, too. Unlike the city, the county has reacted less vigorously.

The rural street connecting Wrightsville to I-530 and Little Rock is getting repaved, right around the spot where Avaio’s building will emerge. The ageing tract houses along the street are in varying states of repair, with trucks parked in front with mud on the bumpers from actual labor.

Avaio, which did not return a request for comment, projects that its 30-acre initial buildout would use 150MW of power – about the power consumption of 100,000 homes. The second phase would require up to a gigawatt of power, and consume about 4m gallons of water daily.

The neighbors are preparing as best they can for what’s coming. Activists have been passing out handbills calling on the neighborhood to attend the quorum court, the Arkansas equivalent of a county commission, to register objections. A recent hearing packed the chamber. But few people in the area – mostly Black or immigrants, mostly working class, often elderly – have the energy, or will, for sustained protest, the site’s neighbors say.

Advertisement

“Our government, who we choose to have represent us, can’t say no, regardless, even though we would want them to say no,” said Gale Jefferson, who lives near the proposed site. Her husband grew up in Wrightsville. They live on property that has been in their family for generations.

“A lot of this land is heir property. Their parents have died,” said Jefferson. “They don’t want to come back, but they don’t want to let go of the property. So there’s not a lot of people, per se.”

The community needs jobs, she said, gesturing toward the yellow sign on the boarded-up Dollar General at the end of the street, which wears a burial shroud of black latex. Jefferson fears the datacenter will probably employ no one from Wrightsville at all.

‘This is very real redlining’

Avaio projected that its datacenter would produce 70 permanent jobs on the first phase of its buildout, said Wendell Griffen, a retired Arkansas circuit judge and court of appeals justice in Pulaski county, who won the Democratic primary in March to replace the county’s chief executive, Barry Hyde.

The site relies on a volunteer fire department that lacks specialized equipment, personnel, or commercially available fire-suppression foam needed to handle potential large-scale lithium-ion battery or electrical fires, Griffen said.

Advertisement

“This is very real redlining,” Griffen said. “It is appropriating rural, Black-owned land and converting it for industrial purposes, and it’s being done by people who have no historical or cultural tie to the land. These are not people who are local, developing their land for industrial use.

“These are people who are literally coming in, grabbing the land, industrializing it, but not to produce anything or give jobs in large measures to the people who are local inhabitants.”

Activists have been outraged by the revelation that the Pulaski county justice of the peace, Dianne Curry, had taken cues from an executive at energy firm Entergy Arkansas when drafting an exemption for Avaio from a proposed one-year development moratorium, which would have paused datacenter development in the county while leaders formulated better local regulations.

The Pulaski county quorum court last month rejected the proposed moratorium – and Avaio’s exemption – sending local lawmakers back to the table to find a way to constrain the development without running afoul of Arkansas state law against an outright ban.

Jefferson noted that her family’s property has no sewer line. Her neighbors are sensitive to electricity price changes, she said; most people run window cooling units in the summer because the houses don’t carry central air conditioning. She said she was concerned that her modest property could lose value.

Advertisement

But it’s what they’ve got. She’s trying to talk her husband into selling, she said.

‘A blue city leader in the midst of the red state’

In contrast to the county’s management of the datacenter issue, Little Rock’s municipal government passed an ordinance in June that set rigorous limits on how loud a hyperscale datacenter could be, how much heat it could generate, and how much water it could use, as well as sewerage and setbacks. It laid out financial penalties for non-compliance, and banned hyperscale datacenters from residential neighborhoods, essentially restricting any to the Little Rock Port Authority district.

Nonetheless, some residents called on the city to enact a broad moratorium on datacenters instead, to take more time to draft ordinances.

“To be fair, there are many people who are against the ordinance, saying they don’t feel like it’s as strong as they want it to be,” Scott said. “And then you talk to those who are for datacenters, they think it’s too strong…

“When you are a blue city leader in the midst of the red state, you have to figure out how to get in the middle, and still be progressive at the same time.”

Advertisement

Scott has a good personal relationship with the Arkansas governor, Sarah Huckabee Sanders, Donald Trump’s former spokesperson, and daughter of former Arkansas governor Mike Huckabee. Sanders and Scott got to know each other when they worked as political aides over the course of their careers – he for the former Democratic governor Mike Beebe, and she for Senator John Boozman.

“We’ve always had to interact with each other over the years, which is a good thing,” Scott said.

That helps mitigate the legislative threat from the state’s lawmakers, who view the city’s progressive politics with contempt. Little Rock’s lawyers wordsmithed their way through state law to provide as few footholds for a legal challenge to their datacenter ordinance – or future legislation – as they could.

“There’s a very hostile relationship between the state legislature and Little Rock, so much so that I do not – I mean, we hire a lobbyist to represent us – but I don’t step foot in there because I don’t want to bring too much attention,” said Scott. “There are states that are trying to take things away that cities own, because they’re literally considered a blue and a progressive city.”



Source link

Advertisement
Continue Reading

Arkansas

Study boosts bringing more nuclear power to the state – Arkansas Times

Published

on

Study boosts bringing more nuclear power to the state – Arkansas Times

A 500-plus-page feasibility study on bringing more nuclear energy to Arkansas seemed to be well-received by state lawmakers on Thursday, but some of them were quick to say there would be limits on how much the state could help in expanding that industry.

The $305,000 study, delivered to the legislative Joint Committee on Energy, was undertaken to give the state a better understanding of whether additional nuclear energy was feasible for Arkansas and, if so, where those new nuclear power plants should be located.

Brian Meadors, a nuclear engineer and lawyer, represented EXCEL Services Corp., the company that did the study. He said the state needs nuclear energy because the demand for power will grow by 35% over the next five years and would double in the not-too-distant future. At the same time demand is rapidly rising, coal plants are coming offline in Arkansas, namely White Bluff in Jefferson County, by the end of 2028, and one in Independence County two years later.

The power demands, he said, will make nuclear power a necessity.

“And as we all know, progress and economic vitality follow energy,” he said, adding that he had talked to officials in several counties around the state “and they are ready and willing for new nuclear.”

Advertisement

Meadors lives in Memphis but grew up in Fort Smith. He and two other men, both with Arkansas connections, started a company in February called Blue Diamond Atomics, to help get new power plants up and running. 

Financing for these future projects took up a good bit of the almost two-hour meeting. Joining Meadors was Paul Murphy, with Murphy Energy and Infrastructure Consulting, who was being live-streamed and took the lead on questions about money. Because building a nuclear plant is so expensive and takes so long – sometimes costing three times what was originally budgeted and twice the predicted amount of time – private investors are scarce because they don’t want to wait a decade or more to start getting a return on their investment. For that reason, Murphy said, financial assistance from state and federal governments is necessary. One of the ways the state could help, the two said, was to guarantee that bills would be paid in case there were cost overruns.

Several lawmakers jumped in there to say they would never want to put the state in that position.

“That gives me pause,” said state Sen. Jimmy Hickey Jr. (R-Texarkana). “For the state to be the cost-overrun backstop, I would hope that this body would never do that. … I hope that we’d never go down that road.”

“We could bankrupt the state,” state Rep. Zach Gramlich (R-Fort Smith) said.

Advertisement

“Our goal is not to put Arkansas in the utility business but to bring down barriers and make the playing field easier,” said Sen. Matt McKee (R-Hot Springs).

Murphy said those were valid concerns, adding that in exchange the state could lay claim to some of the assets at the site in case of a default.

“We certainly don’t want the state to be sitting there with a blank check,” Murphy said.

A question about the state providing a bridge loan for nuclear projects sounded like it could have happened on a used car lot – except for the numbers involved.

“How much we talking about? I need an idea,” said Hickey.

Advertisement

“Eight figures,” Murphy said. “So tens of millions of dollars.”

A feasibility study identified six possible sites for nuclear power plants. The two on the eastern side of the state were eliminated because of their proximity to the New Madrid Fault. Credit: EXCEL Services Corporation

Meadors went on to talk about the dependability of nuclear energy over solar and wind, with nuclear working when the sun isn’t shining or the wind blowing, and the relative safety of the industry, which puts it somewhere between solar and wind and thousands of times safer than coal plants.

Meadors said he wasn’t asking the state to invest millions of dollars into nuclear development in the way that some states have. Texas, for example, has committed $350 million toward such development, and Tennessee has put up $95 million. 

Instead, Meadors said, state spending could be more targeted, such as helping vendors get certified so they are ready to provide parts and equipment for a nuclear site. That, he said, would be in the range of hundreds of thousands of dollars rather than millions.

Meadors said it would also help if the state created the position of “atomic coordinator,” someone who would take the lead on economic development, public engagement and safety. That position was written into law many decades ago but has never been filled.

Advertisement

Meadors said that as he looked around the state for suitable sites for nuclear plants, he first considered whether the electrical grid was in place and strong enough to handle the input of hundreds of megawatts that a nuclear plant would create. He found six potential sites but dismissed the two in eastern Arkansas because they are near the New Madrid Fault, which is a strong fault line capable of producing very strong earthquakes, according to the United States Geological Survey. 

Meadors said technology exists to combat earthquakes, such as putting a plant on rollers, but extra features would increase the overall cost. One possibility for a site is adjacent to Arkansas Nuclear One in Russellville.

The positive economic impact to the state, Meadors and Murphy said, would be considerable, ranging from hundreds of permanent jobs per installation (about 1,000 people work at the plant in Russellville, for example), to an increase in taxes and the production of carbon-free energy. 

“The end result is staggering,” Murphy said, referencing the fact that nuclear plants operate for many decades.  

Meadors said after the meeting ended that he thought it had gone well.

Advertisement

“The committee’s engagement today showed Arkansas is taking nuclear power seriously, and the study gives them a clear path forward,” he said.



Source link
Continue Reading
Advertisement

Trending