Politics
What Iowa can teach us about courting Latino votes in 2024
Set among rolling hills about an hour from the Nebraska border, this picturesque farm town is filled with brick buildings exuding 19th century charm. It also happens to be the most Latino town in the state, with Latinos making up at least half the population.
But when 385 people filtered into the theater at Denison High School for the Republican caucus this week, they mostly resembled caucusgoers found elsewhere in Iowa: farmers with long beards, retirees wearing smiles and heavy coats. Almost all were non-Latino whites.
Near the front of the theater, Vicenta Lira Cardenas and her husband, Ismael Cardenas, were two of the rare exceptions. They smiled politely when they made eye contact with other caucusgoers, and, as local GOP leaders began the proceedings, Vicenta whispered the occasional translations to Ismael.
Vicenta Lira Cardenas, a custodian at Denison High School, rolls out basketballs for a game at the school gym in Denison, Iowa.
(Gina Ferazzi / Los Angeles Times)
Since 2020, when then-President Trump made double-digit gains with Latino voters across the country, Republicans have bragged that a major realignment is underway. Democrats have long relied on winning about 65% of the Latino vote. If Republicans can get that number closer to 50%, they could keep the Democrats out of the White House for a generation.
While Iowa may not be a center of Latino life like California or Texas, the dismal Latino turnout at the caucus in Denison did not bode well for the Republican Party’s efforts to expand its ranks.
Even so, conversations with people in town show the GOP has a real opportunity and that many Latinos are deeply unsatisfied with President Biden.
Workers leave after their shift at a Smithfield meatpacking plant in Denison, Iowa. Meatpacking plants employ thousands and are one of the main reasons Latinos have come to Denison.
(Gina Ferazzi / Los Angeles Times)
This was Vicenta’s first caucus since she immigrated from Michoacán, Mexico, in 1995. But she’s voted in plenty of general elections. In 2008, she enthusiastically supported Barack Obama, believing in his pledge to normalize status for millions of undocumented people in his first 100 days. She voted for him again in 2012, but by 2016 when that had not been achieved, she turned away from the Democrats.
“What Trump says is what Trump does. If he promises something, he is going to do it,” Ismael, soft-spoken, said in Spanish after the caucus had ended.
“That’s it, exactly,” said Vicenta. “Democrats talk so eloquently, but their actions are not good. The way Trump talks may not be nice. I think, at times, he has said racist things. But his actions, his policies are good. And he keeps his promises.”
A water tower marks the town of Denison, population about 8,000, in western Iowa.
(Gina Ferazzi / Los Angeles Times)
Denison is not a perfect sample of how Latinos across the county will vote in 2024 for the same reason Portland, Ore., is not a perfect sample of how white voters will vote. Local industry, culture and even ecology shape political inclinations. Expecting Venezuelan Americans in Tampa, Fla., and Salvadoran Americans in Oxnard to vote the same way is as wrongheaded as expecting white voters in Portland to cast ballots the same as white voters in a Texas oil town like Midland.
But some factors that predict how Latinos might vote are unique to Latinos, and they strongly influence life in Denison. Here are some questions to ask to begin to understand politics in a Latino community: How recently did families here immigrate? What industries employ them? Do they face intolerance in their daily lives?
In Denison, jobs at the meatpacking plants have brought immigrants, like Ismael, from across Latin America. The town’s Latino population is young, working-class, and made up mostly of immigrants.
Patricia Ritchie, originally from Mira Loma, Calif., was one the first Latinas in Denison when her family moved there in 2004,
(Gina Ferazzi / Los Angeles Times)
When Patricia Ritchie moved to Denison in 2004 after a childhood in Mira Loma, Calif., and two combat tours in the Army, she was one of the first Latinas in town.
“Are you here to work at the plant?” the front-desk person at Denison High asked when Ritchie stopped by to promote her services as a professional English-Spanish interpreter. Ritchie, who had moved with her husband to his family farm, felt profiled. “Back then, I didn’t even know what a plant was,” she said.
Since 1990, the Latino population of Iowa has grown more than sixfold, and Crawford County, of which Denison is the county seat, is at least 30% Latino, making it the most Latino county in the state.
The county is working-class and the sort of place where Democrats have struggled in recent years. Obama narrowly won Crawford, once a swing county, in 2008, but then it sprinted to the right. In 2020, Trump won almost 68% of the vote.
An image of Donald Trump in the front window of a home in Denison.
(Gina Ferazzi / Los Angeles Times)
Trump’s appeals to working-class voters and his ability to channel class resentment won him enthusiastic fans in many Latino communities. Latinos are overrepresented among manual laborers and service professionals, and in majority-Latino oil towns in south Texas and farm counties in California, Trump significantly improved his numbers between 2016 and 2020.
That didn’t happen for him in Denison. Though Denison still went for Trump in 2020, it shifted a bit to the left. In the most Latino precincts in Denison, Biden improved on Democratic 2016 results by as much as 10 percentage points.
Ritchie — who says she’s “blue through and through” — said Democrats have had success organizing in Denison’s Latino community because Latinos here still face challenges with immigration status and racism — issues that don’t dominate Latino life the way they once did in some other parts of the country.
Polling has found that, nationwide, immigration is not even a top-five issue for Latinos, ranking far behind the economy (No. 1), healthcare and education. Issues of race and ethnicity rank even lower.
But the situation is different in Denison. The Latino population has grown rapidly, and some white residents — who tend to be older — have reacted with unfriendliness or racism.
“We say that, when it comes to Latinos, Iowa is 20 years behind the rest of the country,” said Ritchie, who for years has worked with the local government to provide bilingual services, including as a victim advocate for the police. She and others have tried to organize the community and educate Latino Iowans about their rights. She said that this organizing often takes place under the Democrat banner.
But Democrats may be losing their lead.
Downtown Denison, Iowa.
(Gina Ferazzi / Los Angeles Times)
Lorena López came to Iowa in 1992 from Nicaragua on an exchange program for Nicaraguan journalists — she and other news broadcasters were hoping to learn how to use teleprompters.
López said she was one of three Latinos in town when she arrived. Now, she’s a pillar of the community: the editor of La Prensa, a successful Spanish-language newspaper for western Iowa. She’s been a frequent advisor to local and state government, and she’s well known around town. When townspeople address her in Spanish, they call her “Doña Lorena.”
But she still doesn’t always feel welcome.
“I still get that look from people. When you walk into the room, and they’re just like, ‘guácala’” — gross. “They give you a look of someone who wishes you weren’t there, that you didn’t exist,” she said.
Lorena López is the editor of La Prensa, a successful Spanish-language newspaper for western Iowa.
(Gina Ferazzi / Los Angeles Times)
That brand of xenophobia, coupled with the constant fear of loved ones getting deported, has traditionally pushed Denison Latino voters toward the Democrats, she said. (Though, like Latino communities nationwide, voter turnout here is low.)
When asked how she thinks her community will vote in November, she shook her head slowly.
“I think they’re going to vote for Trump. I really do,” she said.
She gave three main reasons: First, voters like Vicenta are not rare. “Latinos have a long memory,” she said. They hold a grudge for Obama’s unrealized goals on immigration — which were complicated by Republican opposition in Congress — and the fact that his administration deported more people, at a faster rate, than any other.
Under Biden, she added, a new anger has flourished. Families with undocumented members are furious that many recent border-crossers have been offered official — though temporary — parole status, and some, who made it into the asylum system, have gotten work permits.
“They have a lot of resentment for the broken system,” López said. “When I talk with them or I see them in church, they ask me, ‘How come they’re giving out employment authorization to people who just came here? Even though we’ve been here for so many years, we work, we have houses, we don’t have criminal records, and yet we still don’t have work permits.’”
Because Democrats have alienated some of their once-strong supporters, Republicans have a real opportunity, López said. Trump’s vision of conservatism — built around culture war issues, Christian nationalism and strongman politics — maps onto Latin American conservatism extremely well.
As an example, consider Yovan Cardenas. The son of Ismael and Vicenta, he had to grow up fast in Denison. By age 8, he was serving as an interpreter for his parents, helping with bank loans, checks for school field trips and bill payments.
Denison Police Officer Yovan Cardenas is running for county sheriff.
(Gina Ferazzi / Los Angeles Times)
Like his mother, Yovan Cardenas voted for Obama twice. But slowly, as his mother shared what she had read on the news and Yovan talked about what he’d learned studying criminal justice the University of Iowa, the two came to agree that the values they had immigrated with from Michoacán fit in better within the Republican Party.
Vicenta was strongly against abortion and the legalization of gay marriage. The younger Cardenas admired Republicans’ strong rhetoric in support of law enforcement. Today, he’s a police officer in Denison.
“Republicans have the same values as Hispanics: God, family and country,” he said.
Yovan Cardenas said he believes that, armed with more complete information, other Latinos in Denison might make the same decision. But he acknowledges that Republicans in western Iowa have done little to nothing to share their message with Latino voters. There’s no door-knocking in their neighborhoods or multilingual campaign events.
According to López, that’s not an accident. In the last 20 years, she’s covered how Republicans have campaigned against the growth of the Latino population in this part of Iowa. Denison was long represented by the far-right Republican Rep. Steve King, a full-throated opponent of multiculturalism. “We can’t restore our civilization with somebody else’s babies,” he said in 2017, drawing praise from the Ku Klux Klan.
“This is my own opinion,” López said. “Republicans in Crawford County are very conservative, and they’re scared of other Republicans seeing them associating with immigrants.”
Yovan Cardenas has evidence to the contrary: A leader in the county Republican Party — who he said asked not to be named — recruited him to run for sheriff this year. If he wins, he’ll become the only Latino sheriff in Iowa.
“Me winning would be a 2-for-1 special: They would get a Spanish sheriff, and they could also get more members from the Hispanic community to become Republicans,” he said.
Cardenas understands that building those bridges will be hard. When he started supporting Trump, some other Latinos accused him of selling out the culture, of trying to be white.
Cardenas says he believes that attitude might come from an emotional place, one that has less to do with policies and platforms and more to do with hometown peer pressure. He’s heard a lot of things called “white” that have nothing to do with a political position, he said. In high school, he said, other Mexican Americans would call him “pocho,” a derogotary term, for doing things as innocuous as playing baseball, which he said other Latinos called a “white sport.”
How Latinos in Iowa vote will not decide the election in November. But Latino voters in six key swing states — Michigan, Georgia, Arizona, Pennsylvania, Wisconsin and Nevada — could help determine who takes the White House.
In Michigan, Wisconsin, Pennsylvania and Georgia, many Latino communities are similar to the one in Denison: more recent, working-class immigrants who are interested in messaging on immigration and multiculturalism.
In Nevada and Arizona, some Latino families have lived there since those lands were part of Mexico, and many constitute the ethnic majority in their neighborhoods and towns. These sorts of communities will probably prioritize issues such as the economy, inflation and border control.
Ismael Cardenas, seated next to two of his younger children, watches his daughter Gaby play basketball in Denison.
(Gina Ferazzi / Los Angeles Times)
But for now, with Monday’s caucuses just a memory, residents of Denison, Latino and non-Latino, got back to life in a small town.
On Tuesday night, back at Denison High for a basketball game, Vicenta looked on proudly as her daughter Gaby played on the varsity team. “She’s easy to spot,” Vicenta explained. “She’s the only Latina on the team.”
Vicenta, a custodian at the school, said she’s raising her kids to be ambitious, to be useful in their communities. Gaby is studying to go to college to become a doctor.
And Vicenta and her husband hope they’re setting an example by showing up to use their voices at local political events. By the end of the evening at the Denison caucus, Ismael had cast his vote for Trump, and Vicenta for Vivek Ramaswamy.
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June 1, 2026
Politics
NYC landlord pleads for help as ‘9-year-squatter’ continues to drain him dry in court saga: ‘Twilight Zone’
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EXCLUSIVE: NEW YORK CITY — A Brooklyn landlord says he has been trapped in a nearly decade-long legal nightmare that has cost him hundreds of thousands of dollars in unpaid rent and legal fees, while New York courts repeatedly delay resolution as his tenant continues living in the apartment without making direct rent payments to the landlord.
Thomas Diana, who owns a small eight-unit building in Park Slope, told Fox News Digital he has spent the last nine years trying to remove a woman who originally moved into one of his apartments as a live-in companion for an elderly, disabled tenant.
Court records show the woman moved into the apartment in 2014 after responding to a Craigslist advertisement seeking a live-in companion for the tenant, who later died in 2016.
What followed was nearly a decade of litigation spanning multiple courts and proceedings. After the elderly tenant’s death, disputes arose over the woman’s tenancy status, rent obligations and whether the apartment remained subject to New York rent-stabilization laws as Diana sought unpaid rent and possession of the apartment.
SQUATTER TURNS COUPLE’S DREAM HOME PURCHASE INTO NIGHTMARE
Brooklyn landlord Tom Diana told Fox News Digital that a legal battle with a “9-year squatter” has drained his finances and negatively affected his personal life. (Fox News Digital/Andrew Mark Miller)
“This has gone on for nine years. Nothing about this is justice,” Diana told Fox News Digital. “Every time the case gets close to resolution, there’s another delay, another lawyer change, another new story.”
Diana says the tenant has changed lawyers at least eight times in the ongoing legal saga, which Diana refers to as a “9-year squatter situation,” although the case technically centers around a dispute over rent stabilization laws with the two sides disputing nearly every aspect of the case.
“It drained my daughter’s college fund,” Diana told Fox News Digital inside his home while wearing a now-outdated T-shirt that says, “Stuck with 8-year-squatter.”
“Now we’re borrowing money to pay for college while this just keeps dragging on. It gets pretty stressful. People think eviction cases are like TV where it takes two weeks. In New York it can take years, and this one has turned into almost a decade.”
IS MAMDANI’S SOCIALIST PUSH FOR RENT CONTROLS ABOUT TO WRECK THE NEW YORK CITY HOUSING MARKET?
Attorneys for the tenant strongly dispute Diana’s characterization of the case, and the tenant at one point sued Diana, claiming the apartment had been improperly removed from rent stabilization protections.
“Mr. Diana’s distortion of the facts in this case is a sad attempt to harass our client out of her rent-stabilized apartment, and he will not be successful,” Casey Gilfoil, an attorney with Brooklyn Legal Services, told Fox News Digital.
Gilfoil said a judge has already ruled Diana improperly removed the apartment from rent stabilization and said the remaining issue before the court is determining the legal rent and any potential damages.
Brooklyn Legal Services also says the tenant has money set aside in escrow pending the court’s final ruling.
Diana pushed back, saying the court did not find that he committed fraud and that he followed the guidance he says he received from New York State Division of Housing and Community Renewal when the apartment was deregulated years before the tenant sued. “The judge ruled there was no fraud,” Diana told Fox News Digital. “She said I incorrectly destabilized the apartment. I did it as they told me to.”
Diana also disputed Brooklyn Legal Services’ claim that the tenant has years of rent saved in escrow, saying the numbers do not add up and that, based on court communications regarding her employment history, it is unlikely she has accumulated “anywhere near” $300,000.
Diana says the occupant’s lawsuit relied on what he describes as a series of shifting and contradictory claims, including allegations that the original elderly tenant was not disabled, that the occupant had been on the lease and that the apartment was illegally deregulated.
During depositions, Diana said his attorney challenged those claims with emails, photographs, rent records and testimony. He contends the allegations did not withstand scrutiny during questioning.
“She got destroyed on all 18 claims,” Diana said. “And once those fell apart, they just made up new ones.”
WASHINGTON POST BLASTS RENT CONTROL AS ‘FAILED POLICY’ THAT LEAVES RENTERS ‘WORSE OFF’ THAN BEFORE
Court stipulations required the occupant to make monthly use-and-occupancy payments, similar to interim rent payments, of roughly $835 per month at one point, but Diana says those payments stopped years ago. He estimates total unpaid rent now ranges between $275,000 and $325,000.
In her deposition, the occupant testified she has not worked full time in years and has limited income, a factor Diana says the courts have effectively allowed to justify continued nonpayment.
Diana, who started a GoFundMe page to help with his financial struggles, says the prolonged case has left him struggling to maintain his building and cover basic expenses, including tuition for his children.
“One apartment out of eight not paying rent wipes out any profit,” Diana said. “Judges talk in terms of months. They don’t talk about what $300,000 actually does to a family.”
He also pointed to an overall problem with the system and described repeated housing court inspections that he says resulted in excessive and duplicative violations, which further delayed proceedings and increased costs.
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“They’ll cite you for a paint drip from 20 years ago and call you a slumlord,” Diana said. “Meanwhile, the tenant hasn’t paid rent in nearly a decade.”
Diana says his case highlights what he views as a systemic imbalance in New York’s housing courts that allows bad-faith actors to exploit tenant protections indefinitely.
“They tell you to sell your building. They tell you to accept a buyout, to pay the person who owes you hundreds of thousands of dollars,” he said. “That’s not justice. That’s legalized theft.”
In April, the case was adjourned again until this summer, essentially guaranteeing that the saga will extend into its 10th year.
“This court case has become a Twilight Zone Marathon,” Diana said.
Politics
California will play a big role in the fight for power in Congress. Tuesday’s primary sets the stage
California’s decision to redraw its congressional map to flip as many as five House seats to Democrats in November is poised to play a big and potentially decisive role in the nation’s broader, bare-knuckle fight for control of Congress.
Tuesday’s primary races — where the top two candidates will advance to November runoffs — won’t determine which Republicans are ousted in most cases, but they will provide an important first look at voter sentiment and bring the fall’s most crucial head-to-head contests into focus.
“There will be some real cues and signals about what to expect,” said Christian Grose, a redistricting scholar and political science professor at USC. “We’re going to know how strong the Democrats’ chances are going to be based on who advances.”
As one example, Grose pointed to the redrawn 22nd Congressional District in the Central Valley, where incumbent Rep. David Valadao (R-Hanford) is facing challenges from moderate Assemblymember Jasmeet Kaur Bains (D-Delano) and progressive college professor Randy Villegas.
Grose said Bains is probably a stronger challenger than Villegas in a district that’s still a reach for Democrats — even if “either one could probably beat Valadao if 2026 is a big Democratic wave.”
Grose will also be closely watching the race between incumbent Reps. Young Kim (R-Anaheim Hills) and Ken Calvert (R-Corona) in the redrawn Congressional District 40, which covers a swath of inland Orange County and portions of San Bernardino and Riverside counties, including parts of Kim’s and Calvert’s current districts.
The district race wasn’t designed to deliver Democrats a seat, but will produce “one of the first casualties for Republicans from the new map” — months before other expected ousters — if Kim and Calvert don’t both advance.
The national picture
The redistricting war was prompted by President Trump’s unprecedented pressuring of Republican-controlled states to redraw their maps mid-decade for partisan advantage in order to retain control of Congress, given his sinking approval ratings and a history of midterm voters punishing the president’s party.
After Texas Republicans heeded Trump’s call to redraw five districts in their party’s favor, California Democrats responded with Proposition 50, a ballot measure passed by voters in November to sideline the state’s independent redistricting committee and allow Democrats to redraw five congressional districts in their favor.
The war ratcheted up — with more Republican states suddenly considering map changes — after a U.S. Supreme Court decision in April that weakened the 1965 Voting Rights Act and its long-standing protections for majority-Black districts in the South.
Republicans have now acted to redraw congressional maps in Alabama, Florida, Louisiana, Missouri, North Carolina, Ohio and Tennessee, with varying degrees of success, while a battle in Utah could add a single additional Democratic seat there. Attempts in other states have failed, including by the GOP in South Carolina and Democrats in Virginia.
Experts say the net result from the flurry of redistricting will probably be a gain of a handful or more seats for Republicans — but in a year when Democrats are expected to make gains more broadly, leaving control of the House up for grabs. California’s new map is “a huge deal” precisely because that math is so close, said David Wasserman, senior editor and elections analyst for the independent, nonpartisan Cook Political Report.
“Democrats are modest favorites for House control based on the political environment, but also because of California,” Wasserman said in an interview with The Times. “Picking up these four or five seats is a prerequisite to Democrats getting the majority.”
California seats in play
California has 52 seats in the U.S. House of Representatives, by far the most of any state. With their new map, California Democrats are hoping to increase their 43 House seats to 48. That would leave just four seats represented by members of the GOP despite Republicans accounting for a quarter of the state electorate.
But that outcome isn’t guaranteed.
Paul Mitchell, a Democratic redistricting expert who devised California’s new map, said the reconfigured congressional districts had to create a pathway for new Democrats to win additional seats without undermining incumbent Democrats’ reelection. And the result is a map with three pretty safe pickups for Democrats, and two districts that are “100% on the table, ready for Democrats to win,” but will nonetheless “require shoe-leather and grit.”
The redrawn congressional district boundaries enacted by Proposition 50 promise to shake up at least three seats, experts said.
Congressional District 1: Held by the late Rep. Doug LaMalfa (R-Richvale) for 13 years until his death in January, the district is currently rural and conservative, stretching from the Sacramento outskirts through Redding to the Oregon border and California’s northeastern corner. Under the state’s new congressional district map, it loses some of its rural reaches and picks up liberal coastal communities, and favors a Democrat such as state Sen. Mike McGuire, who is one of the leading candidates.
Congressional District 3: The seat is currently held by Rep. Kevin Kiley (I-Rocklin) and stretches from the Sacramento suburbs through Lake Tahoe and south along the Nevada border. Under the new map, it holds more tightly to the Sacramento suburbs, favoring a Democrat.
The changes were enough to convince an incumbent Democrat, Rep. Ami Bera (D-Elk Grove), to leave his current district — Congressional District 6, which includes the city of Sacramento and the suburbs of Roseville and Rocklin in Placer County — and run in District 3 instead.
Meanwhile, Kiley did the reverse. He quit the Republican Party, became an independent and announced he would be leaving District 3 and running instead in District 6 — the one Bera is leaving — against a slate of new Democratic challengers.
Congressional District 41. The seat is now held by Calvert, a 17-term incumbent, and currently stretches from Corona to the Coachella Valley. The new map made the district more liberal, losing voters in Riverside County and gaining them in Los Angeles County, and Calvert decided to run instead in Kim’s redrawn but still Republican-leaning Congressional District 40 that is just to the west.
The two toughest flips for Democrats, experts said, are Congressional District 22, Valadao’s heavily Latino district in the Central Valley, followed by Congressional District 48 in San Diego and Riverside counties, where Rep. Darrell Issa (R-Bonsall) decided to retire rather than run for reelection.
Valadao is viewed as especially vulnerable because of his recent support for Medicaid cuts, but he has proved resilient in the past. Meanwhile, his two leading Democratic challengers, Bains and Villegas, are in a bitter fight, with Bains receiving Democratic establishment support and Villegas winning endorsements from prominent progressives.
In Issa’s district, moderate Republican San Diego County Supervisor Jim Desmond is running against several infighting Democrats, including San Diego Councilwoman Marni von Wilpert and former Obama labor official Ammar Campa-Najjar.
Not new, or over
Jeff Wice, a New York Law School professor who was involved in California redistricting efforts in 2010, said the state “has long played hardball politics on redistricting,” including when then-Rep. Phil Burton, a powerful San Francisco Democrat, bragged more than 40 years ago that the complex congressional boundaries he’d crafted for Democrats were his “contribution to modern art.”
But in five decades studying redistricting, Wice said he has never seen such “politically driven, partisan politics” as are occurring now across the nation, which he said have “no root in law, reason or fairness” — and are only likely to continue.
“This state-by-state war is far from over, and may continue all the way through 2030,” he said. “A lot of it depends on the outcome of this November’s election.”
Wasserman said the country has “entered an era of no-holds-barred redistricting,” and he also sees redistricting efforts continuing — including in California, where they would present a distinct threat to the state’s few remaining Republicans.
Michael Li, senior counsel in the Democracy Program at the Brennan Center for Justice at NYU Law, said California is a “big part of the story” this election cycle, thanks to Proposition 50. “Democrats in California proved to be very determined and resourceful and managed to get that done, and right now California is the big offset to Republican gerrymandering around the country,” he said.
But what will come of it all — in California and across the country — is still to be determined.
“When you’re gerrymandering, you’re making a bet that you know what the politics of the future will look like, and it’s hard to predict,” he said. “It’s a high-risk, high-reward venture.”
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