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They Help Make the Hamptons the Hamptons, and Now They’re Living in Fear

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They Help Make the Hamptons the Hamptons, and Now They’re Living in Fear

The party dresses must be double-pressed, the hedges shaved into sharp rectangles. The hand soap and lotion dispensers must be formed into neat lines along bathroom sinks. Caterers need to slip out of view as soon as the oysters and cocktails are served.

Wealthy residents of the Hamptons demand perfection. Now, many of the people who make it so — Latino immigrants, some of them undocumented — are panicking about President Trump’s deportation orders.

The fear is on display outside a convenience store where day laborers sprint into a nearby field when a stranger approaches. It is present in the nervous apologizing of a longtime housekeeper when she interacts with the police after a minor automobile scrape. And it courses through a small encampment in the woods where a landscaper is awaiting warmer weather so he can start cutting grass again to send money home to his family in Mexico.

“Everybody is living in fear,” said Sandra Melendez, a trustee for the village of East Hampton and an immigration lawyer. “They think Immigration is coming out to get them.”

In recent weeks, President Trump has begun carrying out his plan for mass deportations across the nation, with Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents forcing undocumented immigrants back to their countries of origin.

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Kristi Noem, the Homeland Security secretary, and federal officers arrived in New York City last month in a show of force that resulted in more than three dozen arrests. While it is unclear whether arrests are being executed in New York en masse, the actions have terrified people who work in factories, farms and schools.

In the Hamptons, with miles of privet hedges and luxury homes, Latino immigrants make up the bulk of the work force, logging 12-hour days flipping mattresses, scrubbing toilets and hanging drywall, and in the summer tending vineyards and assembling patio furniture under the hot sun.

Some of the workers arrived illegally, crossing the U.S. border after grueling desert or jungle treks. Some have legal working papers but are worried they could be swept up in raids or that their undocumented family members and friends could. Some believe President Trump is only going after criminals; others aren’t sure that’s true.

Latinos also are an established part of the Hamptons community. In the town of East Hampton, which encompasses many of the villages at the east end of Long Island, Latinos make up more than a quarter of the population, according to U.S. census figures. The student population in several local schools is more than half Latino.

But to most of the world, the Hamptons are best known for celebrity-studded parties and mega-mansions that dot the seashore, such as one house in Sagaponack that has been valued at $425 million and has 29 bedrooms and 39 bathrooms. It’s a community where diner patrons wear Balenciaga booties and Aston Martin sports cars cruise past strip malls. On sale at one popular grocery store: an 18-ounce tin of caviar for $1,300.

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The disappearance of some of the Hamptons’ most vulnerable residents would have an immediate effect on some of the nation’s wealthiest.

“The community on the East End of Long Island — it’s an understatement to say it’s way dependent on the Latino population,” said Lee Skolnick, a celebrated architect who lives in Sag Harbor. “They’re part of the community. They have as much of a role in our beneficial existence as anyone else.”

Last fall, billionaire hedge fund managers, financiers and various glitterati hosted fund-raisers there for both the Republican and Democratic presidential candidates, though voters across much of the Hamptons favored Kamala Harris in November. If some residents support President Trump’s broad crackdown on illegal immigrants, most couch it in terms of deporting violent criminals.

Local officials have tried to calm the worries of the people who make the Hamptons the Hamptons, both undocumented workers and wealthy residents. At public meetings they have explained that the local police don’t have the authority to deport anyone, urging anyone who needs police or medical help to feel safe seeking it out.

But officials are carefully choosing their words to indicate that they won’t stand in the way should ICE agents arrive.

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“I don’t think there’s anybody who wants criminals living in our community,” said Jerry Larsen, mayor of East Hampton village. “Everybody is on the same page for that. But the misinformation is driving the fear, and that’s what we’re aiming to clear up.”

Residents who had been working to find more affordable housing for local workers are shifting their efforts to finding legal help for immigrants who are afraid.

Some, like Prudence Carabine, believe the local government should provide that assistance. At a public meeting of East Hampton town officials earlier this month, she laid out her case.

“I think of my friends and people who have been in this town for 30, 40, 50 years who are now huddling in their houses, sometimes keeping their children out of school, afraid to shop,” said Ms. Carabine, whose family arrived in the Hamptons from Europe in the 1600s. “And I think: What a terrible place we have come to.”

The special symbiosis of the Hamptons is on display every morning and evening, when long lines of pickup trucks clog Montauk Highway, shuttling Latino workers between job sites and homes in less expensive areas. Some residents call it “the trade parade,” a phrase that some workers consider derisive.

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But Latinos in the Hamptons are more than a commuter population. They own popular businesses such as John Papas Cafe, a Greek diner offering a $21.50 Parthenon omelet. The owner, from Ecuador, started as a kitchen worker, employees said, and worked his way up.

Leo Cruz arrived in the United States from Costa Rica in 2007 on a tourist visa and has since become a U.S. citizen. He and his siblings own Cruz Brothers Construction, an East Hampton firm that works on high-end projects. Mr. Cruz opposes open borders but thinks there should be an easier pathway to citizenship for immigrants who can contribute to American society.

His firm can’t find enough workers at the moment, he said.

The area is quiet now, with snow blanketing vineyards and beaches. Lobster shacks and ice cream shops are shuttered. Rows of small trees and bushes are wrapped snugly in covers to protect them from the elements.

In Latino neighborhoods, fewer people are shopping at the Mexican, Ecuadorean and Dominican markets and eating in the diners thumping with cumbia music tucked out of sight from the luxury stores and fine dining establishments.

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Some of the wealthy are quietly beginning to make calculations about what it would mean if their undocumented workers were deported. Who would mow the lawn?

“Everyone relies on housekeepers and carpenters and tree cutters and grass cutters,” said Marit Molin, founder and executive director of Hamptons Community Outreach. “People come to the Hamptons to enjoy their houses, and who is going to take care of their houses?”

Local institutions have made efforts to connect with the Latino community. The Parrish Art Museum in Water Mill offers Latino-themed exhibitions and student programs that include Latino children. A prominent cultural organization called The Church in Sag Harbor has made efforts to reach Latinos through community events.

But many Latino residents here are largely segregated from their wealthy, mostly white neighbors. Some live on the fringes, sharing tiny rooms or riding bikes to day laborer pickup sites an hour away.

On a recent afternoon, Ms. Molin visited a small group of undocumented immigrants who had been living under a tarp in the woods behind an ice cream shop until a manager there threatened to call the police. The group moved into the trees elsewhere, nearly in the back yard of an upscale restaurant.

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One of the men living in the woods is a landscaper waiting for summer jobs; another lost his job at a deli after he took time off to treat an injury; another suffers stomach pain and cannot work. They spend their days wandering through stores, warming up and charging their phones. Ms. Molin handed them gift cards for food and offered to pay cellphone bills and even purchase plane tickets to their home countries if they wanted to go. None did.

Some Hamptons workers who are in the country legally have spent tens of thousands of dollars to file immigration paperwork but are afraid that they might be harassed or detained regardless of their status.

One woman, a housekeeper, said that while she could support her family in Ecuador, she did not have the money for a lawyer to help expedite her political asylum case. She also worries that if she shows up to court, she might be deported. She said she was so exhausted by anxiety that she felt ready to leave the country if she was ordered to do so.

Another cleaner said that she did not believe she would be deported because her boyfriend is an American citizen and her four children were born in the United States. Besides, she said, she believes Mr. Trump is detaining only criminals.

Both women asked not to be identified because of the stigma of deportation threats.

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Susan Meisel, an art collector who owns a Bridgehampton restaurant, said she too believed that federal officers would be able to weed out criminals and deport them.

“Most of the people in the Hamptons are very hardworking, kind, honest people,” she said, speaking of Latino immigrants. “They are good people. There is a difference between them and who they say they are going to deport.”

Federal officials have said they intend to prioritize undocumented immigrants who have committed crimes. But Mr. Trump has also said that he would deport millions of people who are living in the country illegally — a characterization that is complicated because many immigrants have temporary permissions that will expire during Mr. Trump’s term.

Some of the Hamptons’ wealthier residents have begun raising money for lawyers to help immigrants avoid an ICE dragnet.

“I’ve been trying to encourage people to give a little more money, even if you’re a little more stretched,” said April Gornik, a well-known landscape painter who lives in Sag Harbor with her husband, the artist Eric Fischl.

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Minerva Perez, the executive director of Organización Latino-Americana of Eastern Long Island, an advocacy group, said school districts and police departments should distribute clearer policies in both English and Spanish about how they plan to respond to federal immigration orders so that residents feel informed.

“There’s sometimes a good degree of empathy,” she said, adding, “In this moment, empathy is not enough.”

Luis Ferré-Sadurní contributed reporting.

New York

Vote on the 17 Ways Mamdani Could Improve NYC

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Vote on the 17 Ways Mamdani Could Improve NYC

A new mayor, a fresh start — you know the drill. There are as many ideas out there for how Zohran Mamdani can now improve New York’s urban environment as there are New Yorkers.

I canvassed a few dozen planners, architects, academics, community leaders, neighborhood organizers, developers, housing and transit experts and former city government officials. I gave them no budgets or time lines. They gave me a mayoral to-do list of ideas big, small, familiar, deep in the weeds, fanciful and timely.

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What follows is a small selection, with some kibitzing by me. You can vote “love it” or “skip it” below and help determine the ranking of priorities. Feel free to leave eye rolls and alternative proposals in the comments section.

Check back in the coming days to see how the ranking has changed and we will let you know the ultimate results on Jan. 13.

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Get your votes in before polls close on Jan. 12, 2026.

1

Create many thousands more affordable housing units by converting some of the city’s public golf courses into mixed income developments, with garden allotments and wetlands.

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2

Deck over Robert Moses’s Cross Bronx Expressway and create a spectacular new park.

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3

Devise a network of dedicated lanes for e-bikes and electric scooters so they will endanger fewer bicyclists and pedestrians.

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4

Pedestrianize Lower Manhattan. Not even 10 percent of people there arrive by car.

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5

Build more mental health crisis centers citywide.

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6

Provide more clean, safe public pay toilets that don’t cost taxpayers $1 million apiece.

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7

Convert more coastline into spongy marshes, akin to what exists at Hunter’s Point South Park in Queens, to mitigate rising seas and floods.

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8

Dedicate more of the city budget to public libraries and parks, the lifeblood of many neighborhoods, crucial to public health and climate resilience. The city devotes barely 2 percent of its funds to them now.

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9

Follow through on the Adams administration’s $400 million makeover of once-glamorous Fifth Avenue from Central Park South to Bryant Park, with wider sidewalks, reduced lanes of traffic, and more trees, restaurants, bikes and pedestrian-friendly stretches.

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10

Do away with free street parking and enforce parking placard rules. New York’s curbside real estate is priceless public land, and only a small fraction of residents own cars.

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11

Open the soaring vaults under the Brooklyn Bridge to create shops, restaurants, a farmers’ market and public library in nascent Gotham Park.

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13

Persuade Google, JPMorgan or some other city-vested megacorporation to help improve the acoustics as well as Wi-Fi in subways, along the lines of Citibank sponsoring Citi Bikes.

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14

Overhaul freight deliveries to get more 18-wheelers off city streets, free up traffic, reduce noise, improve public safety and streamline supply chains.

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15

Rein in City Hall bureaucracy around new construction. The city’s Department of Design and Construction is full of good people but a longtime hot mess at completing public projects.

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16

Convert more streets and intersections into public plazas and pocket parks. Like the pedestrianization of parts of Broadway, this Bloomberg-era initiative has proved to be good for businesses and neighborhoods.

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17

Stop playing Russian roulette with a crumbling highway and repair the Brooklyn-Queens Expressway before it collapses.

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Congestion pricing after one year: How life has changed.

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Congestion pricing after one year: How life has changed.

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Since congestion pricing began one year ago, about 11 percent of the vehicles that once entered Manhattan’s central business district daily have disappeared.

This may not seem like a lot. But it has changed the lives — and bank accounts, bus rides and travel behavior — of many.

“There’s less traffic and more parking.”

“I only drive if I have to move something large or heavy.”

Sometimes I skip lunch at work to make up for the driving tax.”

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“I visit my elderly parents less often.”

“I complain to myself every time I have to pay the fee and I’m STILL 100% in favor of it.

“I am returning my leased car six months before the lease expires.”

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One year after the start of congestion pricing, traffic jams are less severe, streets are safer, and commute times are improving for travelers from well beyond Manhattan. Though these changes aren’t noticeable to many, and others feel the tolls are a financial burden, the fees have generated hundreds of millions of dollars for public transportation projects. And it has probably contributed to rising transit ridership.

The program, which on Jan. 5, 2025, began charging most drivers $9 during peak travel times to enter Manhattan below 60th Street, has quickly left its mark.

To assess its impact, The New York Times reviewed city and state data, outside research, and the feedback of more than 600 readers with vastly different views of the toll.

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Some groused about high travel costs. Others cheered for a higher toll. Many shared snapshots from their lives: quieter streets, easier parking, costlier trips to the doctor.

Many findings from a Times analysis a few months into the experiment have held up. The program so far has met nearly all of the Metropolitan Transportation Authority’s goals, although more evidence is needed on some measures. And one question remains unresolved: whether a federal judge will decisively shield the program from efforts by the Trump administration to end it.

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“Despite the threats to shut it down,” Gov. Kathy Hochul said in an interview, “the cameras are still on, and business is still up, and traffic is still down. So it’s working.”

Here’s the evidence one year in:

1. Fewer vehicles

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About 73,000 fewer vehicles are entering the central business district each day, a number that has added up in the first year to about 27 million fewer entries. The decline, compared with traffic trends before the toll, has been remarkably stable across the year:

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Average daily entries to the central business district

The central business district includes the congestion tolling zone and adjacent highways excluded from the tolls. Source: M.T.A.

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All other consequences of congestion pricing flow from this one — that fewer people are choosing to enter the area by private vehicle.

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“I never drive into the city anymore. I only take the subway. It’s a relief.”

Philip Zalon Brooklyn

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“I’m much more aware of driving into Manhattan and avoid it unless I have to haul a lot of stuff like a car load of Girl Scout cookies.”

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Jacob White Queens

By influencing that one decision, the policy can also affect commute times, transit reliability, road safety, street life and more (as we’ll get to below).

One clear sign that behaviors are changing: Every weekday, there is now a spike in vehicles entering the zone right before the toll kicks up to $9 at 5 a.m., and right after it declines to $2.25 at 9 p.m.

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Personal vehicle entries into the central business district

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Average weekday entries from Jan. 5 through Nov. 30, 2025, by 10-minute intervals. Source: M.T.A.

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“I’ve decided to get up earlier to get the lower price.”

Eric Nehs Manhattan

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“It is exhausting to plan the trip to cross the line at 9 p.m.

Paul S. Morrill Manhattan

2. Faster traffic

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The first consequence of those fewer vehicles is that traffic is now moving faster for the drivers who remain, and for the buses that travel those same roads. And this turns out to be true inside the congestion zone, near the congestion zone, and even much farther away.

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Change in vehicle speeds, 2024-25

Speeds from January through November of each year during peak toll hours. Source: M.T.A., HERE Traffic Analytics.

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“Taking my kid to [doctor’s] visits in 2024 was a nightmare, every time. … After congestion pricing, it’s been noticeably less aggravating.”

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Josh Hadro Brooklyn

Many readers, however, told us they didn’t believe they could see the benefits; the changes aren’t always easy to perceive by the naked eye. Readers also frequently said they believed the gains from congestion pricing were more apparent in the first months of the year and had waned since. The city’s speed data generally suggests that these improvements have been sustained, although some of the largest gains were recorded in the spring.

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Average vehicle speeds in the congestion zone

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Source: M.T.A., HERE Traffic Analytics.

But for some travelers, the speed gains have been much larger, particularly those who cross through the bridge and tunnel chokepoints into and out of Manhattan:

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Speeds are for the inbound direction of travel. Source: M.T.A., HERE Traffic Analytics.

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“Traffic approaching the [Holland] tunnel has saved me 15-30 minutes on the rides back to New York and given me hours of my time back.”

Salvatore Franchino Brooklyn

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“On a typical 8 a.m. commute, there is so little traffic into the [Lincoln] tunnel that it looks like a weekend.”

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Lisa Davenport Weehawken, N.J.

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“I haven’t used the Lincoln Tunnel all year, probably will never use it again.”

Steven Lerner Manhattan

Improvements have also been more notable for commuters who take longer-distance trips ending in the congestion zone. That’s because those 73,000 vehicles a day that are no longer entering the zone have disappeared from surrounding roads and highways, too.

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Commuters from farther out are seeing accumulating benefits from all these sources: faster speeds outside the congestion zone, much faster speeds through the tunnels and bridges, and then the improvements inside Manhattan. And people who travel roads outside the congestion zone without ever entering it get some of these benefits, too.

An analysis by researchers at Stanford, Yale and Google confirmed this through the program’s first six months. Using anonymized data from trips taken with Google Maps, they found that speeds improved after congestion pricing more on roads around the region commonly traveled by drivers heading into the central business district. That’s a subtle point, but one many readers observed themselves:

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“Noticeably fewer cars driving, even way out in Bensonhurst!”

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Charles Haeussler Brooklyn

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Even across the river in Bergen County, I feel that we benefit.”

Michelle Carvell Englewood Cliffs, N.J.

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“I supercommute weekly from Kingston by bus. Each week, my bus round trip is 30-60 minutes faster than it was before congestion pricing.”

Rob Bellinger Kingston, N.Y.

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3. More transit riders

Public transit will benefit from congestion pricing as its proceeds are invested in infrastructure upgrades; in the first year, the toll is projected to raise about $550 million after accounting for expenses, $50 million more than the M.T.A. originally predicted. But transit also stands to benefit as bus speeds improve on decongested roads and as more commuters shift to transit.

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On bus routes that cross through the congestion zone, speeds increased this year, in notable contrast to the rest of the city. These improvements follow years of declining bus speeds in the central business district coming out of the pandemic.

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Change in bus speeds, 2024-2025

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Local bus routes

Express bus routes

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“The crosstown buses are faster than they used to be, even during peak commuting times.”

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Marc Wieman Manhattan

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“Have gratefully noticed that they’re more on-time.”

Sue Ann Todhunter Manhattan

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“It has significantly improved my bus trips from N.J., cutting about 20 minutes of traffic each way.”

John Ruppert New Jersey

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Paid transit ridership is up this year compared with 2024 across the subway, M.T.A. buses, Long Island Rail Road and Metro-North Railroad as transit has continued its recovery from pandemic declines. About 300,000 more people are riding the subway each day — far more than the 70,000 cars that have been taken off the road in the congestion zone. So while congestion pricing is probably contributing to rising transit ridership, it’s not the main driver of it.

All of these added transit riders do, however, help explain why congestion pricing has not dampened activity in the busiest parts of the city, as critics feared. People are still coming, just not necessarily by private car.

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“I finally taught myself to use the subway. Between the tunnel toll, congestion pricing and parking, I’m saving an enormous amount of money, time and inconvenience.”

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Daniel Ludwig Weehawken, N.J.

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“It’s made using the bus for short trips a more appealing option.”

John Buckholz Brooklyn

In fact, overall visits to the business district aren’t down — they were up by about 2.4 percent over the previous year, according to the city’s Economic Development Corporation. And restaurant reservations on the platform OpenTable were up inside the zone as well, by the same amount as the increase citywide.

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Tom Harris, the president of the Times Square Alliance, which represents 2,600 businesses, said he had initially received complaints from some businesses. But he was pleasantly surprised that they soon stopped.

“We’re thrilled we have not seen negative impacts to local businesses,” he said. “It seems like it has been absorbed.”

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4. Better quality of life

These primary shifts — fewer cars, less congested roads, more transit riders — have in turn produced a number of other effects that might more broadly be thought of as changes to qualify of life. Readers described experiencing safer crosswalks, less stressful bike rides and what feels like cleaner air.

In city data, the number of complaints to 311 for vehicle noises like car honking has declined significantly inside the congestion zone, compared with the rest of Manhattan.

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Change in vehicle noise complaints, 2024-25

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From Jan. 5 to Nov. 30 in each year. Source: N.Y.C. 311 data.

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“Sometimes it’s almost — dare I say it? — quiet.”

Daniel Scott Manhattan

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“Midtown is so much quieter now.

Melanie DuPuis Manhattan/Hudson Valley

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“It turns out that mostly when people say ‘New York is noisy’ they really mean ‘cars are noisy.’”

Grant Louis Manhattan

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And the perception that roads have gotten safer is also borne out by crash data. The number of people who were seriously injured in a car crash decreased citywide, but the improvement was more pronounced in the congestion relief zone.

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Change in number of people seriously injured in a crash, 2024-25

Number of people who were seriously injured in a crash from Jan. 1 through Nov. 30 of each year. Source: Sam Schwartz Transportation Research Program/Hunter College analysis of N.Y.P.D. crash data.

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“Nobody’s trying to run me over.”

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Alice Baruch Manhattan

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Fewer cars honking, fewer cars running red lights, fewer cars blocking crosswalks.”

Charlie Rokosny Brooklyn

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“The number of blocked crosswalks have gone down significantly!”

Samir Lavingia Manhattan

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Amid these positive changes, however, other readers described distinct declines in their quality of life, often stemming from the cost of the toll. These deeply personal observations have no corresponding measures in public data. But they make clear that some of those 27 million fewer driving trips weren’t simply replaced by transit or forgone as unnecessary — they’re missed.

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“Sadly Manhattan is no longer an option for many things we once enjoyed.”

Linda Fisher Queens

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“Congestion pricing has made my world much smaller.”

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Justine Cuccia Manhattan

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“I’m more careful about choosing events to attend, so I go to fewer of them.

Karen Hoppe Queens

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“I will not use doctors in Manhattan, limiting my health care choices.”

David Pecoraro Queens

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One final aim of congestion pricing — improved air quality — has the potential to benefit everyone in the region. But the data remains inconclusive so far. A recent study from researchers at Cornell found a 22 percent improvement in one air quality measure over six months. But another analysis, by the Stanford and Yale authors, found little to no effect on air quality using local community sensors and comparing New York with other cities. And the M.T.A.’s own analysis of the program’s first year found no significant change in measured concentrations of vehicle-related air pollutants.

That doesn’t mean benefits won’t become clearer with more time and data. But the open questions about air quality underscore that even one year in, even with all the evidence gathered, there are still some effects we don’t fully understand.

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“As an asthmatic, I can also palpably feel improvements in the air quality.”

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Rob Hult Brooklyn

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“It’s allowed me to believe that perhaps America can change for the better.”

Hanna Horvath Brooklyn

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“As a car owner myself, I think it’s fair that the cost of driving is now being passed from city residents onto the drivers.”

Vincent Lee The Bronx

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“I don’t like the cost but I also can’t deny its effectiveness.”

Jon Keese Queens

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New York

Read the Indictment Against Nicolás Maduro

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Read the Indictment Against Nicolás Maduro

intentionally and knowingly combined, conspired, confederated, and agreed together and with each other to violate Title 18, United States Code, Section 924(c).
35. It was a part and an object of the conspiracy that NICOLÁS MADURO MOROS, DIOSDADO CABELLO RONDÓN, RAMÓN RODRÍGUEZ CHACÍN, CILIA ADELA FLORES DE MADURO, NICOLÁS ERNESTO MADURO GUERRA, a/k/a “Nicolasito,” a/k/a “The Prince,” and HECTOR RUSTHENFORD GUERRERO FLORES, a/k/a “Niño Guerrero,” the defendants, and others known and unknown, during and in relation to a drug trafficking crime for which they may be prosecuted in a court of the United States, to wit, for MADURO MOROS, CABELLO RONDÓN, and RODRÍGUEZ CHACÍN, the controlled substance offenses charged in Counts One and Two of this Superseding Indictment, and for FLORES DE MADURO, MADURO GUERRA, and GUERRERO FLORES, the controlled substance offense charged in Count Two of this Superseding Indictment, knowingly used and carried firearms, and, in furtherance of such crimes, knowingly possessed firearms, and aided and abetted the use, carrying, and possession of firearms, to wit, machineguns that were capable of automatically shooting more than one shot, without manual reloading, by a single function of the trigger, as well as destructive devices, in violation of Title 18, United States Code, Sections 924(c)(1)(A) and 924(c)(1)(B)(ii). (Title 18, United States Code, Sections 924(o) and 3238.)

36.

FORFEITURE ALLEGATIONS

As a result of committing the controlled substance offense charged in Count One of this Superseding Indictment, NICOLÁS MADURO MOROS, DIOSDADO CABELLO RONDÓN, RAMÓN RODRÍGUEZ CHACÍN, the defendants, shall forfeit to the United States, pursuant to Title 21, United States Code, Sections 853 and 970, any and all property constituting, or derived from, any proceeds the defendants obtained, directly or indirectly, as a result of the offenses, and any and all property used, or intended to be used, in any manner or part, to commit,

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