New York
New York Could Be the Next State to Limit Students’ Cellphone Use
Gov. Kathy Hochul of New York on Monday announced her intention to limit access to cellphones in schools for students in kindergarten through 12th grade as part of her latest push to address children’s reliance on the devices.
In a statement, which provided no other details, the governor said she would include the legislation in her proposal for next fiscal year’s budget. She billed the initiative as a follow-up to one of her key achievements last year, the passage of legislation designed to protect young people from addictive algorithms on social media. She cited a Pew Research poll that showed 72 percent of high school teachers described students being distracted by cellphones as a “major problem.”
“Young people succeed in the classroom when they’re learning and growing — not clicking and scrolling,” Governor Hochul said Monday. “My upcoming budget proposal will put forth a new statewide standard for distraction-free learning in schools across our state.”
Speaking to high school and college students at Hudson Valley Community College on Monday, the governor acknowledged that restricting cellphone use might make her “very unpopular.”
Los Angeles Unified became the largest school district in the United States to ban cellphones last year. Virginia, Ohio and Minnesota are among the states that have moved to crack down on the devices in schools.
In New York City, Mayor Eric Adams backed away from a plan to ban cellphones in schools in August, saying the city wasn’t “there yet.”
In September, New York State United Teachers, the state teachers’ union, called for a “bell-to-bell” policy that would restrict cellphone use from first period to dismissal. The union’s president, Melinda Person, has said that the union was working closely with the governor to craft a plan.
But the idea has its detractors as well. Some New York parents who were students during the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks have expressed reservations about losing the ability to contact their children in an emergency. Principals have questioned who would foot the bill for equipment to collect phones. And some teachers have wondered how they would be expected to discipline students who broke the rules.
In a statement on Monday, a spokeswoman for the United Federation of Teachers, New York City’s teachers’ union, said that the organization supported state and city restrictions on cellphones in public schools, as long as a number of conditions were met.
The union said teachers should not be responsible for enforcing the restrictions; school districts should shoulder the cost instead of individual schools; enforcement should be consistent from student to student; and schools should have emergency contact lines set up for parents.
Many of New York City’s more than 1,500 public schools already restrict cellphone use. Some middle schools require children to place their phones in cubbies along the walls of their classrooms. Many high schools hand out locked fabric pouches for phones that students carry in their bags throughout the school day.
Brad Hoylman-Sigal, a state senator who represents a large swath of the West Side of Manhattan, introduced a bill last week that would prohibit students from accessing their phones on school property. He said he saw his bill as a starting point for a conversation in the State Senate.
He said he hoped that the governor’s plan would include a way for students to safely and securely hand over their phones and then get them back at the end of the day.
“As a parent of a 14-year-old daughter, I understand how phones are an obstacle in the learning environment,” Senator Hoylman-Sigal said. “At the same time, I appreciate that parents want their children to have phones when they’re on the subway or on a bus. So I hope the governor’s proposal embraces both of those needs.”
Speaking at the community college on Monday, Governor Hochul described hearing from students who told her about how they struggled to put away their phones because they are feared they would “miss something.”
“There’s so much pressure on all of you, and I’ve got to help you with that,” she told the students. “That’s my job.”
Troy Closson and Benjamin Oreskes contributed reporting.
new video loaded: Fans Celebrate Knicks’ First N.B.A. Title in 53 Years
transcript
transcript
Fans Celebrate Knicks’ First N.B.A. Title in 53 Years
New York City erupted in celebration after the Knicks defeated the San Antonio Spurs in Game 5 of the N.B.A. finals to win their first championship since 1973.
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[cheering] “We did it. We hung in there, and we brought it home, baby. New York!” “This is insane. Like, I don’t know what — I don’t know how else to describe it.”
By Julie Yoon
June 14, 2026
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What if the city …
Added More Metered Spots in Busy Neighborhoods
Less than 3 percent of parking spaces on New York City streets have paid meters. That’s only about 80,000 spots.
Most of the meters that do exist are along busy corridors, with higher hourly rates in the core of Manhattan.
Where are NYC’s parking meters?
The placement of meters often feels arbitrary. Much of the East Village, a busy Manhattan neighborhood, has no meters. Nostrand Avenue, a major artery in Brooklyn, has meters over most of a five-mile stretch, but they end abruptly north of Fulton Street.
A busy commercial corridor in Bedford-Stuyvesant lacks meters
Adding more meters in busy neighborhoods could improve turnover for spots, research suggests, and raise revenue for the city.
Seeking alternatives to avoid paying for meters overnight, car owners may choose to move to garages — which can cost $500 per month or more, depending on the neighborhood — park farther afield, or sell their cars. They could also turn to car-share programs, which set aside parking for shared vehicles.
When the city tries to add meters, there is often fierce opposition from neighbors, including on the Upper West Side of Manhattan last year, where residents revolted, the local City Council member complained people had been “blindsided” and the city backed down.
Critics argue that those pushing for reforms “hate people who own cars,” in the words of Vickie Paladino, a City Council member who represents a district in Queens that is home to many car owners.
How realistic is this? The city can add additional meters on its own without needing permission from state lawmakers in Albany. Dean Fuleihan, Mr. Mamdani’s first deputy mayor, gave supporters hope when he said in March that he was open to the idea.
How much could it raise? Parking meters currently generate $278 million in revenue per year. Adding meters to one-fourth of the city’s existing free parking spaces, for example, could produce at least $1.2 billion annually, according to the Center for an Urban Future.
What if the city …
Introduced Residential Parking Permits
Most parking on residential streets is open to all drivers, not just those who live nearby. But many other major U.S. cities, including Los Angeles and Chicago, have permits to reserve street parking for neighborhood residents.
Residential parking permits in New York could cost anywhere from $100 per year to far more than that, experts say, with higher rates potentially prodding some residents to give up their cars. Some spots could be set aside for visitors.
But permits would not necessarily solve the problem of the demand for parking outpacing the supply. And some transit groups oppose the idea, arguing that there are better ways to use the street space and that parking should not be guaranteed.
Rachel Weinberger, a vice president at the Regional Plan Association, an urban planning think tank, said that permits alone would not make parking easier. She also argued they would have to be prohibitively expensive in order to deter ownership.
“A permit would only be a hunting license, meaning that you’re allowed to look for a space,” she said. “It should mean you’re guaranteed a space.”
How much do cities charge for residential parking permits?
Boston
No fee
Chicago
$30
Los Angeles
$34
Washington, D.C.
$55*
Philadelphia
$75
Berkeley, Calif.
$85
San Francisco
$215
Experts say that permits could also be paired with an incentive for drivers: fewer alternate side-parking days for street sweeping. Most drivers are required to move their cars once or twice a week so the streets can be cleaned, and some choose instead to leave them in place and eat the costs of the $65 tickets they receive. Moving to monthly street sweeping could make the prospect of buying a permit more appealing.
How realistic is this? Residential permits would need to be approved by state lawmakers. Momentum for the idea grew after congestion pricing began in Manhattan, over concerns that drivers from outside the city would park outside the zone and take the subway in. It has support from Mark Levine, the city comptroller, and Carmen De La Rosa, a City Council member in northern Manhattan.
How much could it raise? If a permit cost $100 per year and was required in two-thirds of the city, that could raise roughly $200 million per year, minus administrative costs, according to Terrance J. Regan, an adjunct professor at Boston University who focuses on transportation policy. The city’s Independent Budget Office recommended starting with a smaller pilot program that would raise $6 million annually by the third year.
What if the city …
Ended Free Parking and Implemented Dynamic Pricing
Some urban planners want to phase out free parking altogether.
Transportation Alternatives, a street safety group, has pushed for eliminating free parking and argued that the city would benefit if fewer car trips were made.
“If you look around the world, there are many other transit-oriented cities that are safer, more efficient and healthier,” said Ben Furnas, the group’s executive director.
The city could reclaim many miles of streets, which proponents argue could be better used for public spaces, bus lanes, bike lanes, outdoor dining setups and trash containers.
Paid parking spaces could use dynamic pricing, a system where the cost of a spot varies by demand. Right now, parking rates are as low as $1.50 for the first hour.
Critics of such pricing models have argued that higher street-parking costs could hurt lower-income drivers or local businesses that rely on drivers. In 2019, Hoboken, N.J., announced a version of dynamic pricing on high-demand blocks, but the mayor and City Council repealed the plan after some resident opposition.
But the idea has worked elsewhere. In 2018, after a successful pilot, the San Francisco Municipal Transportation Agency implemented demand-based pricing for the 10 percent of the city’s parking spots that are paid spaces, roughly 27,000 in all.
An evaluation of the pilot found that drivers spent 43 percent less time searching for a parking space, which in turn helped reduce car-based pollution. And once parking became easier, sales revenue increased for nearby businesses.
The rates in San Francisco can vary by block, time of day, or day of the week. Meters on the busiest blocks cost $11.75 an hour. The agency regularly reviews parking meter data and occupancy rates and decides whether to raise or lower rates.
Charles Komanoff, an economist and traffic modeler who helped create New York’s congestion pricing program, said dynamic pricing for parking could do even more than the tolls did to improve the flow of traffic here.
“I can’t imagine anything better,” he said.
How realistic is this? The Transportation Department could implement dynamic pricing, but a legislative push would most likely hasten change. Nantasha M. Williams, a City Council member representing Southeast Queens, has proposed a bill that would require a dynamic pricing pilot program in each borough. Eliminating all free parking would be a far more dramatic proposal, though supporters say it could be done in phases over several years.
How much could it raise? Parking reformists said the city could potentially raise billions of dollars a year under a dynamic parking system — money that could be reinvested into the neighborhoods where the fees are collected.
What if the city …
Cracked Down on Rule-Breakers
None of these plans work unless drivers obey the rules.
The city last year issued more than 11.6 million violations for parking and related offenses, according to a report by the Department of Finance, including for failing to move for street sweepers (1.8 million), not displaying a parking receipt (1.2 million), blocking a fire hydrant (674,000) and obstructing a bus stop (565,000).
In 1996, Mayor Rudolph W. Giuliani moved the city’s traffic enforcement agents, the unarmed civilians who write tickets for parking and other traffic violations, from the Transportation Department to the Police Department.
Some parking reformers say the shift weakened enforcement efforts, in part because the police have not focused on some of the most flagrant traffic violations.
They say that either the police should start issuing more tickets and collecting more fines, or they should allow the Transportation Department to once again take charge.
Some point to what they view as the city’s lackluster response to placard abuse, the practice of using either official permits issued by city agencies, or fraudulent ones, to park in unauthorized spots.
More than 91,000 complaints have been filed with the city since 2020 about possible placard abuse, but the police took action to fix the problem in just 21 percent of cases, according to a Times review of public data. Only about 12 percent of the complaints led to a driver being issued a summons.
“If you’re just unclogging these streets to have them filled with cars with fake placards, you’re not helping anything,” said Nicole Gelinas, a senior fellow at the Manhattan Institute, a conservative think tank.
There has also been a surge in fake, often out-of-state license plates that have made traffic violations harder to track. A perceived lack of consequences worsens the problem, said Jon Orcutt, a former policy director at the city’s Transportation Department.
“The culture has gotten terribly bad,” Mr. Orcutt said about enforcement efforts.
A spokesperson for the Police Department said in a statement that there was “deep collaboration” with the Transportation Department on traffic enforcement, and pointed to some recent initiatives, including issuing 247,000 summonses last year for “ghost vehicles” with fake plates.
Samuel I. Schwartz, the chair of the transportation research program at Hunter College, was New York City’s traffic commissioner under Mayor Edward I. Koch, at a time when the Transportation Department still controlled enforcement.
He said he thought it would be possible to change the behavior of repeat offenders if that agency led the effort and had the support of the police.
“I would go out in the field with an army of tow trucks,” Mr. Schwartz said.
How realistic is this? Mr. Mamdani could restore traffic enforcement powers to the Transportation Department, or instruct the Police Department to step up enforcement.
How much could it raise? The city issued $1.1 billion worth of parking tickets and camera violations in fiscal year 2025, according to the Finance Department, but just $946 million, or 84 percent, was ultimately collected. By ramping up fine collection, the city could raise more revenue.
As Mr. Mamdani weighs how to improve city streets and whether parking regulations should change, almost everyone agrees that the status quo is unacceptable.
Ms. Gelinas said that any of the leading ideas could be an improvement.
“The dumbest thing is just to keep things the way they are,” she said.
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