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In N.Y.C.’s Ukrainian Enclaves, Trump’s Rebuke Stirs Complex Feelings

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In N.Y.C.’s Ukrainian Enclaves, Trump’s Rebuke Stirs Complex Feelings

Brighton Beach, a Slavic enclave in Brooklyn where Ukrainians outnumber Russians two to one, voted overwhelmingly for President Trump.

But the day after Mr. Trump dressed down President Volodymyr Zelensky of Ukraine in an explosive meeting at the White House — the latest show of Mr. Trump’s declining support for Ukraine — some Ukrainian New Yorkers were left feeling divided.

“His approach may come across a bit too aggressive,” Igor Moshchinsky, 61, said of Mr. Trump at a cafe on Brighton Beach Avenue on Saturday afternoon. But Mr. Moshchinsky, who voted for Mr. Trump, said “I don’t disagree with the content” of Mr. Trump’s criticisms of Mr. Zelensky.

The local city councilwoman, Inna Vernikov, a Republican and a Trump supporter, tried to thread a needle, writing on social media that the consequences of Friday’s meeting “could be disastrous” for both countries.

“Working together to end this war and help the people of Ukraine restore their safety and sovereignty is in the best interests of both of our countries and the world,” she said.

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Inna Kir, 58, who owns a lingerie shop on Brighton Beach Avenue, said she “absolutely agrees” with the tough line Mr. Trump has taken against Mr. Zelensky. She echoed Mr. Trump’s criticism that Mr. Zelensky was insufficiently grateful for American aid.

“I think he should appreciate what people do for him,” said Ms. Kir, a United States citizen who arrived three decades ago. “It’s our money.”

She added: “I have faith in Trump’s ability to bring peace. When the money is not going to flow, the war is going to be over very soon.”

Igor Kozak, 59, who is from western Ukraine, and his wife, Marina Kozak, 57, who is Russian, agreed that Mr. Zelensky had been “rude” and “disrespectful.”

Not all Ukrainian New Yorkers — there are about 150,000 of them — support Mr. Trump, of course.

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And in another Ukrainian pocket in the East Village of Manhattan, critics of Mr. Trump were aghast at his attack.

“I’ve never been so disgusted with the president of this country,” said Ivan Makar, 52, the principal of the Self-Reliance Saturday School of Ukrainian Studies on East Sixth Street. Mr. Makar, who lives in Westchester County north of the city, said his family had fled Ukraine seeking security. The meeting on Friday left him furious and devastated, he said.

“It was typical bully behavior, and Zelensky stood up to the bullies,” Mr. Makar said. “As a Ukrainian, I’m proud. As an American, I’m disgusted.”

Jason Birchard, 58, the owner of the Ukrainian restaurant Veselka in the East Village, stood inside the restaurant on Saturday wearing a T-shirt embossed with the tryzub, Ukraine’s national symbol.

“I’ve worn this shirt many times over the last three years, and I made sure to dig deep into the closet today and pull it out because I really want to back Zelensky,” Mr. Birchard said, as a line streamed around the block.

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Mr. Birchard said the restaurant had seen a surge in customers amid the news.

“I’m a Ukrainian American, and I try to stay positive and optimistic,” he said. “There is the false narrative that Ukraine invaded Russia. We have to understand that Ukraine has been an independent democratic state for more than 30 years, and that we need to draw the line here.”

In Brooklyn, on a sunny corner off Brighton Beach Avenue, Ilia Makarov, 20, vented similar frustrations as the Q train clattered overhead.

Mr. Makarov, a computer science student who came to Brighton Beach from Ukraine five years ago, said he found it “unimaginable” that the United States might now back Russia in the war.

“Usually when you think about the U.S. it is as peacemakers,” Mr. Makarov said. “Now they support literally the terrorists.”

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Video: What You Need to Know About New York City’s Ballot Measures

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Video: What You Need to Know About New York City’s Ballot Measures

new video loaded: What You Need to Know About New York City’s Ballot Measures

Six proposals will appear on the back of ballots at the polls in New York City on Election Day. Emma Fitzsimmons, The New York Times’s City Hall bureau chief, explains the affordable housing proposals.

By Emma G. Fitzsimmons, Karen Hanley, Melanie Bencosme, Nikolay Nikolov and James Surdam

November 1, 2025

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The N.Y.C. Marathon Celebrity Quiz: Can You Guess the Fast and Famous?

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The N.Y.C. Marathon Celebrity Quiz: Can You Guess the Fast and Famous?

It’s certainly exciting to see an elite runner like Abdi Nageeye or Sheila Chepkirui cruise by on First Avenue during the New York City Marathon. But for many it’s just as exciting to catch a glimpse of someone like Alanis Morissette, or Will Ferrell, posting far slower times.

See if you can recall (or guess) some of the other celebrities who have run the 26 miles and 385 yards on the streets of the five boroughs over the years.

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Can Faster Buses Really Be Free?

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Can Faster Buses Really Be Free?

On a rough day, a bus ride in New York starts like this:

Then there are the traffic jams …

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the mistimed stop lights …

the bunched-up buses …

and the cars blocking the bus lane.

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Videos by Sutton Raphael/The New York Times

Zohran Mamdani has made this grim experience central to his pledge to improve city life. Can his bus plan actually do that?

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Some of the slowest buses in America plod through New York, stopping and starting, bunching and idling, at about eight miles per hour on average. Speeds have improved little over the past decade. The least reliable buses seldom show up on time.

Zohran Mamdani has built a strikingly successful mayoral campaign by tapping frustration with this system and marrying it to his broader campaign pledge to make New York more affordable.

“Fast and free buses,” he has promised, the two goals always locked together.

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Get rid of fares, in theory, and that should speed things up, ending the backlog of riders lined up at every stop. More bus lanes and better infrastructure could bolster those gains. And making buses free would be a boon, Mr. Mamdani argues, for New Yorkers who have said in surveys that they’ve often struggled to come up with fare money.

“Today in the wealthiest city in the wealthiest country in the history of the world, one in five New Yorkers cannot afford the bus fare,” Mr. Mamdani said, defending his plan in the campaign’s final debate last week. Give people back that money, and more of their time, he suggests, and the economic benefits for the city would outweigh even the cost of a fare-free program he estimates could run $700 million a year.

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Critics, and even some transit advocates, warn that his two goals are in tension: Spend such vast sums subsidizing the bus, and there won’t be much left over to improve it, especially at a time when the federal government is undercutting support for transit and the economy is shaky. Under any reasonable estimate, the annual cost to the city of making buses free would be more than transit officials expect to raise this year from congestion pricing, the Manhattan tolling program in the middle of its own political fight.

Whether fast buses and free ones can really go together depends on many questions, some beyond a mayor’s control, including whether Gov. Kathy Hochul would cooperate on higher taxes to raise revenue. Even if Mr. Mamdani were able to eliminate fares, what effect would it really have? And would it be enough to change the slog of riding a bus in the city?

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Free and maybe faster

To understand the ambition of Mr. Mamdani’s plan, it’s helpful to first take in the vastness of New York’s bus network. It’s at a whole other scale from the subway system (and from any city currently running free buses):

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Mr. Mamdani, who is the front-runner in the Nov. 4 general election, first championed the idea of free buses by pushing for a one-year pilot that made a single route in each borough free for one year starting in September 2023. Expanding the idea citywide would cover 340 routes that carry about 1.5 million paid trips per weekday.

Those rides represent a lot of money that the Metropolitan Transportation Authority, which runs the bus and subway systems, would no longer be collecting at the fare box. The fare today is $2.90, set to rise to $3 in January (although the actual fare collected per paying rider is more like $1.90, after accounting for free transfers and discounted fare cards). If the city were to pay for this instead, the total cost would depend on ridership numbers.

The M.T.A. says the cost of a free-fare program is probably higher than Mr. Mamdani’s estimate. As the authority cracks down on fare evasion, and ridership and fares increase, it projects that by 2028 the annual bus fare revenue, including paratransit, could exceed $1 billion — much higher than the campaign’s numbers.

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About a quarter of bus riders also transfer to the subway. And if they haven’t paid for the first leg of the trip, the M.T.A. fears that more passengers may be inclined to skip the train fare, too.

John J. McCarthy, chief of policy and external relations at the M.T.A., said in a statement that the authority was pleased with the attention that transit has gotten in the mayoral race, but also expressed caution about making the buses free without more study.

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“Why is congestion pricing successful? Because we took the time to study its benefits and impacts,” he said about the yearslong review for the toll program. “This proposal would demand the same kind of rigorous analysis.”

Still, the Mamdani campaign says the overall cost is relatively small — less than 1 percent of the city’s annual budget. But for the M.T.A., fare revenue covers about 19 percent of its $4.8 billion bus operating budget.

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Mr. Mamdani suggests that the economic benefits of free fares could be twice as large as the costs. That’s hard to evaluate (the figure includes assigning a dollar value to the time you’d save by spending less of it stuck on the bus). His other claim is that eliminating the fare would itself speed up the buses.

That is theoretically true. All those seconds it can take each passenger to root around in a pocket, count out change or fuss with the card reader — at every stop — add up to real delays. And just one rider doing this can be the difference between making and missing a green light.

But New York’s own pilot program illustrates one hitch. Across all five free routes, ridership increased during the pilot by about 30 to 40 percent, mostly driven by existing riders taking more trips. The buses, however, actually slowed, because all those new riders still had to board the bus and request stops, offsetting the time savings from getting rid of fares.

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That’s another complication: If ridership rises substantially, you have to add service to keep up with it, or you may not see any speed benefits. And that costs money, too.

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Sutton Raphael/The New York Times

Mr. Mamdani cites an estimate that free buses could shave 12 percent off trip times. The number comes from Charles Komanoff, a longtime transit advocate and mathematician whose traffic modeling helped inform congestion pricing. He first tried to assess the impact of free buses in 2007, as part of a study of whether congestion pricing could generate enough revenue to make transit free.

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“That idea of free transit — it was visionary, it was lovely, it was beguiling,” Mr. Komanoff recalled recently. Politically at the time, though, “it was completely impractical.”

He put down the idea for nearly two decades. Then last December, he heard Mr. Mamdani, polling at the time in single digits, talk about free buses at a mayoral transit forum.

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In April, Mr. Komanoff published a new report that is the closest thing to a white paper for the Mamdani campaign on the topic. His 12 percent time savings relies on some of his 2007-era data (bus riders then dipped a card instead of tapping it). This fall, he reran his analysis again, after riding the B41 bus in Brooklyn with The New York Times to collect new data. He estimates that ending fares could cut 7 percent off a trip on the route, assuming the ridership stays constant. That would still be, he said, “a triumph” — an improvement akin to what drivers have seen inside Manhattan’s congestion zone.

Faster but not free

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The B41 bus, connecting the Flatbush commercial corridor to Downtown Brooklyn, is one of the busiest routes in the city. The comptroller’s office gives it a D grade for its poor on-time performance and high rate of “bunching” — when buses arrive too close together and disrupt scheduling. On the route’s slowest stretch, speeds dip below four m.p.h.

Flatbush Avenue is, in short, a prime target for redesign and better bus service — something the New York City Department of Transportation has already begun to work on. And it’s a prominent example of how buses could be made faster without killing the fare box.

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We rode the corridor, timed how long it takes riders to board the bus, counted all the intersections, and worked with the transportation planner Annie Weinstock to analyze the route. A trip in the evening rush hour covering the Flatbush portion of the B41 takes 58 minutes on average. But if the bus were traveling the corridor totally unimpeded, it would need only 16 minutes to go from end to end. Everything else is a form of delay: The bus spends more time sitting at red lights, and almost as much time sitting in traffic:

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Note: The data refers to the B41 Limited, which makes fewer stops.

Making the B41 substantially faster would require a series of changes:

Mr. Mamdani has voiced support for infrastructure initiatives like this, although the campaign’s estimated cost for the free-fare program doesn’t include the sizable expenses needed to do such projects in tandem. Transit advocates are also pushing the city to go further, leveraging an array of “bus rapid transit” improvements that would also enable riders to enter from all bus doors and to pay for the bus at sidewalk kiosks, while revamping more intersection signals to prioritize buses.

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All-door boarding and off-board payment would logistically have the same effect as free fares, cutting the time it takes passengers to board. We asked Ms. Weinstock, who has studied how to implement faster buses in New York, to estimate how much all of these changes together would speed up the B41.

In an ideal world, all these investments could cut about 40 percent off the time of a B41 trip — far more than doing free fares alone. It certainly helps to speed up the process of boarding riders. But that’s not the thing that helps the most. And there are other ways to get those same savings while still collecting fares.

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Of course, free fares are about financial savings for riders as much as time savings. But there are some other, less sweeping ways to do that, too.

About 375,000 low-income riders already pay half-cost fares under the Fair Fares program funded by the city. It subsidizes fares on the bus and subway for households making less than 145 percent of the federal poverty level.

But advocates want to push the threshold up to 200 percent — or even 300 percent, where a family of four earning as much as $96,500 a year would qualify.

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Source: Community Service Society of New York

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Costs assume the same participation rate the program has now

“We think it would be much less costly than a totally free system,” said David R. Jones, president of the Community Service Society, which has pushed for Fair Fares. He’s also a member of the M.T.A. board.

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Mr. Mamdani supports expanding Fair Fares for the subway, alongside free buses. Doing both would further drive up the total cost of his transit agenda.

Former Gov. Andrew M. Cuomo, who is polling behind Mr. Mamdani in the mayoral race, has said he would make the subway and buses free for New Yorkers making up to 150 percent of the federal poverty line, or about $48,000 for a family of four.

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Free for some, faster for more

The allure of free buses is partly that many of these other interventions are harder. Roads must be ripped up and redesigned. Neighbors will complain. Infrastructure projects take years (the redesign of a roughly one-mile stretch of Flatbush Avenue is scheduled to be done next year). Even scaling up Fair Fares would require the city to do more to reach people who qualify — today only about a third of residents who do are in the program.

But you can declare the bus to be free tomorrow, and it will be free tomorrow. It’s a shortcut to improving an aspect of city life where nearly all other answers are slow and hard.

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“It’s a guarantee that your life will be better in a way that you can feel every single day,” said Michelle Wu, the mayor of Boston and someone Mr. Mamdani has often cited.

In Boston, the city pays to offset the fares on three high-ridership bus routes that serve lower-income neighborhoods (ridership is up, travel times about the same). That’s the kind of partial measure Mr. Mamdani could pursue: a larger pilot, a targeted set of routes, perhaps while expanding Fair Fares to aid more riders citywide. Maybe that buys patience for the harder improvements.

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His campaign insists that the universality of free fares is the point. It’s what gives working-class riders access to the whole city. It’s what could unlock faster speeds for everyone.

But there’s evidence that New Yorkers might like the spirit of the pitch more than the potential reality of it. A recent New York Times/Siena polling experiment of two groups of likely voters showed 56 percent supported making the buses free, even as 57 percent said the city “should not do this.”

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Sutton Raphael/The New York Times

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To voters, the value of Mr. Mamdani’s promise may largely be in the signal it sends: that he sees New Yorkers struggling on the bus and wants to make things better with big ideas. And that whether or not he really turns off all the card readers, surely he’ll do something to help your wallet, and to fix the buses.

Brad Lander, the city comptroller and an ally of Mr. Mamdani who also ran for mayor in the primary, suggested “fast and free” has a logic to it that’s not necessarily literal. Yes, you need resources to make the buses faster, he allowed, but you also need political will. And Mr. Mamdani is building it in a way that might not have worked had he promised “fast buses” alone.

“If you had had someone say, ‘Well, what if we make the bus a dollar cheaper than the subway, but also produce 20 interborough bus rapid transit lanes, and do all-door boarding to help everyone!’ — those might have been really good ideas,” Mr. Lander said, poking fun at his own policy-dense campaign.

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“But they didn’t sufficiently capture the imagination of New Yorkers.”

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