New Jersey
Stomping Grounds: Chris Christie, Phil Murphy, Bob Menendez and the voting age in Newark – New Jersey Globe
New Jerseyans aren’t always civil, but it’s still possible for a liberal Democrat and a conservative Republican to have a rational and pleasant conversation about politics in the state. Dan Bryan is a former senior advisor to Gov. Phil Murphy and is now the owner of his own public affairs firm, and chief strategist for Tammy Murphy’s Senate campaign, and Alex Wilkes is an attorney and former executive director of America Rising PAC who advises Republican candidates in New Jersey and across the nation, including the New Jersey GOP. Dan and Alex are both experienced strategists who are currently in the room where high-level decisions are made. They will get together weekly with New Jersey Globe editor David Wildstein to discuss politics and issues.
New Jersey Globe: Chris Christie is gone from the presidential race before any votes are cast. What’s his next chapter? Can he ever repair his relationship with Republicans across New Jersey and his neighbors in New Jersey?
Dan Bryan: If the question is “will Chris Christie ever be a viable political candidate in New Jersey again,” the answer is clearly no. He is consistently the least popular political figure in the state, and Bridgegate will forever hang over his head. There is no statewide path for him, despite those desperate for him to jump into this year’s Senate race.
But that said, I do believe he has earned some goodwill by finally speaking the truth about Donald Trump. And I don’t think he’s done – he will likely be one of the loudest and proudest anti-Trump voices in the national media this cycle.
Here’s what I’d like to know: given how dangerous Christie believes Donald Trump is, will he endorse President Biden for reelection, or will he fall in line again, putting party over country?
Alex Wilkes: A few things.
First, I won’t bore everyone with the obvious: establishing an alternative lane to Trump will need to happen quickly if it has any chance of succeeding. Whether there’s a viable path past New Hampshire remains to be seen, but the need for consolidation became especially apparent in the last few days.
Second, for Governor Christie, there’s the ever-present question of his “window.” Was it really ever 2012? Was it only 2016, with Trump’s entry being extraordinarily bad luck for him? That’s a mystery for the history books. With 2024 now also ruled out, the future is less certain.
Finally, the former Governor is undoubtedly one of the most talented messengers and fundraisers of our time. I think it’d be foolish to assume he’d just disappear. I do think, however, that he’s in a better position than most ex-Presidential contenders. He’s not squeezed for cash and doesn’t need to resort to something desperate to stay relevant. He has the benefit of time to decide what’s next, which is perhaps the greatest gift of all.
NJ Globe: This is the part where both sides state their case: Phil Murphy delivered his State of the State address last Tuesday. How did he do?
Alex: I don’t know what state the Governor thinks he’s living in, but the tenor of his speech made me wonder if he’s lost touch with reality entirely. He described New Jersey as a bastion of affordability and innovation that simply does not exist.
For most families, his chronic overspending and overtaxing has made the cost of living skyrocket, and in return, he has offered the weak consolation prize of applying for a fraction of your own money. Our unemployment stubbornly remains the third highest in the nation, and it has risen faster than any other state over the past year. The inflation that has plagued the rest of the country as a result of Joe Biden’s policies has hit New Jersey particularly hard, having risen 25% more than the national average here. Under Joe Biden and Phil Murphy, even families earning close to six figures are having a difficult time staying afloat.
What struck me is that Phil Murphy seems to have personally lost direction. Aside from helping shape the policy narratives of his wife’s Senate race, he’s a little lost. He’s not running for President, he’s not running for reelection, and he’s not up against difficult legislative midterms. I think the unremarkable speech reflected his somewhat uncertain future.
Dan: The Governor sounded a different tone in this State of the State – wiser, more focused, and encouraged by last year’s Midterm results.
And for a Governor entering year seven of his administration, he doesn’t seem to be letting up: he announced new initiatives around healthcare affordability, artificial intelligence, affordable housing, voting rights, and education. This was not an address from a lame duck Governor waiting for his term to end.
This fact is now immutable: Governor Murphy is one of the most impactful and transformative Governors in our state’s history. In two years, he will hand off a state with a healthy pension system, far better credit ratings, a stronger middle class, a thriving economy, fully funded public schools, and a fairer tax system. He has accomplished what the pundits called impossible, and whether or not they ever give him credit for it, the people of New Jersey have responded and ratified his leadership.
NJ Globe: Bob Menendez took to the floor of the United States Senate to make the case for his innocence. Did he make things better or worse?
Dan: I’m not sure what he could possibly do to make his situation better at this point. He is fighting three (!!) incredibly serious and alarming indictments that charge him with crimes that would make the Trump family blush. He should resign his seat and allow New Jersey to turn the page.
Alex: If the Windsors’ motto is “never complain, never explain,” the considerably less honorable axiom of American politics these days seems to be “never apologize, never resign.” With how polarized our country has become in recent years I would say that this mostly works. People from each political party feel increasingly confident with defending the misdeeds of their friends by pointing to the bad behavior of their foes, and they are eagerly supported by partisan media.
Bob Menendez is proving to be an exception this time. He is on a political island (shared only by maybe George Santos). I think that’s mostly because of the severity of the charges and the fact that this will be his second run-in with federal prosecutors. I think the partisan media also feels much less obligated to carry water for him with the entry of MSNBC’s patron saint of democracy, Andy Kim, into the race. Hey Bob: no shame in making Cameos!
NJ Globe The Newark City Council voted last week to lower the voting age for school board elections to 16, and Governor Murphy proposed doing that everywhere in New Jersey. Is this a good idea?
Alex: Eh, Democrats can wax poetic about expanding democracy all they want; this feels like a pretty naked power grab, particularly in a machine town like Newark.
Dam: I see both sides of this – I do like the idea of expanded democracy to those most affected by the BOE’s policies, but I also understand concerns about pulling sophomores, juniors, and seniors into intense BOE politics (my local BOE often makes Hudson County look genteel).
I’m not sure how this counts as a power grab (was Newark in danger of being taken over by Republicans?), but we can assume there will be growing pains as more New Jersey communities adopt it.
New Jersey
Inside the Protests at Delaney Hall, the New Front in Trump’s Immigration War
For hours, the masked protesters and masked ICE agents have stood staring at each other, separated by a thin strip of asphalt. At the edges of the crowd, New Jersey state troopers stand around, arms crossed, looking bored. Daylight hours at Newark’s Delaney Hall immigration detention center are quieter, the crowds thinner, the officers behind the gates more relaxed. It’s when, until recently, families could still go in and out, visiting their relatives inside. But when night falls, things change.
“When sunset happens, they’re going to push us into that cage and mace the fuck out of us,” says a street medic we’ll call Egg. “When they come, they’ll come hard and fast.”
The cage Egg is referring to is a small square of orange fencing set up on the street outside of Delaney Hall. It’s there because New Jersey’s new Democratic governor, Mikie Sherrill, has for days tried to quell the protests outside of the detention center, and has determined that what demonstrators need is a designated “protected speech zone.” Temporary fencing isn’t going to cut it, though — not for the protesters and certainly not for the detainees suffering inside of Delaney Hall.
On May 22, a group of detainees in DHS custody began a hunger and labor strike over what they claimed were inhumane conditions inside the facility. In a series of letters, detainees described a horrific list of ailments and injustices, including the persistent spread of disease, long response times by guards in the case of accident and injury, worm-riddled food, insufficient medical care, and dilapidated bathrooms that were in “inhumane condition.”
“We’d like to apologize for the way we entered the United States,” the detainees wrote. “Our American dream is safety and protection — with our families. Although this is a difficult situation, we trust in God and believe in American justice.”
Thus far, the detainees wrote, American justice has been hard to find. They claim that after surrendering themselves to U.S. authorities, they have been held for months, even when they sought to voluntarily return to their country of origin. One of the letters contained hundreds of signatures of detainees who were desperate to get out of Delaney Hall, offering to leave the country by any means just to escape the conditions inside. As news trickled out of the center, families of the detainees set up aid tents and resource centers outside, helping visitors meet with their loved ones during visiting hours. But as the DHS continued to ignore the detainees’ demands for more humane treatment, protests picked up steam, and pressure mounted to allow a full inspection of the facility.
On Monday, Sherrill and other New Jersey politicians attempted to visit the facility. They were allowed inside, but denied full access. “My request for access to Delaney Hall was formally denied this morning, raising serious questions about what they are trying to hide from public view,” Sherrill wrote in a statement afterwards. “I will continue to hold ICE accountable. … In New Jersey, we believe in the rule of law and that everyone deserves to be treated with basic dignity.”
Protests outside the facility, meanwhile, spiraled into violence. ICE agents flooded waves of protesters — including New Jersey Senator Andy Kim — with pepper spray, smashing their bodies into the ground and, in one case, into oncoming traffic on the road outside. They shot pepper balls and fired tear gas. The crowds outside mounted. Delaney Hall canceled visiting hours.
On Friday night, Sherrill sent in the state police — not to open or inspect the facility, but to clear the streets of protesters.
I ARRIVED at Delaney Hall at around 6:30 on Friday evening. Jersey state troopers had closed the road more than half a mile from the facility in either direction, stemming the near-constant flow of semi-truck traffic. Delaney Hall is in a desolate, industrial area of Newark, on a straight strip of road that passes the county jail, shipping companies, an asphalt plant and several fuel depots. When the wind picked up from the south, I could smell the sewage treatment plant nearby. As I approached the facility, I passed an organized row of tents and port-a-potties set up by activists to support families of detainees, along with stacks of boxes overflowing with protective equipment: respirators, goggles, masks, even knee and elbow pads. In front of Delaney Hall, a loose crowd of protesters was set up in the street. Militant, masked anti-fascists stared down a line of ICE agents in full combat gear — body armor, helmets, guns — standing at the gates of the facility.
It was still daylight, and the mood was largely calm. Some elderly protesters chanted and sang on a megaphone, priests and clergy drifted around, activists pushed carts of water and snacks. No one paid much attention to Sherrill’s “protected speech zone,” except to use the empty blacktop as a canvas for chalk art. But there were signs that everyone expected the night to get much more tense.
“You know what’s next, just go home!” a guy wearing a surgical mask in the crowd shouted abruptly. He wasn’t speaking to ICE, though; he was addressing the state troopers loitering around the edges of the protest. “You don’t have to be here! Go home to your wife and children!”
I moved around the crowd, chatting with protesters. Most didn’t want to give their real names. As activism has been increasingly criminalized since Donald Trump retook office, the rank and file of America’s protest movements have become more and more private about who they are. Eventually, I met Egg, the street medic. “Mikie Sherrill sold us out — now they’re here to tell us to fuck off,” he said, motioning to the state police. Egg explained what he thought would happen next. Because of the clashes with ICE agents, who had been brutalizing protesters for days, Egg thought that Sherrill had sent in the state police to keep the protesters in line. He wasn’t impressed with the “cage” — the “protected speech area” — but figured it would be an excuse for the staties to clear the streets later on. He assumed that when it got dark, we’d get a dispersal order, and anyone who didn’t comply would get fucked up. “We’re still here because it’s the right thing to do,” Egg said.
A few minutes later, I sidled up to one of the staties nearby. I asked if they had a timeline in mind, a curfew or a dispersal order at the ready. “Not that I know of.” he shrugged, casually.
But the crowds outside had a clear goal in mind.
“We’re not out here to be like ‘fuck ICE, fuck the state police,’” another protester, who called himself Roland, told me. “We’re here to support them,” he added, motioning to the detainees inside. Delaney Hall is not a huge complex: from the street, you can hear detainees yelling, and see their silhouettes in some of the barred windows.
As dusk fell, things stayed quiet. Protesters sat on the asphalt, taking a moment of rest. “Fuck you ICE!” one yelled, in between bites of a bodega sandwich. There was a brief interlude in which a group of protesters went over to yell at a right-wing livestreamer who showed up to “evangelize,” he said. A smattering of other conservative influencers and streamers also wandered around, largely ignored. Everyone, including me, had a persistent dry cough. One photographer told me he thought so much pepper spray had been deployed that week that its residue was infused into the dust and dirt on either side of the street.
At 9 p.m., though, things started to change. Some of the state troopers, who were in their normal duty uniforms, pulled back off the streets. A few street medics made their way through the crowd with some intel: ICE was planning a shift change. Clashes often happen when vehicles are moving in and out of the facility; earlier in the week, ICE had relocated a detainee that was involved in the internal protests to another facility, prompting outrage from family members and protesters alike. As twilight gave way to darkness, the crowd split as a commotion broke out down the street. The state police were back. On a loudspeaker, a sergeant read out an order to disperse. The crowd yelled back. The sergeant’s SUV drove away. In the distance to the north, way down the street, a line of riot police appeared.
This was it: what both cops and protesters had been waiting for. Everyone pulled on their masks. For the moment, the ICE agents were forgotten. The riot line marched down the street, getting right up in the faces of the protest’s front line. “GET BACK. GET BACK. GET BACK,” the cops chanted, voices muffled by their gas masks. They tossed a volley of flash-bang grenades, three concussions that ripped down the street. The protesters fell back, and the cops stomped forward. Behind the riot line, a squad of mounted police tried to form up, their massive bay horses dancing around as the grenades went off. The line had passed me by quickly as I stood on the sidewalk and expanded to fill the entire width of the street, trapping me in a strange liminal space to the side of the cops’ back line. I watched an officer with a grenade launcher raise and fire a canister of tear gas down the street, and heard it explode with a bang as gas billowed out and blew back towards him. The riot line split abruptly, and the mounted unit charged into the gap forcing the protesters back even more: medieval battle tactics adapted for use on modern streets. The riot line reached the protected speech area, ripping aside the orange fences, the metal clangs making the huge horses skitter at odd angles as they retreated. On the fringes, the troopers started to make arrests, slamming several protesters to the ground. I watched them lead an old man, eyes streaming, groaning and retching, down the street, his hands zip-tied behind his back. “Legal aid! Legal aid! What’s your name!” a volunteer yelled to him. He summoned up enough breath, standing straighter, enunciating every syllable. A few minutes later, the cops led another woman through the gap in the lines. She was moaning in pain, one of her legs unable to support her weight. I couldn’t hear her name.
The protesters’ yells and chants died out as they fought the gas and grenades. The gas drifted down the street, enveloping everyone. The staties pushed past Delaney Hall, where a gaggle of ICE officers watched. As space cleared, a group of the ICE agents struck out from their post, moving across the street to where protesters had stacked aid supplies and food, trashing everything in sight. Behind them, the facility gates opened, and a line of cars streamed out: ICE and DHS officers, headed home for the day.
After the ICE cars were clear, the line of state police fired one more volley of gas and flash bangs, then retreated quickly down the street, melting back into the darkness to the north. The protesters slowly regrouped, catching their breath. “This is all about a fucking shift change,” a volunteer in an orange vest next to me said, as we coughed off the last of the gas. “They did all that so they could fucking leave.”
With the street clear, the protesters turned back to the ICE agents at the gate, the replacements for the ones who had just left. Someone brought out a boombox. For the moment, no one seemed inclined to continue the fight, as groups of protesters peeled off their masks and laughed off the adrenaline dump. Others picked through the wrecked supply camp, collecting witness statements about the ICE agents’ actions. It was around 10:45, roughly 45 minutes since the first call to disperse. The protesters were already regrouping.
“Whose streets!” someone yelled. “Our streets!”
On Saturday, protests continued. During the day, Sherrill re-established special zones for protesters, containing a pro-ICE right-wing counter protest in one and deploying the state police to keep the two sides apart. A small group of Proud Boys showed up, trading insults with the protesters from within their own enclosure, before beating a hasty retreat. The crowds grew even bigger. Left-wing livestreamer Hasan Piker showed up, fending off trolls and an even larger contingent of right-wing influencers who tried to rope him into debates. And after dark, the state police moved in again.
For some protesters, taking a beating night after night can be disheartening. Watching the politicians who say they’re on your side order cops to keep you in line feels like defeat. But the sustained protests have turned the Delaney Hall detainees into a national story. The politicians responsible can’t ignore it now, can’t let it slide as another one of the Trump administration’s many local predations in cities and communities across the country that we never see on the news. Unlike the protests in Los Angeles or Minneapolis, however, the Trump administration didn’t spark the Delaney Hall demonstrations with PR stunts and rhetoric. Those came later, of course — Markwayne Mullin posting constantly about rioters, former DHS commander Gregory Bovino trying to recapture some relevancy. The protests sprang up because of a small, dedicated community response to the mistreatment of a few hundred detainees. The protesters chose this ground, and if what I saw Friday was any indication, they’re determined to stick around.
Visiting hours at Delaney Hall, however, are still canceled. Many families don’t know that and show up anyway, Cat, an organizer with the immigrant rights group Cosecha, told me. What they find, instead of their loved ones, is a militarized compound closed up tight. No one, except the men with guns and armor, goes in, and few come out. Outside, the battle in the streets continues. On Friday, as I walked back to my car, I ran into two long-time activists, a husband and wife, watching the still-raging clashes down the street. “At least when we protested Obama it wasn’t this level of violence,” Giancarlo, the husband, told me, as we watched an officer spray a crowd of protesters at a barricade with pepper balls. “Now it’s just a whole different beast.”
New Jersey
Simon Nemec’s contract demand could ruin any return for New Jersey Devils
The New Jersey Devils are in a pickle coming into this offseason. It’s the same pickle they had last offseason, but in true Tom Fitzgerald fashion, the Devils sat on their issue and hoped they could address it during the season.
The issue is that they have seven NHL defensemen. Last year, that narrative changed drastically when Luke Hughes signed a seven-year deal worth $9 million per season. It’s really easy to play with seven high-upside defensemen when two are on their entry-level deal. Now, with two players making $9 million and five players making $4 million or more.
The Devils had one of the most expensive defensive units in the league. That could get a lot worse with Simon Nemec’s entry-level contract ending. He’s due a massive raise, and reports say he wants to squeeze as much money out of this negotiation as possible.
Nemec is technically the Devils’ seventh defenseman. Sunny Mehta is going to figure something out this offseason to rectify that situation. For some reason, Fitzgerald gave out multiple long-term contracts to veteran defensemen while also prioritizing defense in the draft. Since taking over as GM, and eventually President of Hockey Operations, Fitzgerald used four of his seven first-round picks on defensemen. Overall, he used 14 draft picks on defensemen, including one that played zero games the season before he was drafted.
The Devils have more defensemen than they know what to do with, and Anton Silayev is expected to join the roster this offseason. Seamus Casey is close to NHL ready if he stays healthy. There are options for Mehta.
This is why Nemec, trade request or not, is expected to be on the move this offseason. It’s becoming a math equation.
Speaking of math, Nemec might be a former second-overall pick, and he’s had some success in the NHL, but many teams would be hesitant to give him the same contract Luke Hughes got. Of course, there was more to the Hughes situation, as they were not going to give him a deal that coincided with Jack Hughes’s deal. Nemec doesn’t have that type of leverage.
Will this Simon Nemec contract “demand” hurt a potential return for the Devils?
Teams looking to upgrade their defense while also getting younger would be interested in Nemec. However, the most viable option many believe with Nemec is using him to get a star forward. Whether it’s a move to get Quinn Hughes on the roster or to get someone huge like Jason Robertson or Robert Thomas, Nemec would be the central piece to the trade.
These teams would be looking to save money. If Nemec is asking for that sizable salary, does it make sense for Dallas or St. Louis to do that?
If they do, it would make the deal less desirable than Nemec on an entry-level contract. Heck, even Nemec on a $5 million per year contract would make him really desirable, even if it was a bridge deal.
At the end of it, teams are going to take a chance on Nemec, including the Devils, if it doesn’t hit the price Mehta is looking for.
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New Jersey
Dueling protests face off at New Jersey ICE detention center over detainee conditions
Tensions rose at a Newark, New Jersey, immigration detention center on Saturday as a group of pro-ICE protesters faced off with demonstrators who have maintained a presence outside the facility for more than a week in support of detainees who they say are enduring inhumane conditions inside.
Saturday morning’s protests outside the Delaney Hall facility saw a heavy police presence, including a group of officers with riot shields blocking the entrance. At one point, a group of federal agents, some carrying long guns, and an armored vehicle were stationed outside.
A day earlier, New Jersey’s Democratic Gov. Mikie Sherrill announced that the state would establish a protected peaceful protest zone outside the facility, citing safety concerns following protests in Minneapolis earlier this year where federal agents killed two American citizens.
Sherrill said Saturday that she was “grateful to the vast majority of protesters who have assembled peacefully and raised their voices about Delaney Hall’s conditions.” She reiterated calls to “keep the temperature down” following the arrest of six people outside the facility late Friday night after protesters failed to follow police orders to disperse. The governor said five of the six arrested were from out of state.
“To the people coming from out of state to create chaos and dangerous situations, you should not be here,” she said at a news conference Saturday afternoon. “You are not helping the people detained at Delaney Hall. You’re not helping detainee families, and you’re certainly not keeping New Jersey safe.”
Sherrill’s announcement followed days of tensions outside the Delaney Hall facility over allegations of abysmal conditions and the use of violence against detainees, which the Department of Homeland Security denies. Nine people demonstrating in support of detainees were arrested Thursday following clashes with ICE officers.
Shouting matches between protesters
The atmosphere on Saturday was tense but peaceful. Police set up fencing to establish protest areas and separate the groups. Later, police officers blocking the entrance to the facility were seen without riot gear.
Protesters rallying in support of immigrants inside the facility banged on drums and chanted, “Shut down Delaney Hall, free them all!” and “Shut this racist system down!”
Some held signs saying “ICE OUT NOW,” and a group of healthcare workers held signs reading “Doctor against deportations” and “Health care worker against deportations.”
Many of the demonstrators have said they were protesting what they described as unsafe and inhumane conditions inside Delaney Hall.
Ashley Kussman said she was protesting for the detainees who were being held “in cruel conditions and who are being abused by our government and by a private corporation acting for our government,” referring to DHS and GEO Group, the private company that runs the facility.
“I am very worried for the state of our country,” she told The Associated Press. “I support the Constitution. I support democracy and I support the freedom to speak, the freedom to gather, the freedom to live without having to worry that you’re going to get kidnapped off the street by somebody in a mask and a uniform.”
Separated by fencing, the group of pro-ICE protesters held American flags and chanted, “USA, USA.”
They held signs that read “Make America Great Again” and “Support ICE.”
“We’re here basically to support ICE and the situations and the dealings that they’re unfortunately coming about. They’re just trying to do their jobs,” protester Michael, who declined to give his last name, told the AP.
“These officers are just under crazy scrutiny,” he said. “They just go out every day to risk their lives on the line and make sure that we make it home safe.”
Some protesters shouted across the fencing at each other.
“For days, we’ve heard reports of unsafe, inhumane and unconstitutional conditions there,” Sherrill said at a news conference Friday. “We’ve seen increasing violence, arrest and pepper spray at Delaney Hall, as well as public threats from the Trump administration, and we’ve seen the risk to public safety rising outside of Delaney Hall.”
DHS said on social media Saturday that ICE agents had “been bitten and faced death threats and assaults from violent rioters in New Jersey.” The agency thanked New Jersey law enforcement.
DHS and GEO Group did not respond to NBC News’ requests for comment on Saturday.
Regarding allegations of violence against the detainees inside the facility, GEO Group said in a statement Friday that staff responded to a “physical altercation involving detainees at Delaney Hall” on Thursday and that, in accordance with its policies, staff used “control measures to safely resolve the situation, including the limited use of chemical agents.”
The company added that its response was “carried out in strict adherence to federal standards and comprehensive training,” and that affected detainees were evaluated by on-site medical personnel and “were cleared with no serious injuries.”
GEO Group also said it categorically rejected what it called “baseless accusations” against the facility, which it said were “politically motivated,” adding that its services are monitored by ICE and DHS.
It said its support services include “around-the-clock access to medical care,” dietitian-approved meals, religious and specialty diets and access to medical care, the statement said.
Another night of tension
The protests remained tense on Friday night. As police erected protest barriers, ICE agents who had formed a line in front of protesters moved inside the building’s perimeter fence, according to NBC New York. New Jersey State Police Lt. Col. David Sierotowicz said ICE officers agreed to stand down as state police assumed responsibility.
Demonstrators had mixed reactions to the barriers. Some staged a sit-in and refused to move into one of the new protest areas police established using metal barriers and concrete blocks.
Around 10 p.m. on Friday night, a large team of state police carrying riot shields moved on protesters after reportedly giving those outside the facility a 15-minute warning.
Police began pushing the group of protesters back and deployed pepper spray. Moments after the chaos unfolded, police approached a marked WNBC news vehicle parked near the commotion and ordered the crew to exit the car into the cloud of tear gas.
Sierotowicz said at the news conference alongside the governor on Saturday that authorities spent several hours the previous night directing protesters to move to a designated area.
After some protesters failed to comply, police issued dispersal orders at 15-, 10- and 5-minute intervals, he said.
“During these announcements, agitators surrounded a marked enforcement vehicle car and made threats towards personnel, creating immediate safety concerns due to escalating safety risks,” he said.
Sierotowicz said some protesters “were observed retrieving face coverings, gas masks, fireworks, rocks, and other projectiles” and a public safety response team was deployed to move the crowd away from the area and create “safe passage for personnel with no significant injuries to the public or law enforcement.”
The ACLU of New Jersey said Saturday that the protests at the facility “have been overwhelmingly peaceful demonstrations of people exercising their constitutional right to call out the inhumanity of the immigration detention and deportation system.”
“New Jersey’s response must prioritize the safety and well-being of people — not mimic the dangerous and overly militarized tactics of the federal government,” John Butler, the political director of the ACLU of New Jersey, said in a statement. “The New Jersey State Police’s actions against protesters at Delaney Hall were an unnecessary response to free speech and the right to peaceful protest.”
“The real harm we’re facing isn’t from peaceful protests, but from the rampant ICE raids tearing apart our communities, the brutality of the immigration detention system, and the retaliation and excessive force being used against detainees, observers, journalists, and protesters,” he said.
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