Maine
Why Dean Karlan, chief economist of USAID, resigned on Tuesday
In November 2022, Dean Karlan was hired to be the first Chief Economist at USAID. His role and that of his 30-plus staff was to help design more cost-effective programs and to help the agency produce more evidence to guide future policies.
As he puts it: “I came to help choose effective programs to get more bang for our buck.”
After more than two years on the job, Karlan resigned yesterday. “I literally just emailed USAID and told them, ‘I hereby cancel the contract,’” he explained to NPR. “And that was it. No fanfare.”
Karlan, a professor of economics at Northwestern and the founder of Innovations for Poverty Action, spoke with NPR about his tenure at the embattled agency and his decision to leave. The following interview has been edited for length and clarity.
You’ve held a variety of other roles in the development space. Why did you take on this position at USAID?
Two reasons.
I worked in development in the early ’90s and I found myself asking again and again: Is this working? Why are we doing it this way and not that way? How can we make this better?
And I was struck by the lack of evidence, frankly, in the way development was done. And this very much inspired me to get a Ph.D. in economics and do research on understanding what works and what doesn’t, all with the mindset of trying to influence policy.
So I would have been the world’s biggest hypocrite if USAID knocked on my door and said, “Would you like to come help improve the way we use evidence to guide our decision making?” And I said, “Yeah, no thanks.”
The second answer is just the basic math. When I think about my time and what I do professionally, sure, I’ve produced less research for the past two and a half years. But what is the impact of that research relative to the number of dollars that we could move toward more effective programs?
There’s no way my individual research papers have that much influence.
Did USAID evaluate its programs before hiring you?
Yes, historically, USAID has evaluated its programs based on accountability. That is, did the thousand people intended to receive a program actually get it? That’s a very different question than: Did the program work? Did it actually change lives? That’s more complicated. But that’s what we were trying to champion because that’s ultimately what we care about.
What was it like when you took on this new kind of job for USAID?
I was greeted by many talented people who were enthusiastic about the kinds of changes that I was hoping to help lead. And there’s no way we would have accomplished what we did without their collaboration and support.
For a long while, the field of foreign aid and development didn’t have the evidence it needed to understand how to inform programs and make them more cost effective. But the world has changed a lot in the past 20 years and we’ve seen a huge increase in the quantity of careful program evaluations.
Now we have a great deal more evidence to know what works and what doesn’t to fight poverty. And while USAID was using that evidence when I arrived, there’s a lot of areas where it could improve its program design by doing a better job at synthesizing what’s out there. That was my job.
And when we took that approach, we had already begun moving the needle in how programs were designed to follow more tightly the evidence and produce more evidence on cost effectiveness.
For instance, we were working on a set of resilience awards for rural areas in sub-Saharan Africa where households are particularly prone to the vulnerabilities of drought or flood. The awards, totaling about half a billion dollars, help these individuals develop their own income-generating activity, which contributes to local economic development. This program has been evaluated repeatedly by me and others with very strong results in terms of household income, food security, and it actually reduces the need for future humanitarian support. Our office had been working with Uganda and Ethiopia to help build out these programs and take them to new places.
The second thing I came to do was to help build a discipline of transparency and documentation of impact so that USAID could learn how to improve over time by learning from its own programs — both its successes and failures — to understand more about what’s working and what’s not.
In your view, what makes for a healthy USAID?
The dream way it gets organized is that you are rewarded for carefully learning, sharing that learning, not repeating bad things, scaling up the good and helping others learn from you. And there was a lot of movement and effort to do that.
But that might be just too large of an ask of an aid program that is inevitably baked into a political process.
Once the new administration took over, when did you start to get a sinking feeling about the fate of USAID?
It became clear to me that something big was happening a week after the inauguration when a large swath of 58 senior people at USAID, including me, were all put on administrative leave. Initially, there was no reason given. But even when a reason did surface the next day, it made no sense. No one I knew was doing anything in violation of the executive order. So there was a lot of bewilderment that the stated reason for the administrative leave was likely false.
How were you feeling during this period?
I recognized that we were likely witnessing a blueprint for how to dismantle an agency — and USAID was the first to go. Why USAID? One argument is that the advantages of USAID aren’t seen by most of America.
The benefits are there, of course. But it is true there’s a lot of people in America who don’t see that benefit day to day. And so that makes it easier pickings to test the waters. And that was our first thinking — this is DOGE figuring out how to dismantle an agency, and they’re using USAID as the guinea pig to figure that out.
My feeling of puzzlement then turned into devastation and horror.
Can you unpack those words?
We’re watching psychological warfare against a workforce that has been committed to furthering the lives of other people. This was a career choice they made to help others even if they disagreed about how to improve USAID.
If you want to reform foreign aid, this isn’t the way to do it. This approach is going to radically increase the cost of all future foreign aid. That’s because if you want to work with anybody in the future and you tell them, “No, no, no, this time we’re here. We’re not going to fold on you,” how are you going to convince them of that? When you can’t trust someone, it makes you reluctant to make agreements with them. And that means doing less good with more money to have the same positive impact as we were having before.
There’s a lot of good that USAID has done across the board in terms of health, education, helping farmers, and helping people in crisis.
Now, there are people who are going to be radically worse off and sick and not educated in the same way because of what’s happened. Literally taking people who are in hospitals and stopping treatments because the money is not there.
And not just that — people are going to die. A lot of people.
So we now have a million million tragedies that could have been avoided.
How did you arrive at the decision to resign?
When I first heard that Senator Rubio was nominated to be Secretary of State, I saw that as really good news. He has a long track record of recognizing the value of foreign aid, both for the sake of the humanitarian benefits but also for furthering foreign policy in the United States.
In fact, Rubio has a tweet from a few years ago that says, “Foreign Aid is not charity. We must make sure it is well spent, but it is less than 1% of budget & critical to our national security.”
And so that’s where I was upon his nomination, waiting to see who he would bring in to help put in place actual changes at USAID and hoping that it would align with what he had been saying for the past ten years.
I know that there was a disconnect with the process that was actually undertaken, including a complete stoppage of work and payments. Categorically getting rid of thousands and thousands of people without thinking about their function — just mass layoffs across the entire agency. I was sad and frustrated for the thousands of people who have been stripped of a career dedicated to serving others. How they were demonized. All of it was harming our ability to use foreign aid as a tool for foreign policy. My hope was that maybe there would be a point where Rubio recognized this is too far and stops the carnage.
And you thought you might be able to help somehow?
I’m not saying that I saw great signs of hope based on what was happening on the human resources side in terms of dismantling the workforce. But one of the stated criteria in the executive order is to select programs that are cost effective. That’s why I joined. So I made several overtures to say, “Hey, I’m here to help.”
I was ready to rebuild from wherever we ended up to identify the most effective programs, figure out how to get them back in place, and to recommend new awards.
But I received no response. Zero engagement.
Copyright 2025 NPR
Maine
Maine’s abrupt plan to cut $400M in construction projects roils the industry
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This story will be updated.
The Maine Department of Transportation is moving to slash up to $400 million in projects from its agenda, a shocking and abrupt cutback that is rattling the state’s construction industry at the start of building season.
Roughly $50 million across six pavement projects have already been delayed, according to a memo exclusively obtained by the Bangor Daily News. The agency plans to cut or delay another $150 million in bridge, highway, intersection and multimodal projects later this month. A further $200 million or more in cuts are planned in the next three-year work plan.
Those figures were outlined by Transportation Commissioner Dale Doughty in the May 18 memo to Gov. Janet Mills that has since circulated widely in the transportation sector, which has been getting drip-by-drip details on the wide scope of the cuts over the past three weeks.
It comes at the beginning of the state’s relatively narrow construction season. Companies have hired workers and ordered materials for projects they expected to begin this summer. The severity of the transportation budget problems was not raised to lawmakers during the 2026 legislative session.
Kelly Flagg, executive director of the Associated General Contractors of Maine, called the shortfall “deeply troubling” in a statement.
“We stand ready to work with policymakers, stakeholders, and industry partners to identify both immediate and long-term solutions,” Flagg said. “Maine cannot afford to fall further behind.”

Insiders saw this first.
This story was broken in Maine Politics Insider, the BDN’s daily premium newsletter for the most ardent political news followers. If you are a new BDN subscriber, you can sign up here. Current subscribers can contact our customer service team to upgrade.
The cuts stem from a structural funding gap of at least $130 million in the state’s current work plan, according to Doughty’s memo. Losses are magnified because state money from the gas tax and other revenue sources is matched by federal funds. Lawmakers have long grappled with politically difficult long-term problems with the state’s transportation budget.
A Mills spokesperson said Wednesday morning that the administration was working on a response to questions from the BDN. The department says it needs roughly $240 million more in state capital funding annually to maintain the existing system, and that anything less than $200 million will erode it over time.
Doughty’s memo the only near-term solution is a series of bonds beginning as soon as possible. Lawmakers would have to return to Augusta to authorize that if one is going to appear on the November ballot.
Maine
Opinion: Owen McCarthy offers Maine Republicans real change
The BDN Opinion section operates independently and does not set news policies or contribute to reporting or editing articles elsewhere in the newspaper or on bangordailynews.com
Michael Capeci is the former chairman of the Bangor GOP.
Let’s be honest about Maine’s current state.
For many families, the cost of living has become unsustainable. Housing is out of reach for many young people. Energy bills keep rising. Many small businesses are struggling under taxes and regulations that make it harder to grow. Rural hospitals are under strain and despite years of increased state spending, the results are not showing up in people’s daily lives.
Concurrently, Maine continues to lose young workers to other states. That is not a statistic, it is a warning sign.
To me, the question in this Republican primary for governor is not about slogans. It is whether we continue with a political approach that has failed to reverse these trends, or whether we nominate someone with new ideas. I think that someone is Owen McCarthy.
Owen is not a political insider. He is an entrepreneur from Patten, a small town where opportunity is not assumed, it is built. He grew up in a working-class family, became the first in his family to graduate from college graduating from the University of Maine, and founded MedRhythms, a healthcare technology company focused on neurological treatment.
He didn’t just talk about opportunity. He built it. That distinction matters, because Maine’s problem is not a lack of debate it is a lack of results. We have seen the trajectory: higher costs, slower growth, and a steady outmigration of young workers. I believe Owen McCarthy represents a break from that pattern.
His Maine 2040 plan focuses on creating 50,000 new jobs in sectors where Maine has real advantages — maritime and defense, advanced forest products, and life sciences. These are export-driven industries tied directly to Maine’s workforce, geography, and institutions. What sets Owen apart is not only what he proposes, but how he approaches governing.
He prioritizes modernizing permitting so projects do not stall. He supports using technology to reduce costs and increase efficiency. He focuses on making it easier to build, hire, and expand in Maine.
That same practical mindset extends to healthcare. Expanding telehealth, strengthening EMS systems, improving provider flexibility, and shifting toward earlier intervention are not abstract reforms. They are system upgrades designed to improve access while controlling costs.
Maine voters consistently respond to competence. They reward candidates who understand problems and present plans to solve them. I believe they are tired of rhetoric that does not translate into results, and skeptical of politics that prioritizes messaging over execution.
Owen’s approach is grounded in solving the issues that shape daily life — affordability, healthcare access, job creation, and government efficiency. That is not just policy positioning. It is a governing model that speaks directly to voters.
Some will point to his lack of political experience. But I believe Maine’s core problems are not the result of insufficient political experience; they are the result of policies that have failed to deliver measurable improvement. Experience inside a broken system, by itself, is not a solution.
If Republicans want to win, this primary must be taken seriously. From my perspective, it is not about choosing a nominee for governor who can energize the base. It is about selecting someone who can compete in a broader electorate that is frustrated and looking for change.
That requires a candidate who can speak beyond the base, not by abandoning principles, but by demonstrating competence and a credible plan to address Maine’s challenges. I believe Owen McCarthy offers that combination. He represents a shift away from managed decline and toward economic execution.
This is not just another primary. It is a decision about whether Republicans position themselves to win Maine or whether they remain trapped in a cycle of repeating the same strategies and expecting different outcomes.
If Republicans want to compete for Maine’s future, they cannot afford to nominate a candidate who only motivates part of the electorate. They need someone who expands it.
I believe Owen McCarthy is that candidate.
And if the goal is to win Maine, then the choice should be unmistakable
Maine
Stalwart 7 in Varsity Maine baseball poll
The only notable change in the top-seven of the Varsity Maine baseball poll is that Gorham now has eight first-place votes, two more than last week. The order of the seven teams is identical. In fact, the only change in the top-seven over the past three polls is the swap at the top after Gorham’s win over South Portland on May 19.
Furthermore, Gorham, South Portland, Oxford Hills, Cheverus, Bangor, Mt. Ararat and Fryeburg have been ranked in the top seven for four straight weeks, and six of those squads have been among the top seven in every poll this spring.
Meanwhile, Scarborough is ranked for the first time since May 5, and Ellsworth and Thornton swapped spots.
The Varsity Maine baseball poll is based on games played before June 2, 2026. The top 10 teams are voted on by the Varsity Maine staff, with first-place votes in parentheses, followed by total points.
1. Gorham (8) 89
2. South Portland 79
3. Oxford Hills (1) 75
4. Cheverus 55
5. Bangor 42
6. Mt. Ararat 41
7. Fryeburg Academy 30
8. Ellsworth 27
9. Thornton Academy 25
10. Scarborough 12
Also receiving votes: Washington Academy 8, Monmouth Academy 4, Cony 4, Leavitt 2, Falmouth 2.
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