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Writer Bernhard Schlink on German war guilt and the resurgent far right

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Writer Bernhard Schlink on German war guilt and the resurgent far right

When Bernhard Schlink’s home in Bielefeld was destroyed by Allied bombs during the second world war, a wagoner who helped his mother retrieve their furniture from the wreckage expressed an unconventional thought — that the Germans had only themselves to blame.

“We saw the synagogues burn, we know why our cities are burning now,” he told Schlink’s mother as they rode past bombed-out buildings.

“That deeply impressed her,” the writer says, “because very few people felt that at the time”.

Indeed, it took years — decades even — for Germans to assume any responsibility for the Holocaust. “In the 1950s they just saw themselves as victims, not perpetrators,” Schlink says.

Guilt — both individual and collective — has been an abiding theme in Schlink’s work. Author of The Reader, the only German book ever to top The New York Times bestseller list, he takes the darkest episodes of German history — colonialism in Africa; Nazi war crimes; the Baader-Meinhof terror of the 1970s — and weaves them into compelling stories that have made him one of Germany’s most celebrated and popular writers.

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An English translation of his 2021 novel The Granddaughter will appear in the UK later this month and early next year in the US. It is a complex, poignant narrative that plays out in communist East Berlin in the 1960s and the neo-Nazi scene of the present day. Le Figaro called it “the great novel of German reunification”.

Schlink’s literary success is all the more surprising, considering that he started off in an altogether different profession. For decades he was a distinguished law professor and judge, specialising in constitutional law and teaching at some of Germany’s most prestigious universities. 

“But I felt like something was missing in my life,” he says. He had written “bad poetry” and “little stories and plays” as a young man, and then, in the late 1980s, decided to “return to writing”. With a colleague, Walter Popp, he concocted a detective novel, Self’s Justice; then in 1995 came The Reader and the rest is history. 

We meet at an outdoor café near his home in the hexagon-shaped Viktoria-Luise-Platz, one of Berlin’s most exquisite spots. With a huge fountain gurgling in the background, I ask Schlink, a sprightly 80-year-old with a disarming smile, how he chooses his subjects. “It’s not like I’m interested in something and then think up a story about it,” he says. “I have the feeling that the stories come to me.”

While he has published 11 novels and three collections of short stories, none of his books has done as well as The Reader, which was translated into 45 languages and turned into a Hollywood film starring Kate Winslet. It tells the story of a 15-year-old boy, Michael Berg, who discovers that the love of his life — an illiterate tram conductor called Hanna Schmitz, who is 21 years his senior — was a camp guard in Auschwitz.

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The Reader captures the anguish of a whole swath of young Germans gradually discovering the terrible things their parents did during the war. It is not, Schlink insists, a Holocaust novel. “It’s more about my generation’s relationship to the Third Reich than about the Third Reich itself,” he says. 

The book didn’t go down well in Germany, at least not at first. “People said my depiction of Hanna Schmitz was too human,” he says. But that, he insists, missed the point. 

“Our parents or uncles or teachers who committed monstrous acts weren’t monsters — they were wonderful teachers, loving parents and exemplary doctors,” he says. That was, in a way, one of the hardest aspects of Germany’s Vergangenheitsbewältigung or “coming to terms with the past”. “Of my generation there were a few who utterly, radically, broke with their parents, but most kept loving them . . . and became enmeshed in their guilt.”

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The Granddaughter also touches on recent historical trauma. It centres on the figure of Kaspar, a West German who goes to study in Berlin in the 1960s and falls in love with an East German woman. The secrets of her early years, buried deep and concealed from Kaspar, end up poisoning her life. 

Like Kaspar, Schlink also attended university in West Berlin, which at the time was a tiny island of freedom in the middle of the communist GDR. He had long been drawn to the east: “As the son of a Protestant pastor, I grew up with Luther and Bach . . . I was always interested in Prussian history and I felt the east was just as much my Germany as the Catholic Rhineland or the Bavarian south,” he says. “And I just wanted to get to know it.”

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Like Kaspar, he took part in the “Whitsun Meeting of Youth”, a 1964 communist-organised festival in East Berlin when The Beatles were played publicly for the first time and young people from the socialist east and the capitalist west argued passionately about politics and danced together in the streets.

And like the hero of The Granddaughter, Schlink also fell in love with an East German woman and helped her escape to the west. It was an intervention that caused frictions with his parents. “They felt I couldn’t take responsibility for ripping a young person out of her world, away from her mother and two sisters,” he says. “But Margit, my girlfriend, never regretted it.”

Schlink uses his novel to explore the strange, disturbing world of Germany’s far right. His vehicle is Kaspar’s teenage granddaughter Sigrun, who has grown up in an extremist “liberated zone” in rural eastern Germany, denies the Holocaust and admires Nazi war criminals. Kaspar’s failed attempts to get through to her, delivered in Schlink’s spare, dispassionate style, are the most unsettling parts of the novel.

The author knows East Germany better than most of his contemporaries. He was the first West German professor to be invited to teach at East Berlin’s Humboldt University in 1990, just after the Wall fell, and also advised a roundtable of democracy activists who were trying to come up with a new constitution for East Germany.

He witnessed the euphoria after the end of communism, but also the disappointments. “There was lots of injustice,” Schlink says. “In the military, in the civil service, in government, and in business, an entire elite was forced to go and was replaced by elites from the west.”

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In addition, the “more earnest” easterners also grew disillusioned with the “hedonism and unseriousness” of the west. “They had this idea of democracy that came from a picture book, where politicians are responsible, care about their voters’ concerns and deal with them,” he says. “They were good democrats — almost too good. And then came disappointment with the ‘system’, and the ‘systemic parties’. And then the flight into protest.”

He is speaking just days after elections in the eastern states of Thuringia and Saxony, where the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) has made spectacular gains, an outcome that prompted pained editorials about the growing divide between east and west, 34 years after reunification.

Schlink is unsurprised that such an unapologetically ethno-nationalist party should do so well in the former communist east. “In West Germany people wanted to be Europeans and Atlanticists first,” he says. “In the GDR people were always much less self-conscious about being German.”

It is one of many moments when the turbulence of Germany’s history comes to dominate the conversation. Schlink recalls childhood holidays spent with his Swiss grandfather, a history nut: “With his walking stick he could draw battle plans from Sempach to Waterloo on the forest floor,” he says.

From then on, “I always felt that German history is my history,” he says. “I am German and it’s part of me. And I realise more and more how much I am shaped by it.”

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The Granddaughter by Bernhard Schlink, translated by Charlotte Collins Weidenfeld & Nicolson £20/HarperCollins $28.99, 336 pages

Guy Chazan is the FT’s Berlin bureau chief

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With the white nationalist group Patriot Front, what you see is not what you get

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With the white nationalist group Patriot Front, what you see is not what you get

Members of the group Patriot Front ride the subway as a commuter looks on, in Washington, D.C., on July 4.

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The sight of hundreds of masked men roaming the streets of Washington, D.C., on July Fourth weekend, wearing khakis, blue shirts and uniform patches, was chilling to some of the city’s residents.

For many Americans, it was the first they heard about Patriot Front, a white nationalist organization that was born out of the deadly 2017 Unite the Right rally in Charlottesville, Va. A now-viral Reuters photo prompted reflections on the experience of a lone African American woman who was photographed in a Metro subway car, surrounded by white supremacists.

The planned demonstration of force was timed to bring a fringe group of extremists into public view as the nation marked 250 years of its independence. Indeed, the stunt succeeded in earning the group media coverage across mainstream outlets, amplifying its brand and potential to reach new recruits. On this occasion, the members refrained from engaging in violence and property damage, projecting an image of law-abiding, orderly activism.

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But those who are closely familiar with Patriot Front’s history and operations warn: Don’t believe what you see.

“That is not who they are in private,” said Len Kamdang, director of the Criminal Justice Project at the Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights Under Law. “Although they were on their best behavior [last] weekend, this is a dangerous group that commits acts of violence all over the country.”

Patriot Front’s history of violence and property damage

Kamdang’s organization sued members of Patriot Front for vandalizing a public mural dedicated to the tennis legend and Black activist Arthur Ashe in Richmond, Va., in 2021. Ashe, who was inducted into the International Tennis Hall of Fame in 1985, was born in Richmond and his legacy is a continuing source of pride to members of that community.

“A couple of Patriot Front members showed up under cover of night and vandalized the mural,” Kamdang said. “They painted white stencils all over. … They literally tried to whitewash him and they put their symbols of hate all over — their stencils, their slogans. And all the while they were caught on video. And that video leaked using some of the most horrible language that you can imagine.”

In many jurisdictions, law enforcement can seek additional hate crime charges or sentencing enhancements in cases where illegal acts appear to have been motivated by racial bias. But in this case, Kamdang said, Patriot Front members faced no criminal charges and their identities were only revealed when online activists later infiltrated the group and leaked internal records.

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Graham Platner makes it official in Maine, submitting paperwork to leave Senate race

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Graham Platner makes it official in Maine, submitting paperwork to leave Senate race

Now-former Democratic Senate candidate Graham Platner speaks at his primary election night event on June 9 in Blue Hill, Maine. Platner officially dropped out of the race July 10 following rape allegations from a former romantic partner that he denies.

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Graham Platner, Maine’s Democratic nominee for Senate, is officially out of the race.

The Maine Secretary of State said Platner filed the necessary paperwork to withdraw his candidacy two days after he announced he planned to do so following an accusation of rape by a former romantic partner. Platner denies the allegation.

The Maine Democratic Party has until July 27 to pick Platner’s replacement.

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In his withdrawal notice, Platner said “people are desperate for change” and that’s why they voted “for a new kind of politics” by making him the Democratic nominee. He expressed gratitude for those who supported his campaign and said that he will continue to fight for “the movement we have built together and the future we believe in.”

He ended his notice with a strong statement aligned with the progressive platform.

“F*ck ICE. Free Palestine. Up the Hearts.”

Platner announced his plan to withdraw from the race in an 11-minute video he posted to social media on July 8. He said he had no choice but to suspend his campaign, citing it was no longer viable financially.

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“We are going to lose our ability to fundraise. We are going to lose our ability to access voter data. We are going to lose all of the things that any campaign needs on the basic level simply to function,” he said.

Platner added that dropping out was not an admission of guilt. Rather, the decision, he said, is to keep the progressive movement in Maine alive to defeat Republican Sen. Susan Collins in November. Platner blamed the “political establishment” for his downfall and argued the goal was to force him out of the race.

“We built a campaign. We engaged in electoral politics. We motivated people. We banded together. We did it the way that we were told we are supposed to make change and we won. And now they are not going to let us have it. Not if it’s me,” he said.

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Waymo called the cops on teen riders, raising privacy concerns

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Waymo called the cops on teen riders, raising privacy concerns

A Waymo robotaxi drives in San Francisco’s North Beach neighborhood this week.

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Police in San Mateo, Calif., posted Monday on social media that they had apprehended a pair of teenagers from a Waymo driverless robotaxi after the company alerted authorities to suspected criminal activity. It’s the latest incident involving video surveillance of passengers and others by autonomous vehicles — raising questions about the limits of privacy in such vehicles.

The Facebook post by the San Mateo County Police said: “Parents do you know where your teens are? @waymo does!”

The 15-year-olds were allegedly drinking alcohol and shooting toy guns from the car, according to the police. They said Waymo’s systems detected behavior that then triggered a safety response, after which the company disabled the vehicle and contacted police.

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Waymo’s cars, equipped with an array of cameras, microphones and other sensors to monitor passengers and other nearby vehicles, are becoming more common in cities across the United States. Experts say the detention of the two teens in San Mateo highlights a potential — but not inevitable — trade-off between privacy and convenience. It also questions the extent to which companies similar to Waymo are required to hand over private data, including audio and video of passengers, in situations where a crime is suspected.

NPR reached out to Waymo, which is owned by Alphabet, the parent company of Google, for comment on the details of the San Mateo incident and how the company responded, but did not hear back. But on its website, the company says that as many as 29 cameras in its autonomous cars provide an all-around view and “are designed with high dynamic range and thermal stability, to see in both daylight and low-light conditions, and tackle more complex environments.”

“There already exist laws that govern duty to report or even duty to protect” for carriers such as Waymo, according to Alessandro Acquisti, a professor of information technology at the MIT Sloan School of Management. “The privacy problems arise when and if driverless carrier companies used such laws or ethical obligations as a pretext for blanket, indiscriminate accumulation of identifiable data for unspecified future purposes.”

That includes not just monitoring people inside the cars, but outside too. Take, for example, a hit-and-run investigation last year in Los Angeles. Media reported that the police inquiry was aided by video captured by a Waymo taxi that had a clear view of the crime. Critics suggested at the time that authorities were using the company’s vehicles as a mobile surveillance platform. And during 2025 protests in Los Angeles against Immigration and Customs Enforcement crackdowns, demonstrators vandalized Waymos, apparently angry that video recorded by the vehicles could be used by police, although there is no evidence that happened.

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