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The Economic Mind of Tim Walz

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The Economic Mind of Tim Walz

Democratic vice presidential candidate Minnesota Gov. Tim Walz speaks during a campaign rally with Democratic presidential candidate, U.S. Vice President Kamala Harris, at the Liacouras Center at Temple University on Aug. 6, 2024 in Philadelphia.

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In recent weeks, Minnesota Gov. Tim Walz burst from relative obscurity to co-headlining the Democratic presidential ticket. Walz’s career rocket launch was fueled by his cutting political rhetoric, folksy midwestern charm, jovial dad vibes, and progressive principles and accomplishments.

Before Walz was governor and a vice presidential candidate, he wore many hats. He was a congressman, a high school teacher, a union member, a command sergeant major in the Army National Guard, a state-championship-winning high school football coach. One hat he did not wear: lawyer. That makes him, according to The Economist, “the first non-lawyer to be on the Democratic ticket since 1980.”

While in Congress, Walz represented a conservative district that had elected only one other Democratic representative in the previous century. The conservative makeup of that district might help explain why he took political positions that are rare for Democrats, including supporting gun rights (he had an “A” rating from the NRA) and the Keystone XL pipeline, which progressive lawmakers and environmentalists opposed because of its likely environmental impacts. Despite representing a conservative district, however, Walz was also an early supporter of same-sex marriage. He also has a long history of taking populist, progressive positions on a host of economic policies, from trade to corporate bailouts.

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While not as dramatic as the political transformation of his electoral counterpart JD Vance, Walz too had a political transformation over the last decade. As governor, Walz established a more progressive record than his time as a congressman, including on gun control and fighting climate change.

As governor, Walz prioritized economic issues — including greater government support for families and children — which have also been a top priority for Kamala Harris. It’s feasible that Walz’s selection could be a signal of the policies that Harris, if elected president, will try to implement during her administration.

A few weeks back, after Donald Trump picked Vance as his running mate, the Planet Money newsletter looked into Vance’s economic positions and record. Consider this newsletter the sequel. Today, we’re stepping inside the economic mind of Tim Walz.

Walzonomics

As governor, Walz prioritized increasing the economic security of kids. A couple years back in the Planet Money newsletter, we highlighted how America’s welfare system is pretty generous for the elderly but relatively stingy for kids. Comparing the United States to almost 40 other countries in the OECD, only Turkey spends less per child as a percentage of their GDP. It’s a significant reason why the US has a much higher rate of childhood poverty than other rich nations — and even a higher rate of childhood poverty than some not-so-rich countries.

As a senator, Kamala Harris co-sponsored legislation to increase the child tax credit. And, according to reporting from NPR’s Asma Khalid, Harris was “particularly passionate” on this issue when she became vice president.

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During the pandemic, the Biden-Harris administration, as part of the American Rescue Plan, expanded and enhanced the childhood tax credit, helping lift millions of kids out of poverty. One study by scholars at Columbia University found it reduced childhood poverty by about 30%. But, the enhanced childhood tax credit was made only temporary, and because of politics in Washington, Congress didn’t end up renewing it.

Governor Walz wasn’t happy with that. So he implemented a state version of the childhood tax credit, which, according to the Tax Policy Center, is “one of the largest in the country.” Starting in tax year 2023, every Minnesotan taxpayer with kids can claim “$1,750 per qualifying child, with no limit on the number of children claimed.” And because the credit is fully refundable, it means that even low-income Minnesotans who don’t pay much or anything in state taxes are eligible for it.

In addition to passing a generous tax credit for kids, Walz also created a program that gives Minnesotan K-12 students free school breakfasts and lunches.

Somewhat controversially, Walz made this meal program universal. It is not means-tested, so even rich kids can get free breakfasts and lunches. At a press conference after this program’s passage, Walz defended the universality of the program from Republican attacks that it was an unnecessary giveaway to parents who didn’t need it.

“Yeah, isn’t that rich? Our Republican colleagues were concerned there would be a tax cut for the wealthiest. You can’t make some of this up if you tried,” Walz said. Walz argued that, because the food program is universal, there is less bureaucracy in administering it. State bureaucrats and schools don’t have to verify the income of kids’ parents. “We know a lot of families — this is hard. They send you lots of paperwork… [The universality of the tax credit] was meant to make it as easy as possible, knowing it’s a benefit for all of them.”

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In a recent interview with the New York Times’ Ezra Klein, Walz further explained that making his school food program universal also helped eliminate divisions in school cafeterias. As a high school teacher for many years, Walz also served as a lunchroom monitor. In the past, Walz said, students who received free or subsidized lunch could be identified because they had different colored lunch tickets. He suggested that the universal nature of this program helped to eliminate class-based distinctions in schools and reduce stigma for poor kids who need assistance.

In addition, Walz told Klein, he got a lot of feedback from parents — and “especially mothers because of the unequal distribution of domestic labor” — that revealed another benefit of free school breakfast and lunches. “These were women who said, ‘Look, we didn’t qualify before. We do now. It’s an absolute tax cut for us. But it’s an absolute lifesaver for me that I don’t have to get up in the morning and either make breakfast or send one to school… So it’s a double benefit for us. I have less work. My kids eat.’ So it was actually middle-class folks who were most jazzed about this.”

Walz supported a host of other measures that support kids, including increasing funding for K-12 schools by 10 percent (a $2.2 billion increase) and signing a bill that expanded funding for kids who grew up in foster care to attend college.

Walz signed legislation that gave Minnesotan workers up to 12 weeks of paid family and medical leave as well as paid sick leave. As we’ve reported before in the Planet Money newsletter, the United States is the only rich country without a national paid leave program. The federal government only guarantees up to 12 weeks of unpaid family and medical leave, and it doesn’t even do that for all workers.

As governor, Walz worked to change that at the state level, expanding the ability of workers in his state to take paid leave. He signed legislation that gave Minnesotans up to 12 weeks of paid family and medical leave. Even more, he made the program more generous for low-income workers. The program has a progressive replacement rate, so lower income Minnesotans get a higher percentage of their income replaced when they’re on leave. The leave program is supposed to launch in 2026.

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In addition, Walz provided Minnesotans with paid sick leave. Now, for every 30 hours Minnesotans work, they can earn at least one hour of sick leave up to “a maximum of 48 hours each year unless the employer agrees to a higher amount.”

Walz helped make Minnesota’s tax system one of the most progressive of any state in the country. Through a series of tax cuts, rebates, and credits for low and middle-income Minnesotans and moderate tax hikes on the rich, Walz has helped transform Minnesota’s tax system into one of the few in the nation that is “moderately progressive,” according to the Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy. Most other states, according to this think tank, tax the rich at lower rates and therefore have tax systems that aren’t progressive at all.

Walz has done a lot on the tax reform front. Facing a multibillion-dollar budget surplus, the governor was able to enact “the largest tax cut in state history.” These tax cuts included the aforementioned child tax credit as well tax rebates of up to $1,300 for working class Minnesotans, which some dubbed “Walz checks.” Walz also cut taxes for recipients of Social Security in Minnesota.

To help pay for these cuts, Walz put a new tax on multinational corporations. He put a one percent surtax on investment income over $1 million a year. Walz also increased taxes on gas to help fund infrastructure.

Walz invested heavily in Minnesota’s infrastructure. Under Walz, the state has spent billions on improving roads, bridges, and other infrastructure projects.

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Walz has earned a reputation as a “YIMBY” — or, someone who has prioritized the development of new housing to help solve affordability issues. As governor, Walz took a number of actions to increase the supply and affordability of housing in Minnesota, including a billion-dollar housing investment bill that amounted to the largest single investment in housing in Minnesota history. Walz called it “a generational investment in housing.”

Walz is a former union member and a big supporter of organized labor. As a teacher, Walz was a member of the American Federation of Teachers union. And, like his counterpart JD Vance, Walz walked a picket line with auto workers. Walz also abolished noncompete agreements, which limited workers’ ability to switch jobs within an industry. He also banned companies from requiring workers to attend anti-union briefings, boosted funding for workplace safety inspections and worked to enhance worker protections, including at Amazon warehouses.

After Harris selected Walz, a range of unions praised him. “Tim Walz doesn’t just talk the talk, he walks the walk,” the United Auto Workers union wrote on X. “From delivering for working-class Americans to standing with the UAW on our picket line last year, we know which side he’s on.”

After intense, back-and-forth negotiations with Uber and Lyft, Governor Walz helped Minnesota become the first state to establish a minimum wage for Uber and Lyft drivers. In 2023, the Minnesota legislature passed a bill that would have set minimum pay rates for rideshare drivers and increased protections for them against being fired. Uber was not happy. And, after they threatened they would largely pull out of the state if the bill passed, Walz ended up vetoing the bill — his first veto.

“Rideshare drivers deserve fair wages and safe working conditions. I am committed to finding solutions that balance the interests of all parties, including drivers and riders,” Walz said about his veto. “This is not the right bill to achieve these goals. I have spent my career fighting for workers, and I will continue to work with drivers, riders, and rideshare companies to address the concerns that this bill sought to address.”

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Ultimately, however, Walz successfully surmounted the intense opposition from ride-share companies and implemented a version of this policy.

Governor Walz signed a so-called “Taylor Swift bill” that requires ticket sellers to fully disclose, up front, the real price — including all fees and surcharges — of tickets to concerts, games, and other live events. This bill was apparently sponsored by a legislator unhappy that they had trouble buying a ticket to a Taylor Swift concert in Minneapolis. The new law, among other measures, requires ticket sellers to disclose the full price of live events, including all fees, up front.

Governor Walz legalized marijuana. Both as a congressman and governor, Walz has been a long-time friend of weed smokers. In 2023, he signed a bill that legalized cannabis in Minnesota and created an “Office of Cannabis Management” to oversee and regulate the new sector. The law also automatically expunged “certain prior cannabis-related records” from the criminal histories of Minnesotans.

“We’ve known for too long that prohibiting the use of cannabis hasn’t worked. By legalizing adult-use cannabis, we’re expanding our economy, creating jobs, and regulating the industry to keep Minnesotans safe,” said Governor Walz in a statement after signing the bill. “Legalizing adult-use cannabis and expunging or resentencing cannabis convictions will strengthen communities. This is the right move for Minnesota.”

Walz has a mixed record on environmental causes. As a congressman, Walz supported the creation of the Keystone XL Pipeline, which was broadly opposed by progressives and environmental groups for its potential contributions to climate change and other environmental impacts (the pipeline was ultimately scuttled).

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But, as a governor, Walz signed a litany of pro-environmental bills, including a law that requires Minnesota to get 100% of its electricity from clean, renewable sources by 2040.

At the same time, however, Walz supported various causes opposed by environmentalists, including “about mining, oil pipelines, ag pollution and more,” according to The Star Tribune.

“What we have appreciated about Gov. Walz is he is very pragmatic,” Julie Lucas, executive director of MiningMinnesota, told Politico.

While serving in Congress, Walz opposed most free trade agreements he had the opportunity to vote for. Walz, for example, voted against free trade deals with Peru, Panama, and Colombia.

“Trade can be a powerful tool for good, but as we’ve seen in the past with agreements like NAFTA, sometimes these agreements work against the American worker,” then-Congressman Walz said in a 2015 statement.

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When opposing free trade agreements with Colombia and Panama, Walz expressed opposition to how these countries were governed. “Although improvements have been made in recent years, Colombia still has one of the worst human rights records in the western hemisphere, especially when it comes to the rights of workers,” then-Congressman Walz said in a press release. “In light of this record, I am opposed to any trade agreement with Colombia which does not make a dramatic and sustained improvement to human rights and the rule of law in Colombia. Additionally, I am concerned about the instability and corruption of Panama’s financial institutions and oppose that agreement without a tougher crackdown on those abuses.”

Walz, however, did vote for a free trade agreement with South Korea in 2011. “When done right, I firmly believe fair trade agreements have the potential to create jobs for American workers, greater demand for American products and growth for the US economy,” Walz said in a statement. “That is exactly the kind of policy we need to pursue in times like these. In southern Minnesota, the Korea Free Trade Agreement is an exciting prospect for many of our farmers and I believe this deal is a net win for Minnesota.”

As a congressman, Walz voted against bailouts for financial and auto companies. And he voted for the Dodd-Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act. “Wall Street reform will help ensure that hard-working taxpayers are never again asked to bail out Wall Street for their reckless decisions,” then-Congressman Walz wrote in an op-ed after voting for Dodd-Frank. “I voted against President Bush’s original Wall Street bailout in 2008, and opposed President Obama’s attempts in 2009 to renew it because it was a raw deal for taxpayers. The next time a big bank’s mistakes threaten the economy, there won’t be a bailout, but an orderly liquidation process — and the CEOs will be the first to go.”

On his opposition to the bailout of American automakers, Walz explained in a statement, “I voted against the auto industry bailout for the same reason I voted against the Wall Street bailout: because it doesn’t do enough to protect the taxpayers who are footing the bill. Nothing in this bill will prevent the auto manufacturers and their suppliers from continuing to move jobs overseas. And we have no guarantee that spending $15 billion in taxpayers’ money will actually solve the Big Three’s problems. We must preserve and create jobs in America but this isn’t the way to do it.”

***

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As is clear from the above, Walz has established a lengthy track record. And not everyone loves it. After Harris selected Walz, conservatives attacked his economic record. Former Trump economic advisor Kevin Hassett, for example, characterized Walz as a “tax-and-spend liberal” and even an “avowed socialist,” pointing to a recent comment Walz had made. “Don’t ever shy away from our progressive values,” Walz said recently on a “White Dudes For Kamala” call. “One person’s socialism is another person’s neighborliness.”

Love him or hate him, the vice presidency is often just a ceremonial role that doesn’t have much power. However, Harris’s selection of Walz may say something about her commitment to progressive policy goals, like greater government support for kids and families, and perhaps a less cozy relationship with big corporations than some past Democratic administrations.

We will be closely monitoring the economic policy issues and proposals of this presidential election. Follow along with us at Planet Money, on our short daily podcast The Indicator or here at our newsletter.

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Into the void: how Trump killed international law

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Into the void: how Trump killed international law

‘The old world is dying,” Antonio Gramsci once wrote. “And the new world struggles to be born.” In such interregnums, the Italian Marxist philosopher suggested, “every act, even the smallest, may acquire decisive weight”.

In 2025, western leaders appeared convinced they – and we – were living through one such transitional period, as the world of international relations established after the second world war crashed to a halt.

During such eras, Gramsci more famously wrote, “morbid phenomena of the most varied kind come to pass”. And at present there is no more morbid phenomenon than the crisis of legitimacy for the networks of rules and laws on which the international order was based – the world that the US was central in creating in 1945.

No one can say they were not warned about the wrecking ball that was about to be inflicted on the global order by Donald Trump.

The US secretary of state, Marco Rubio, spelled out with admirable clarity in his Senate confirmation hearing in February how Trump disowned the world his predecessors had made. “The postwar global order is not just obsolete, it is now a weapon being used against us,” he said. “And all this has led us to a moment in which we must now confront the single greatest risk of geopolitical instability and generational global crisis in the lifetime of anyone alive here today.”

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The rules-based international order had to be jettisoned, Rubio said, because it had been built on a false assumption that a foreign policy serving core national interests could be replaced by one that served the “liberal world order, that all the nations of earth would become members of the democratic western-led community”, with humankind now destined to abandon national identity and become “one human family and citizens of the world. This was not just a fantasy. We now know it was a dangerous delusion”.

Marco Rubio at his Senate confirmation hearing. Photograph: Graeme Sloan/EPA

Rubio’s assessment was echoed in the recent US national security strategy, with its warnings of European cultural erasure and determination to back nationalist parties that believe in “strategic stability with Russia”. The US would no longer seek to “prop up the entire world order like Atlas”, the document said.

On paper these sound like relatively coherent statements of “America first”, but in practice Trump’s foreign policy is a mass of confusion in which this formal non-interventionist ideology has clashed with sporadic interventions that uneasily blend notions of global order with the US national interest. There is no linear Trump foreign policy, just a catherine wheel of disconnected explosions thrown out across the night sky. As Donald Trump Jr asserts, as if it were a virtue, his father is the most unpredictable man in politics. The hugely personal nature of US foreign policy gives Washington’s erstwhile allies just enough false hope that the break with America is not real.

Amid this chaos there has been one consistent target for Trump’s contempt: the constraints imposed by international law, and its value system built around national sovereignty, including the prohibition of the use of force to change external borders. In its place Trump pursues “sheer coercive power” – or what has been described as mobster diplomacy, in which shakedowns, blackmail and deal-making are the agents of change.

Faced with the choice, for example, between expelling Russia from Ukraine – something the US undoubtedly has the military means to do by arming Kyiv sufficiently – or forging a profitable relationship with Vladimir Putin in which both sides plunder Ukraine’s considerable material resources, Trump unmistakably wants to choose the latter. Ukraine, it emerges, shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, in order to assure the survival and the success of the Trumpian economy. For the EU and Nato this is indeed the moment when every act has the potential to be decisive for the future sovereignty of Europe and the UN charter.

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Similarly the sovereignty of Venezuela, sitting on 303bn barrels of crude oil – about a fifth of the world’s reserves – becomes, like that of Greenland, Canada and Mexico, the subject of Trump’s marauding eye. Warned on social media that killing Venezuelan civilians without any due process – as the US has done by bombing numerous boats in the Caribbean and Pacific – would be described a war crime, the US vice-president, JD Vance, was brazen enough to reply “I don’t give a shit what you call it”. The Pentagon has subsequently claimed implausibly that it was permissible in US law to blow up shipwrecked sailors stranded in the water because they were combatants representing a threat to US security.

Meanwhile, the rules of free trade are shredded as Trump deploys the sheer size of the US market to extort not just money from allies, but changes in their domestic policy. A country’s standing in the White House is not judged by any rational criteria, let alone its democratic status, but on a leader’s personal relationship to Trump and his ruling clique – a blatantly monarchical order.

Qatar’s foreign policy adviser, Majed al-Ansari (left). Photograph: Noushad Thekkayil/EPA

Finally, Israel’s occupation and bombardment of Gaza, with European powers often complicit bystanders, is brutal in itself but also strips bare the supposed universality of international norms. In the words of Majed al-Ansari, the foreign policy adviser to Qatar’s prime minister and a man who has had more dealings with Israel than most in 2025: “We are living in an age of disgusting impunity that is taking us back hundreds of years. We are reduced to giving concession after concession not to stop acts of aggression, but to ask those responsible to kill fewer people, destroy fewer neighbourhoods. We do not even ask them to have respect for international law, but ask to take a step back from going 100 miles away from international law.”


All this has been accompanied by an open assault on the institutions of international law that stand in the way of coercive power. Nicolas Guillou, a French judge at the international criminal court, recently gave an interview to Le Monde in which he spelled out the impact of US sanctions imposed on him in August as a result of the ICC’s issuing an arrest warrant against Benjamin Netanyahu for crimes against humanity.

The sanctions have changed every aspect of his daily life. Guillou explained: “All my accounts with American companies, such as Amazon, Airbnb, PayPal and others, have been closed. For example, I booked a hotel in France through Expedia, and a few hours later, the company sent me an email cancelling the reservation, citing the sanctions.”

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For having the temerity to uphold the basics of international humanitarian law and the value of the lives of Palestinian civilians at the international court, which deals with issues such as war crimes and genocide, Guillou said he had in effect been sent back to live in the 1990s. European banks, cowed by the threats of US Treasury officials in Washington, rushed to close his accounts. The compliance departments of European companies, acting as the valets of the US authorities, refused to provide him services.

Meanwhile, European institutions – even signatories to the Rome statute that established the international court in 2002 – look the other way. Major Palestinian human rights groups such as Al-Haq also find their bank accounts closed as they face sanctions for cooperating with the ICC. The judges at the international court of justice, the UN body that deals with intergovernmental disputes, have had to take evasive action to prevent their assets being seized.

The US has left or sought to undermine several other UN bodies, such as the Human Rights Council and Unesco. In total it is estimated to have cut $1bn (£750m) in funding for organisations linked to the UN and fired 1,000 US government staff whose portfolios reinforced major UN functions.

At the UN general assembly, the key site of this year’s disputes between the US and the rest of the world, the US almost relishes its isolation. Other multilateral institutions – the World Trade Organization, the Paris climate agreement structure, the G20 – have become zones of conflict, places where the US can assert its dominance or indifference, either by absenting itself or demanding humiliating fealty from its one-time allies. John Kerry, a former US vice-president, said that under Trump the US was turning “from leader to denier, delayer and divider”.

“When the United States walks away, old excuses find new life. China not only enjoys newfound freedom from scrutiny,” Kerry said: it slowly fills the gap left by the US departure.

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Washington’s turning away from international law and its institutions is especially sad because, as Dr Tor Krever, an assistant professor of international law at the University of Cambridge, points out, with Gaza “the language of legality has become the dominant frame of popular and political discourse”.

In a special edition of the London Review of International Law, more than 40 academics have written essays discussing whether this sudden public faith in international law as a harbinger of justice is a load that the law has the capacity to bear. Law cannot be a substitute for politics or settle ideological conflicts in a polarised world. Prof Gerry Simpson, the chair of public international law at the LSE, said he needed to swallow his longstanding doubts about international law’s efficacy “in the face of the enormous faith that had been placed on it, especially by the young”.

Illustration: Brian Stauffer

The inability to meet new public expectations has led to what Prof Thomas Skouteris, the dean of the law college at the University of Khorfakkan, UAE, describes as “a fin de siècle mood” about international law. Writing in the Leiden Journal of International Law, he argues: “International law’s lexicon – sovereignty, genocide, aggression – has become almost ambient, saturating the political atmosphere with juridical resonance. But ubiquity brings a strange paradox. The more present international law appears, the less decisive it feels. Norms are invoked with greater frequency and intensity even as their capacity to settle disputes or forestall violence seems to weaken. What once promised order increasingly reads as performance.”

The paradox is revealed in its starkest form when rulings of the UN security council or the international courts are invoked by western leaders who, in the next breath, prostrate themselves in front of Trump, caving in to his demands, calling him “daddy”, as Nato’s Mark Rutte did, and sending more lavish gifts to the Sun King and his family.

Very few in 2025 stood up against what the Dutch historian Rutger Bregman called “immorality and unseriousness … the two defining traits of our leaders today”.

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Tom Fletcher, the head of the UN humanitarian agency Ocha, was arguably an exception. In May he asked UN diplomats “to reflect – for a moment – on what action we will tell future generations we each took to stop the 21st-century atrocity to which we bear daily witness in Gaza. It is a question we will hear, sometimes incredulous, sometimes furious – but always there – for the rest of our lives … Maybe some will recall that in a transactional world, we had other priorities. Or maybe we will use those empty words: We did all we could.”

Oman’s foreign minister, Badr bin Hamad Al Busaidi. Photograph: Stefan Rousseau/PA

His was a genuine howl of despair. Another cry of pain came from Oman’s foreign minister, Badr bin Hamad Al Busaidi. Speaking to the Muscat retreat of the Oslo Forum, an international mediators’ discussion group, he explained: “We are worryingly close to a world in which certain kinds of foreign intervention – if not outright invasion and annexation of territory – are accepted as a normal part of international relations, rather than as illegal violations of our shared international order. How did this happen?”

Al Busaidi claims the problem predated Trump. “Restraint and respect for international law was abandoned in the aftermath of 9/11, with the launch of not one but two foreign interventions, in Iraq and Afghanistan, ostensibly aimed at the elimination of a terrorist threat, but in reality, functioning as explicit projects of regime change.”


Now some on the left welcome the idea that international law’s entry into the limelight has coincided with its loss of credibility. The critics would share the view of the Marxist Perry Anderson, writing in New Left Review, that “on any realistic assessment, international law is neither truthfully international nor genuinely law”.

They argue that US presidents – Democrat and Republican alike – have always in reality exempted themselves from the law’s constraints. The US has never been a signatory to the Rome statute or the UN convention on the law of the sea. Roosevelt was not that interested in forging a club of democracies, but wanted as much to create a law-based stability pact with Russia. Indeed, Prof John Dugard, a member of the South African legal team at the international court of justice, has argued that the Biden team’s choice of the phrase “rules-based order” was a revealing code because it showed the US ambiguity towards international law.

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The Russian foreign minister, Sergei Lavrov, has long declared that the US is promoting “a west-centric rules-based order as an alternative to international law”. China’s foreign minister, Wang Yi, made the same criticism in May 2021 during a UN security council debate on multilateralism. “International rules must be based on international law and must be written by all,” he said. “They are not a patent or privilege of a few. They must be applicable to all countries and there should be no room for exceptionalism or double standards.”

For much of the global south too, the rules conceal histories of violence and racial hierarchy. Others see international law with its references to proportionality, distinction and necessity as a futile attempt to soften the essential brutality of war.

It has been left to an older generation to insist there is something precious worth preserving. Take the response of Christoph Heusgen, the outgoing chair of the Munich Security Conference, in the wake of Vance’s speech attacking European values made in February 2025.

Heusgen, who served for 12 years as Angela Merkel’s adviser on security and foreign policy affairs, told the conference: “We have to fear that our common value base is not that common any more … It is clear that our rules-based international order is under pressure. It is my strong belief that this more multipolar world needs to be based on a single set of norms and principles, on the UN charter and the universal declaration of human rights.

“This order is easy to disrupt. It’s easy to destroy, but it’s much harder to rebuild. So let us stick to these values.”

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But Ansari, despondent after a year of often fruitless Middle East diplomacy, predicts we are “moving from a world order to disorder”.

“I don’t think we are moving towards a multipolar system. I don’t think we are even moving to a power-based international order. I don’t think we are moving towards any kind of system.

“We are moving into a system where anybody can do whatever they like, regardless if they are big or small. As long as you have the ability to wreak havoc, you can do it because no one will hold you accountable.”

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New Epstein files mention Trump. And, SCOTUS rules on National Guard in Chicago

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New Epstein files mention Trump. And, SCOTUS rules on National Guard in Chicago

Good morning. You’re reading the Up First newsletter. Subscribe here to get it delivered to your inbox, and listen to the Up First podcast for all the news you need to start your day.

Today’s top stories

The Justice Department yesterday released about 30,000 pages of new documents, including flight logs, memos and letters, related to disgraced financier and convicted sex offender Jeffrey Epstein. The files contain hundreds of references to President Trump.

President Donald Trump in the Oval Office of the White House in Washington, Dec. 15.

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  • 🎧 It’s well established that Epstein was well-connected and knew many influential figures, including Trump and former president Bill Clinton, NPR’s Sarah McCammon tells Up First. She emphasizes that Trump has not been accused of any wrongdoing, but notes that the documents continue to highlight the relationship between Trump and Epstein, raising questions about how much Trump knew about Epstein’s activities. She adds that it’s unclear which documents are credible and which aren’t. On social media, the DOJ has claimed that one of the files — a letter from Epstein to convicted sex offender Larry Nassar — is fake.

The Supreme Court has ruled that National Guard troops must stay out of Chicago — for now. The decision is one of several “emergency docket” cases in which the conservative majority court has ruled against Trump since he began his second term as president. The justices ruled 6-3, stating that the president failed to explain why the situation in Chicago warranted an exception to a law called the Posse Comitatus Act, which limits the military’s ability to execute laws on U.S. soil.

  • 🎧 Because the ruling came through an emergency decision, it does not set precedent, NPR’s Kat Lonsdorf explains. The decision applies only to this specific case in Illinois, not to troop deployments elsewhere. But deployments in other cities are currently tied up in litigation in lower courts, and Lonsdorf says lower court judges tend to look to these emergency decisions for guidance.

The U.S. economy grew faster than economists expected from July through September, according to a delayed report from the Commerce Department on the nation’s gross domestic product (GDP). The agency usually releases this report in October, but it pushed it to this month due to the government shutdown.

  • 🎧 Two factors helped drive the growth, NPR’s Alina Selyukh reports. The first was people and companies spending money on artificial intelligence and other technologies. The other is what Selyukh called the “perpetual motion machine” that is the American consumer. Americans are continuing to spend, despite recent polling showing growing uncertainty about their financial prospects. A new Conference Board report on consumer confidence found that sentiment declined for the fifth consecutive month, as Americans worry about inflation, the political landscape, and the labor market.

Today’s listen

Mariah Carey’s “All I Want for Christmas Is You” first hit No. 1 in 2019 and has topped the chart every holiday season since.

Mariah Carey’s “All I Want for Christmas Is You” first hit No. 1 in 2019 and has topped the chart every holiday season since.

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Christmas stirs a mix of joy, anticipation and … yearning. That tender longing runs through holiday classics like Mariah Carey’s “All I Want For Christmas Is You” and Judy Garland’s version of “Have Yourself A Merry Little Christmas.” Slate music critic Carl Wilson speaks with Morning Edition about why the holiday evokes this sense of yearning, and why these songs still resonate. Listen and grab some inspiration for your Christmas playlist.

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Mason "Bric" LaDue, a hip-hop music industry professional turned cattle rancher, takes the reins off of his horse, Valero, on Feb. 5, 2025, at his family's ranch in Marquez, Texas.

Mason “Bric” LaDue, a hip-hop music industry professional turned cattle rancher, takes the reins off of his horse, Valero, on Feb. 5, 2025, at his family’s ranch in Marquez, Texas.

Michael Minasi/KUT News


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Michael Minasi/KUT News

As the year comes to a close, NPR photojournalists are sharing a collection of images that defined 2025. The photographs capture the biggest headlines and quiet, powerful human scenes across the U.S. They’re representative of the fact that journalism not only documents factual events but also conveys the experiences and emotions felt in the many places we call home. Here’s a look at some of the images that resonated with the photographers this year.

3 things to know before you go

A family at their Victorian-era Christmas dinner, circa 1840.

A family at their Victorian-era Christmas dinner, circa 1840.

Hulton Archive/Hulton Archive


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  1. Today, the word “yule” conjures up images of cozy Christmas cheer. But Yuletide traditions got their start in wild parties and animal sacrifice. On this week’s Word of the Week, dive into the pagan origins of Yule festivals.
  2. The Middle Collegiate Church, a centuries-old space in New York City, will hold its first Christmas Eve service tonight after a six-alarm fire destroyed the building in 2020. The church officially reopened on Easter this year.
  3. At the Ground Zero Hurricane Katrina museum in Waveland, Miss., an exhibit showcasing letters written to Santa in the wake of the storm tells stories of resilience and recovery. (via New Orleans Public Radio)

This newsletter was edited by Majd Al-Waheidi. Brittney Melton contributed.

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U.S. and Ukraine reach consensus on key issues aimed at ending the war

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U.S. and Ukraine reach consensus on key issues aimed at ending the war

Ukraine’s President Volodymyr Zelenskyy speaks during a media conference at the EU Summit in Brussels, Thursday, Dec. 18, 2025.

Geert Vanden Wijngaert/AP


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Geert Vanden Wijngaert/AP

KYIV, Ukraine — The United States and Ukraine have reached a consensus on several critical issues aimed at bringing an end to the nearly four-year conflict, but sensitive issues around territorial control in Ukraine’s eastern industrial heartland, along with the management of the Zaporizhzhia nuclear power plant, remain unresolved, Ukraine’s president said.

Volodymyr Zelenskyy spoke as the U.S. showed the 20-point plan, hammered out after marathon talks in Florida in recent days, to Russian negotiators. A response is expected from Moscow on Wednesday, Zelenskyy said.

The Ukrainian president briefed journalists on each point of the plan on Tuesday. His comments were embargoed until Wednesday morning. The draft proposal, which reflects Ukraine’s wishes, intertwines political and commercial interests to safeguard security while boosting economic potential.

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At the heart of the negotiations lies the contentious territorial dispute concerning the Donetsk and Luhansk regions, known as the Donbas. This is “the most difficult point,” Zelenskyy said. He said these matters will be discussed at the leaders level.

Russia continues to assert maximalist demands, insisting that Ukraine relinquish the remaining territory in Donbas that it has not captured — an ultimatum that Ukraine has rejected. Russia has captured most of Luhansk and about 70% of Donetsk.

In a bid to facilitate compromise, the United States has proposed transforming these areas into free economic zones. Ukraine insists that any arrangement must be contingent upon a referendum, allowing the Ukrainian people to determine their own fate. Ukraine is demanding the demilitarization of the area and the presence of an international force to ensure stability, Zelenskyy said.

How the Zaporizhzhia nuclear power plant, the largest plant in Europe which is under Russian occupation, will be managed is another contentious issue. The U.S. is proposing a consortium with Ukraine and Russia, with each party having an equal stake in the enterprise.

But Zelenskyy countered with a joint venture proposal between the U.S. and Ukraine, in which the Americans are able to decide how to distribute their share, presuming it would go to Russia.

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“We did not reach a consensus with the American side on the territory of the Donetsk region and on the ZNPP,” Zelenskyy said, referring to the power plant in Zaporizhzhia. “But we have significantly brought most of the positions closer together. In principle, all other consensus in this agreement has been found between us and them.”

A free economic zone compromise

Point 14, which covers territories that cut across the eastern front line, and Point 12, which discusses management of the Zaporizhzhia plant, will likely be major sticking points in the talks.

Zelenskyy said: “We are in a situation where the Russians want us to leave the Donetsk region, and the Americans are trying to find a way so that it is ‘not a way out’ — because we are against leaving — they want to find a demilitarized zone or a free economic zone in this, that is, a format that can provide for the views of both sides.”

The draft states that the contact line, which cuts across five Ukrainian regions, be frozen once the agreement is signed.

Ukraine’s stance is that any attempt to create a free economic zone must be ratified by a referendum, affirming that the Ukrainian people ultimately hold the decision-making power, Zelenskyy said. This process will require 60 days, he added, during which time hostilities should stop to allow the process to happen.

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More difficult discussions would require hammering out how far troops would be required to move back, per Ukraine’s proposal, and where international forces would be stationed. Zelenskyy said ultimately “people can choose: this ending suits us or not,” he said.

The draft also proposes that Russian forces withdraw from Dnipropetrovsk, Mykolaiv, Sumy, Kharkiv regions, and that international forces be located along the contact line to monitor the implementation of the agreement.

“Since there is no faith in the Russians, and they have repeatedly broken their promises, today’s contact line is turning into a line of a de facto free economic zone, and international forces should be there to guarantee that no one will enter there under any guise — neither ‘little green men’ nor Russian military disguised as civilians,” Zelenskyy said.

Managing Zaporizhzhia power plant

Ukraine is also proposing that the occupied city of Enerhodar, which is connected to the Zaporizhzhia power plant, be a demilitarized free economic zone, Zelenskyy said. This point required 15 hours of discussions with the U.S., he said.

For now, the U.S. proposes that the plant be jointly operated by Ukraine, the U.S. and Russia, with each side receiving dividends from the enterprise.

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“The USA is offering 33 percent for 33 percent for 33 percent, and the Americans are the main manager of this joint venture,” he said. “It is clear that for Ukraine this sounds very unsuccessful and not entirely realistic. How can you have joint commerce with the Russians after everything?”

Ukraine offered an alternative proposal, that the plant be operated by a joint venture with the U.S. in which the Americans can determine independently how to distribute their 50 percent share.

Zelenskyy said billions in investments are needed to make the plant run again, including restoring the adjacent dam.

“There were about 15 hours of conversations about the plant. These are all very complex things.”

A separate annex for security guarantees

The document ensures that Ukraine will be provided with “strong” security guarantees that mirror NATO’s Article 5, which would obligate Ukraine’s partners to act in the event of renewed Russian aggression.

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Zelenskyy said that a separate bilateral document with the U.S. will outline these guarantees. This agreement will detail the conditions under which security will be provided, particularly in the event of a renewed Russian assault, and will establish a mechanism to monitor the ceasefire.

This mechanism will utilize satellite technology and early warning systems to ensure effective oversight and rapid response capabilities.

“The mood of the United States of America is that this is an unprecedented step towards Ukraine on their part. They believe that they are giving strong security guarantees,” he said.

The draft contains other elements including keeping Ukraine’s army at 800,000 during peace time, and by nailing down a specific date for ascension to the European Union.

Elections and boosting the economy

The document proposes accelerating a free trade agreement between Ukraine and the U.S. once the agreement is signed. The U.S. wants the same deal with Russia, said Zelenskyy.

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Ukraine would like to receive short-term privileged access to the European market and a robust global development package, that will cover a wide-range of economic interests, including a development fund to invest in industries including technology, data centers and artificial intelligence, as well as gas.

Also included are funds for the reconstruction of territories destroyed in the war.

“Ukraine will have the opportunity to determine the priorities for distributing its share of funds in the territories under the control of Ukraine. And this is a very important point, on which we spent a lot of time,” Zelenskyy said.

The goal will be to attract $800 billion through equity, grants, loans and private sector contributions.

The draft proposal also requires Ukraine to hold elections after the signing of the agreement. “This is the partners’ vision,” Zelenskyy said.

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Ukraine is also asking that all prisoners since 2014 be released at once, and that civilian detainees, political prisoners and children be returned to Ukraine.

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