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Why some Silicon Valley investors are backing the Trump-Vance campaign

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Why some Silicon Valley investors are backing the Trump-Vance campaign

For many years, Republicans and ardent supporters of former President Trump haven’t been super popular in Silicon Valley circles.

But the sentiment has shifted in recent weeks as conservative voices in San Francisco’s tech sector have grown increasingly strident in their support of a Trump-Vance ticket.

Trump attended a fundraiser last month at venture capitalist David Sacks’ Pacific Heights mansion that raised $12 million and was the former president’s first visit to San Francisco in at least a decade. Sacks said he hoped the event would “break the ice” on discussions around Trump and could create a “preference cascade, where all of a sudden it becomes acceptable to acknowledge the truth.”

And on Tuesday, Sacks posted a list of 17 prominent names in the tech industry — including Tesla Chief Executive Elon Musk, Sequoia Capital partner Doug Leone and Ben Horowitz, general partner of renowned venture capital firm Andreessen Horowitz — with a photo of Trump giving a thumbs-up on social media platform X, formerly Twitter. “Come on in, the water’s warm,” Sacks wrote.

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Many of those tech investors celebrated the appointment of Ohio Sen. J.D. Vance — a venture capitalist who built his career in Silicon Valley — as Trump’s vice presidential nominee out of a shared belief that he would help remove regulations they believe could stifle innovation in artificial intelligence and cryptocurrency.

“The future of our business, the future of new technology and the future of America is literally at stake,” Horowitz said Tuesday on “The Ben & Marc Show” podcast. “For little tech, we think Donald Trump is actually the right choice, and sorry, Mom, I know you’re gonna be mad at me for this, but we had to do it.”

But Gov. Gavin Newsom said the shift of Silicon Valley toward the right in this presidential election has been “wildly overstated.”

“I don’t think it’s a trend at all. Those pockets have always been there,” Newsom said in an interview Tuesday while touring a Northern California prison. “There’s been that libertarian energy in the valley for decades and decades. And frankly, I don’t see significant deviation.”

Newsom, who built close ties with the tech industry while mayor of San Francisco from 2004 to 2011, said Silicon Valley donors supporting Trump are “looking at their own economic interests and are very transactional in their business practices.”

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Nonethless, while Silicon Valley has long been home to prominent conservatives such as Peter Thiel and Sacks, such enthusiastic embrace for a Trump-Vance administration in San Francisco’s tech community is striking.

The Bay Area is well known nationally for its progressive politics and as the birthplace of prominent Democrats such as the late Sen. Dianne Feinstein, former House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, Newsom and Vice President Kamala Harris. And Bay Area social media companies like Meta (formerly Facebook) have come under fire from some Republican legislators who accuse them of censoring conservative ideas and Trump.

The region is overwhelmingly represented by Democrats in the statehouse and the San Francisco, San Jose, Berkeley and Oakland mayors’ offices. And while big names in Silicon Valley have more recently donated large sums to the Republican Party and Trump’s election campaign, the Bay Area is more typically the favored cash cow of Democrats.

In 2020, 72.6% of Santa Clara County voters backed Joe Biden, and just 25.2% supported Trump.

Biden made a fundraising stop at billionaire environmentalist and former hedge fund manager Tom Steyer’s house in September. Reid Hoffman, co-founder of LinkedIn, is another Democratic mega-donor who has hosted fundraisers for Biden, as has venture capitalist and Tesla investor Steve Westly.

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In May, investor Vinod Khosla, who hosted a Biden Bay Area fundraiser that month, said he’s a huge supporter of the president.

“We have to absolutely at any cost make sure that donkey’s rump Trump doesn’t get elected and destroy democracy,” Khosla said at a Bloomberg event.

But others in the Silicon Valley have soured on Biden for a variety of reasons, including the government suing tech giants like Apple and Google over alleged monopolistic practices.

Some tech investors also believe the continuation of the Biden administration would restrict innovation in emerging technologies, hindering the nation’s ability to compete in the global tech race — and their own financial interests.

They point to what they call unnecessary investigations by the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission into crypto startups and the challenges crypto businesses face in getting financing from banks.

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“This is a brutal assault to a nascent industry that has never happened before,” Marc Andreessen said on “The Ben & Marc Show” podcast, acknowledging that his firm is one of the largest cryptocurrency investors in the world.

By contrast, the Trump campaign’s platform calls for the end of the “unAmerican Crypto crackdown” and pledges to “defend the right to mine Bitcoin, and ensure every American has the right to self-custody of their Digital Assets, and transact free from Government Surveillance and Control.”

If elected, Trump also said he would repeal Biden’s executive order on artificial intelligence “that hinders AI Innovation, and imposes Radical Leftwing ideas on the development of this technology. In its place, Republicans support AI Development rooted in Free Speech and Human Flourishing,” according to the Republican platform.

Another beef among tech investors: Biden’s capital gains tax proposal, which would tax the value of an individuals’ assets worth $100 million or more. Critics say that would affect startup founders, whose company valuations fluctuate and whose compensation is based on stock options.

“This makes startups completely implausible,” Andreessen said. “Venture capital just ends.”

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A representative for the Biden administration did not immediately return a request for comment.

Trump’s appointment of Vance — who previously worked with Thiel at Mithril Capital — is expected to give his campaign a further boost among tech backers.

Thiel served on Trump’s transition team after he won the presidency in 2016 and backed Vance when he ran for office, pouring $10 million into Vance’s coffers during his 2022 race for Senate in Ohio, federal records show.

Sacks contributed $1 million to a PAC backing Vance and co-hosted a fundraiser in Miami for Vance and eight other Republican Senate candidates. Vance, who lived briefly in San Francisco, has called Sacks “one of his closest confidants” in politics.

“He’s perceived as one of them,” said Olaf Groth, chief executive of the think tank Cambrian Futures and a professional member of the faculty at UC Berkeley’s Haas School of Business. “The people that are endorsing him are a very rare elite at the very top of the food chain of entrepreneurship and venture capital of Silicon Valley.”

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Silicon Valley leaders are beginning to build the war chest of a new political action committee, America PAC, that is backing Trump’s reelection bid. America PAC reported spending $7.7 million on canvassing, text messages and get-out-the-vote operations over the last three months.

The group’s website and social media accounts are focused on voter registration and turnout, featuring a 15-second clip of Trump saying that “absentee voting, early voting and election-day voting are all good options.”

Multiple outlets reported this week that Musk has pledged to give $45 million per month to the group through November. Other Silicon Valley donors to the group include cryptocurrency executives Cameron and Tyler Winklevoss; Joe Lonsdale, co-founder of Palantir Technologies; and Shaun Maguire, a partner at Sequoia Capital, federal filings show.

Republican Party backers say more Bay Area businesses are getting frustrated at how local government is handling crime and other issues in San Francisco.

“These companies are being crippled by Democrat policies,” said Harmeet Dhillon, California’s Republican national committeewoman and a San Francisco-based attorney who acts as an official legal surrogate for the Trump campaign. “They have to make decisions that are the best for them, so that’s the calculus I’ve been seeing.”

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Some Trump supporters, such as Andreessen, had previously supported other Democratic presidential candidates such as Hillary Clinton. Within Biden’s own Democratic Party there are schisms over whether he should be the next president, given concerns about his age.

“They’re voting with their pocketbooks, but by signaling that they’re not in lockstep with Democrat policies and Democrat disarray of our country, they’re signaling to their tens and hundreds of thousands of workers that it’s OK to be Republican,” Dhillon said.

Times researcher Scott Wilson contributed to this report.

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In a first for the country, voters in Monterey Park ban data centers

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In a first for the country, voters in Monterey Park ban data centers

Residents of Monterey Park voted overwhelmingly to ban data centers on election day, making the San Gabriel Valley city the first in the nation to do so by public vote.

As of Wednesday, 86% of votes were in favor of Measure NDC, the city ban, according to the Los Angeles County registrar-recorder/county clerk.

Other cities and towns have passed moratoriums on data centers, as a wave of opposition sweeps the country. But the Monterey Park vote can only be overturned by another ballot measure, making it the most permanent data center ban in a jurisdiction.

Monterey Park’s City Council had already banned data centers by ordinance, after a proposed 247,000-square-foot data center met an outpouring of public anger and concern. The developer withdrew that plan.

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That facility would have been less than 500 feet away from the nearest home, and would have used three times the electricity of the entire 60,000-person city. Residents said it would have caused noise and air pollution and driven up electricity rates.

“This ensures long-lasting protections for current and future generations,” Amy Wong, co-founder of the group San Gabriel Valley Progressive Action, said of the vote. “It means that future city councils cannot overturn a data center ban, even if data center developers wanted to spend money to fund pro-data center candidates.”

The measure had no formal opposition. The developer of the proposed facility, investment firm HMC StratCap, said it wouldn’t engage in the ballot fight when it withdrew in March.

The Data Center Coalition, an industry trade group, expressed disappointment in the vote.

“It sends a signal that the area is closed for business, both for data centers and for other significant economic development projects,” state policy director Khara Boender said.

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“It deprives local residents of the opportunity to compete for jobs and investment, while also causing the area to relinquish substantial long-term economic investment, high-wage jobs, and critical tax revenue to neighboring areas or other states.”

SGV Progressive Action worked with hyperlocal groups including No Data Center Monterey Park to rally support for the measure.

The group is now focused on stopping data center proposals in the City of Industry and fighting a move by City of Industry, Santa Fe Springs, Vernon and City of Commerce to welcome data centers and other industry with fast-tracked permitting and tax incentives.

City of Industry, in the San Gabriel Valley, and Vernon, south of downtown L.A., are primarily industrial areas, each with around 300 permanent residents. They are employment centers, and tens of thousands of workers commute in daily.

There has been little vocal opposition to data centers among the few residents of these cities. Wong said the protest is primarily coming from the surrounding neighborhoods.

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“If a data center gets built in City of Industry, residents across the region would bear the brunt of pollution and increased utility costs,” Wong said, noting that it is surrounded by 16 other cities and unincorporated communities.

Data center proposals have been limited in California compared to Virginia, Texas, Georgia, Illinois and Arizona, which sit at the center of a recent boom in hyperscaler facilities to power artificial intelligence.

California has the third-most data centers in the country, with 300, but high electricity rates, expensive land and regulatory hurdles mean that fewer, and smaller, facilities are currently planned than in other hotspots.

That doesn’t mean opposition hasn’t been fierce. In Coachella and Imperial County, residents are showing up in droves to protest local proposals.

In the San Gabriel Valley, Montebello, El Monte and Baldwin Park have all enacted temporary moratoriums, and Alhambra recently banned data centers as part of a zoning code update.

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Wong said she hoped the ballot measure vote would galvanize the opposition. “The vote is a testament to the people power of our region,” she said. “Our region is worth protecting, and we won’t let data centers determine our future.”

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Rent-hike ban to protect fire victims ends despite gouging concerns

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Rent-hike ban to protect fire victims ends despite gouging concerns

A rule intended to prevent rent gouging in the wake of the Eaton and Palisades fires has lapsed in Los Angeles County, possibly exposing some renters to hikes.

The executive order that blocked rent increases was issued by Gov. Gavin Newsom amid the devastating wildfires last year. Under the order, landlords couldn’t increase rents by more than 10% above their prefire levels.

The rule, which was supposed to be temporary and was repeatedly extended, ended Friday after a vote to extend it again failed to garner enough votes. Supervisor Lindsey Horvath, whose district includes Pacific Palisades, sounded the alarm in a motion to extend price protections that failed to pass at the Board of Supervisors’ May 19 meeting.

“These price gouging protections continue to be necessary as construction and rebuilding continue, and as thousands of people remain displaced,” the motion said. “Families which signed short-term leases could face drastic price increases of 50% or more without further price gouging protection.”

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Los Angeles County is home to more than 1 million rental properties, though not all of them needed protection from the new rule. There are already stricter rent increase caps for many residences, depending on the location, type and age of the building. Despite the rent control in the region, the people of Los Angeles pay among the highest rents in the country.

It is uncertain whether renters will face rapidly rising rents now that the protection has lapsed. But some real estate experts and policymakers said there was no need for the temporary rule that was part of the governor’s state of emergency.

Supervisors Kathryn Barger, Janice Hahn and Holly Mitchell abstained from voting on the motion to extend the protection, while Supervisors Hilda Solis and Horvath supported it.

“I abstained because I did not see sufficient evidence to justify extending this emergency ordinance, nor did I see evidence to eliminate it entirely,” Hahn said.

Barger’s office said she supported allowing the protections to sunset while waiting to see whether new information emerged.

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“Market data already shows countywide rents are only about 2% above pre-emergency levels and rental inventory has grown,” Barger representative Helen E. Chavez Garcia said. “The Supervisor is also mindful of the burden these ongoing protections place on small property owners throughout the county.”

Mitchell did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

There haven’t been steep rent hikes in neighborhoods within three miles of the Palisades fire, according to a Times analysis of data from Zillow, the property listing company.

In ZIP Codes within three miles of the Palisades fire, rent increased 4.8% from December 2024 to April 2025. In areas around the Eaton fire, which destroyed swaths of Altadena, rent jumped 5.2% in the same period.

In L.A. County, ZIP Codes farther from the fires saw only about a 2% increase.

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A landlords representative, Jesus Rojas of the Apartment Owners Assn. of Greater Los Angeles, told the supervisors during public comment at the meeting that the county’s rent-gouging rules have “long outlived the emergency they were intended to address” and are now being “wrongfully used to harm thousands of rental housing providers throughout the county.”

“There is no proof that multifamily rental housing providers are hugely increasing rents for impacted homeowners,” Rojas said.

Indeed, there are strong signs that the property market in the Los Angeles area has at last begun to cool.

L.A. metro-area rent prices recently fell to a four-year low, with the median rent slipping to $2,167 in December.

Meanwhile, condominium sales had their slowest start of the year in decades. Condo sales in Los Angeles have plummeted to a 20-year low, with fewer than 2,000 units sold in January and February — the worst start to the year since 2005.

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Newsom defended the price-gouging protections shortly after they went into effect.

“In the days following the Los Angeles firestorms, we worked quickly to protect Los Angeles survivors from any form of exploitation,” he said in February 2025. “The state has the tools in place to not only block price gouging during this emergency, but also to prosecute bad actors.”

The Los Angeles County Department of Consumer and Business Affairs said it received more than 2,000 complaints after the fires, alleging that retailers and landlords were taking advantage of people put in hardship by their losses, and sent out more than 2,000 cease-and-desist letters to businesses and landlords for alleged price gouging, said Morine Merritt, who oversees department investigations into consumer and real estate fraud.

“Close to 90% of the complaints that we received involved allegations of rent increases,” Merritt said in an interview. Now that the fire-related protections have expired, existing laws and “regular market conditions determine price increases for goods and services, including rents,” she said.

Crackdowns on fire-related rent gouging have been rare, said Chelsea Kirk of the activist organization the Rent Brigade, which analyzed L.A. County’s rental market in the year after the fires. It reported 18,360 potential examples of price gouging in listings but said that few lawsuits had been filed by authorities so far.

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Last week, Rent Brigade announced what it said was the first private civil lawsuit brought by a family that claimed to be rent-gouged in the aftermath of the wildfires. Plaintiffs Randall and Candy Renick, whose Altadena home was damaged, said they were charged nearly three times the maximum permitted rate for nearly 10 months. They seek restitution of $96,000 plus civil penalties and attorneys’ fees.

The rental market has probably stabilized since the fires, Kirk said, but other families may still be “locked into illegal rents” that they agreed to pay when they were in a rush to find housing after they were displaced.

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Read Nick Bilton’s Letter to Scott Pelley

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Read Nick Bilton’s Letter to Scott Pelley

Dear Mr. Pelley:

I meant what I said in my letter last week to the 60 Minutes team: joining 60 Minutes is the honor of my career and I am grateful to be working alongside the people who have contributed to the most important television journalism brand this country has ever produced. While I’m new to 60 Minutes, I’ve devoted my career to investigative journalism and storytelling. I started this job excited to collaborate and to benefit from the wisdom and experience of the 60 Minutes veterans, with you among them. For that reason, one of the first things I did in my new role was call you to talk and invite you to dinner. It is a profound disappointment that you rejected that overture and chose ambush instead. Yesterday, you hijacked my first meeting with staff to disparage me, my qualifications, and my intentions with remarkable incivility and contempt. I welcome a diversity of viewpoints and respectful debate among the team, but this was nothing of the sort. Yesterday’s performative display of hostility enacted in front of the staff instead of in a civil, private conversation-demonstrated that you have no interest in contributing to the future success of the show, or approaching my new tenure with a mind open to collaboration and progress. I am here to deliver first-in-class news programming, not to make headlines about newsroom drama. I am eager to work alongside those who share this goal.

Despite yesterday’s misconduct, I had hoped that in sitting down with you today we could find a path forward together. You made clear that you are not interested in such a path.

Your antipathy to the future of the show has come through loud and clear. And I have heard you. I therefore write on behalf of CBS News, Inc. (“CBS”) to inform you that your employment with CBS is terminated for cause effective immediately. Enclosed is your formal termination letter.

Sincerely,

Nick Bilton

Executive Producer, 60 Minutes

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