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Tony Lam was an original influencer in Little Saigon — and he's still got it

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Tony Lam was an original influencer in Little Saigon — and he's still got it

The textured mat is already on the table as Tony Lam sits down to shuffle the polished tiles. He is here to participate in a ritual that he observes four days a week, a pursuit that keeps his “head in shape.”

On this day, sitting in his daughter’s house, he is competing against his wife, son-in-law and grandson, all of whom build a wall of game pieces in front of them.

It’s mah-jongg o’clock, and he’s ready.

One by one, they roll the dice to begin their match, dealing and betting a collection of quarters. Lam, quietly fierce with a booming laugh, studies the spread, and then … his cellphone pings. The original influencer of Little Saigon has been invited to another event — one of dozens each year — a commemoration of the Vietnamese immigration experience in America.

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2 Tony Lam playing mah-jongg

3 Mah-jongg tiles

1. Tony Lam, second from left, plays mah-jongg with his son-in-law James Do, left, grandson Patrick Do, second from right, and Lam’s wife, Hop Lam, in Huntington Beach. 2. Lam lines up his mah-jongg tiles. 3. The game keeps his “head in shape,” Lam says. (Jason Armond / Los Angeles Times)

He snares a suite of tiles and wins a coin within 11 minutes. Nothing seems to faze him. But as he prepares to make his next move … ping! It’s an invitation to an informal coffee shop meet-up, followed by a business groundbreaking.

Lam, 88, has been a prominent figure in Orange County’s Little Saigon for decades, but his election to the Westminster City Council in 1992 — the first Vietnamese American to win political office in the United States — cemented that status. After 10 years, he announced his retirement from politics, but his continuing activism, even into his 80s, helped set in motion a series of political movements and cultural upheaval in Southern California.

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family photo

Tony Lam with his wife, Hop Lam, and three of his children.

(Courtesy of the Lam family)

On April 30, the 50th anniversary of the fall of Saigon, his community will be in the spotlight, as news reports highlight the growth and influence of the Vietnamese community in Southern California. In Orange County, where 2020 census data show nearly 242,000 residents of Vietnamese heritage, there are Vietnamese Americans on the city councils in Westminster — the original home of Little Saigon —Fountain Valley, Garden Grove and Santa Ana.

“He’s part of a wave of people that transformed California,” said Jeffrey Brody, a retired professor of communications at Cal State Fullerton who’s writing a social history of the origins of Little Saigon. “The reason the public pays attention to this group, especially locally, is because the community has invested in the building blocks of democracy.”

Lam was there from the start — opening doors, collecting awards, trying to thread the needle in controversies that threatened to destabilize his community — and he’s still filling his calendar with events — a reminder that his role as a trailblazer has not been forgotten.

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Vietnamese evacuees and a helicopter on a roof

A CIA employee helps Vietnamese evacuees onto a helicopter half a mile from the U.S. Embassy in Saigon in 1975.

(Bettmann Archive via Getty)

Lam grew up in northern Vietnam and made his way south after the country was split into two states. In the south, he held a series of jobs that brought him in contact with U.S. entrepreneurs and diplomats. At 28, he teamed up with an older sibling, Dean, to manage their Lam Brothers Corp. They were independent contractors unloading ammunition, building supplies and auto parts for the military at Cam Ranh Bay, one of the busiest ports in the world. Lam had learned English from his service in the Vietnamese Navy, and later, through job connections, he got his wife and six children on a flight out of their homeland before the fall of Saigon.

Lam says he stayed behind to help evacuate others. Then U.S. officials sent him to Guam, where he was “assisting in the management of the newcomers there.” After three months, he flew with his family to Camp Pendleton, where a large portion of refugees were sent. Lam was 37 years old and he, his wife, three sons and three daughters bunked in barracks on the base.

He signed on as camp coordinator, trying to bring order to the confusion around him as thousands of adults and children immersed in resettlement. Eventually, he found an American sponsor “and we had the proverbial fresh start,” he recalled, moving briefly to Florida before returning to the West Coast and renting an apartment in Huntington Beach.

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In Vietnam, Lam had owned three companies. In Orange County, he took a job pumping gas, and then as a supervisor in shipping and receiving for a firm that produced practice bombs for the Navy.

“It was such irony,” said Lam, who had fled a war just months before.

His wife found work sanding guitars. When Lam picked her up after her first day, he said, he didn’t recognize her right away because her head was covered with dust. Then he burst into tears.

By the end of 1980, about 20,000 refugees were living in Orange County. Like their earlier counterparts, they had fled the communist regime, most of them drawn by news of relatives who had chosen to relocate there. Danh’s Pharmacy, the first Vietnamese-owned business in the area, had opened its doors in 1978 in Westminster, a town that would quickly balloon into a bustling immigrant community, dotted with produce markets, noodle houses, jewelry stores and bakeries.

Lam established a life insurance agency and an import-export business, and in 1984 opened Vien Dong, a restaurant in Garden Grove that quickly gained a following.

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1 Tony Lam

2 Tony Lam with his family in 1975.

1. (Courtesy of the Lam family) 2. The Lam family in 1975. (Courtesy of the Lam family)

The Little Saigon community expanded into neighboring cities, and in the 1980s, its restaurants, cafes, jewelry and fabric shops and grocery stores started to attract attention throughout California. The first 99 Ranch Market opened in Westminster in 1984.

In 1985, when an 8.0 magnitude earthquake hit Mexico City, killing almost 10,000 people, Lam organized a fundraiser. He was one of the founders of the Vietnamese American Chamber of Commerce and the Vietnamese American Lions Club in Westminster. A law and order conservative, he joined the Republican Party.

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Hop Lam, who has been married to him for 64 years, says he moves forward “always with an eye to the past. He learns and he remembers.” He was among the first organizers of the local Tet Festival to celebrate the Lunar New Year — which eventually became the largest celebration outside of Vietnam. He nurtured his businesses and was appointed to serve on Westminster’s traffic commission in 1989.

People put up a campaign sign for Tony Lam

A campaign sign is posted for Lam, who won a seat on the Westminster City Council in 1992.

(Courtesy of the Lam family)

In addition, “he befriended the white families, the Mexican families and everyone he talked to,” Brody said. When he ran for City Council, “to win, he had to have the support of the Caucasians and the Latinos as well as the Asians.”

Lam’s daughter Cathy Lam said: “When there was something to be done, my father never hesitated. Public service for him is a way to include everyone in decisions and solving problems.”

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His community was bound together by family, tradition and staunch anti-communist sentiment — which, in a few years, fueled a controversy that foreshadowed a political shift in Little Saigon.

Tony Lam standing at a microphone

Lam delivers a speech while campaigning to be the first Vietnamese refugee elected to public office in the U.S.

(Courtesy of the Lam family)

In 1994, the U.S. lifted its trade embargo against Vietnam, and resumed diplomatic ties the following year. Longtime residents of Little Saigon were incensed and organized anti-communist protests. That anger, however, was not universal, evidenced by the interest among a few local merchants in the possibility of expanding their market by doing business in Vietnam.

A few years later, in January 1999, Truong Van Tran posted a Communist flag and a photo of Ho Chi Minh, the late Communist leader, in his video store, which was located on Bolsa Avenue, Little Saigon’s main thoroughfare. Community protests started immediately.

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On Jan. 21, an Orange County judge temporarily ordered Tran to remove the items, but she soon reversed herself on Feb. 10, saying the flag and the photo constituted protected speech. The demonstrations continued for 53 days. At one point the crowd grew to about 15,000.

Lam did not join them. He said he understood the anger, but City Atty. Richard D. Jones told him and Westminster officials to stay away; they needed to stay neutral to avoid legal action.

Because Lam was a no-show, protesters picketed outside his restaurant for 73 days. He was called a communist sympathizer, and political rivals vilified him. He hired a lawyer in an attempt to stop the chaos in front of the restaurant. Speaking at a council meeting in February of that year, he said his “heart had been torn apart.” He left office in 2002.

Tony Lam eats dinner with his wife

Lam dines with his wife, Hop, and other family members on April 9.

(Jason Armond / Los Angeles Times)

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It was the greatest trial of his political life, Lam said, remembering his efforts to balance his loyalty to his Vietnamese community with the city’s interests.

During the tumult, some younger members of the Vietnamese community, already questioning their status on the sidelines of a local political infrastructure that didn’t include them, inserted themselves in the conversation.

Lan Quoc Nguyen, who’d been an attorney for only three years, got involved by “negotiating with city staff and police to allow the protesters to stay” around the store property for hours on end. “Pretty soon, we realized that in order to gain respect, to be listened to by people who run the greater society, we had to have a seat at the table…. We started digging in,” Nguyen said.

Nguyen, along with Van Tran, the first Vietnamese American elected to the Garden Grove City Council in 2000, described the movement as “political empowerment.” They gathered volunteers for massive voter registration drives, one after another in consecutive elections. Offering Cokes and banh mi and often free entertainment from top refugee musical acts, the inaugural “Rock N Vote” and get-out-the-vote gatherings were staged at UC Irvine and parks with one constant element — handy translators to interpret English-language materials.

Tony Lam and others at an event honoring them

Leading figures in the arts, business, education, politics and cultural preservation were honored at a celebration in Westminster’s Little Saigon in early March. Among them was Tony Lam, right.

(Robert Gauthier / Los Angeles Times)

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“This is what cemented political power,” Brody said. “Not having anyone to recruit their opinions or participation, the Vietnamese organized themselves into a powerful voting bloc and from then on, you saw all kinds of candidates running for all kinds of seats.”

In 1975, when the Vietnamese came over, Cathy Lam said, “we all worried about putting food on the table. Over the years, as our kids got older, as all of us understood more about U.S. history — the Civil Rights Act, the Clean Water Act, the Affordable Care Act, what the EPA stands for — we became a little less conservative, a little more moderate. At the end of the day, the community sees it’s making money. They have to give back by getting deeply involved in politics.”

Today in Orange County, there are at least 24 Vietnamese Americans in city and county offices, and there are others on school boards, sanitation and water boards and in Orange County Superior Court. Tri Ta, Westminster’s first Vietnamese American mayor, is serving in the state Assembly, and last year, Derek Tran became the first Vietnamese American from California elected to federal office, representing the 45th Congressional District.

Tran met Lam at his swearing-in ceremony in December. “I’ve known his name for a long, long time,” said Tran, who ousted Republican stalwart Michelle Steel in the competitive congressional race. “His daughter and her son walked the neighborhoods and knocked on doors for me, helping me get elected. Without having someone like him, it would not have been possible for me to have my seat here. He truly blazed the trail.”

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1 Tony Lam's wife Hop Lam prepares dinner

2 Tony Lam, digs into a full table of foods

1. Hop Lam prepares a family meal in April. 2. Tony Lam digs into a full spread of Vietnamese dishes. (Jason Armond / Los Angeles Times)

During the event, Lam kept pulling Tran aside to say how proud he was of the younger man, prompting the new congressman to add, “It makes me so happy to hear that from someone of his stature.”

Terry Rains, an activist who launched the Westminster Buzz Facebook page and has been a steady presence at council meetings since 2019, says she expects to see more Tony Lams in office, “but you can’t ignore the Andrew Do thing.”

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Last October, Do, a former Orange County supervisor, admitted guilt in funneling more than $10 million in federal pandemic funds through a nonprofit linked to his daughter. He received more than $550,000 in bribes from money slated to buy meals for elderly Little Saigon residents — shocking the political establishment of the county.

Lam called it a “tragedy,” but his phone still pings with political newbies scheduling appointments to visit with him for advice, an endorsement or a donation. He kept his profile “as one of the originals in Little Saigon,” said Van Tran, who ascended to state office as the first Vietnamese American elected to California’s Assembly. “He inspires because he’s outspoken and true to himself.”

“My intention is to help everyone,” said Lam, at a recent playground dedication in Westminster’s Tony Lam Park. “That’s how I operate.”

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Commentary: Trump Media’s financial report revives doubts for investors

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Commentary: Trump Media’s financial report revives doubts for investors

So much Trump-related news has appeared lately on the airwaves and in web pixels — what with Iran and Epstein and Minnesota and so on — that inevitably a nugget will fall between the cracks.

That seems to have been the fate of the most recent annual financial report of Trump Media and Technology Group, which covered calendar year 2025 and was issued Friday.

Trump Media, which is 52% owned by Donald Trump and trades on Nasdaq with a ticker symbol based on his initials (DJT), is the holding company for Trump’s social media platform, Truth Social.

The value of TMTG’s brand may diminish if the popularity of President Donald J. Trump were to suffer.

— A risk factor disclosed by Trump Media

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The annual financial disclosure has garnered minimal press coverage. That’s a pity, because it makes fascinating reading, though not in a good way.

Here are the top and bottom lines from the 10-k annual report: Trump Media lost $712.1 million last year on revenue of about $3.7 million. That’s quite a bit worse than its performance in 2024, when it lost $409 million on revenue of about $3.6 million. The company attributed most of the flood of red ink to “loss from investments,” of which more in a moment.

Truth Social isn’t an especially strong keystone of this operation. The platform is chiefly an outlet for Trump’s social media ramblings and the occasional official White House statements. But no one has to sign in to Truth Social to see them — they’re almost invariably picked up by the news media or reposted by users on other platforms such as X.

That might explain Truth Social’s relatively scrawny user base. The platform is estimated to have about 2 million active users, according to the analytical firm Search Logistics. By comparison, X has about 450 million monthly active users and Facebook has more than 2.9 billion.

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It’s no mystery, then, why TMTG disdains “traditional performance metrics like average revenue per user, ad impressions and pricing, or active user accounts, including monthly and daily active users,” according to its annual report.

Relying on those metrics, which are used to judge TMTG’s social media rivals, “might not align with the best interests of TMTG or its stockholders, as it could lead to short-term decision-making at the expense of long-term innovation and value creation.”

Instead, the company says it should be evaluated based on “its commitment to a robust business plan that includes introducing innovative features, new products, new technologies.” But it also acknowledges that, at its heart, TMTG is a proxy for “the reputation and popularity of President Donald J. Trump.” The company warns that “the value of TMTG’s brand may diminish if the popularity of President Donald J. Trump were to suffer.”

How has that played out in real time? Trump Media notched its highest closing price as a public company, $66.22, on March 27, 2024, the day after its initial public offering. In midday trading Monday, the shares were quoted at $11.08, for a loss of 83% since the IPO.

One can’t quibble with stock market price quotes; nor can one finagle annual profit and loss statements, at least not without receiving questions, and perhaps lawsuit complaints, from attentive investors and the Securities and Exchange Commission.

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In recent months, TMTG has engaged in a number of baroque financial transactions.

In May, the company announced that it was planning to raise $3.5 billion from institutions to invest in bitcoin, with the money to come from issues of common and preferred shares. The goal was to climb onto the cryptocurrency train, which Trump himself was fueling by, among other things, issuing an executive order promoting the expansion of crypto in the U.S. and denigrating enforcement efforts by the Biden administration as reflecting a “war on cryptocurrency.”

Under Trump, federal regulators have dropped numerous investigations related to cryptocurrencies. Trump has also talked about creating a government crypto strategic reserve, which would entail large government purchases of bitcoin and other cryptocurrencies; a March 3 announcement on that subject briefly sent bitcoin prices soaring by nearly 20%, though they promptly fell back.

Then there’s TMTG’s relationship with Crypto.com, a Singapore-based crypto “service provider” best known to Angelenos unfamiliar with the crypto world as the firm with naming rights to the Los Angeles arena that hosts the NBA Lakers and Clippers, WNBA Sparks and NHL Kings.

In August, Crypto.com and TMTG announced a deal in which TMTG would pursue a crypto treasury strategy consisting mostly of Cronos tokens, a cryptocurrency sponsored by Crypto.com. The initial infusion would consist of 6.4 billion Cronos valued at $1 billion, or about 15.8 cents per Cronos.

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As of Dec. 31, TMTG said in its 10-K, it owned 756.1 million Cronos, acquired at a cost of about $114 million, or 15 cents each. By year’s end, they were worth only about nine cents each, for a paper loss of about $46 million. In trading this week, Cronos was quoted at about 7.6 cents, producing a paper loss for TMTG of about $56.5 million, or roughly half the investment.

The financial maneuvering involved in this trade is a little dizzying. The initial transaction was a 50% stock, 50% cash trade in which Crypto.com bought $50 million in TMTG stock and TMTG bought $105 million in Cronos. Who gained in this deal? It’s almost impossible to say.

Crypto.com did gain, if not purely in cash, then arguably through the Trump administration’s good graces.

On March 27, the SEC formally closed an investigation of the company that it had launched during the Biden administration, when the agency was headed by a known crypto skeptic, Gary Gensler. Trump appointed a crypto-friendly regulator, Paul Atkins, as Gensler’s successor.

It’s reasonable to note that as a business model, crypto treasuries have been in vogue over the last year or so, allowing investors to play the crypto market without all the complexities of actually buying and holding the digital assets by buying shares in treasury companies.

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I asked Crypto.com whether the steady decline in Cronos’ price suggested that the hookup with TMTG wasn’t bearing fruit. “The fluctuation in value during this time period is consistent with the entire crypto market, which is typical in a bear market,” company spokeswoman Victoria Davis told me by email.

Davis also asserted that the SEC’s investigation of the company had been closed by Gensler, “not the current administration” (i.e., Trump). That’s misleading, at best. Gensler put the investigation on hold after the 2024 election, when it became clear that Trump was going to be in charge.

Crypto.com’s March 27 announcement of the formal end of the case attributed the action to “the current SEC leadership” and blamed the case on “the previous administration.” I asked Davis to explain the discrepancy but got no reply.

TMTG, like Crypto.com, attributed the decline in Cronos’ value to the secular bear market raging in the entire cryptocurrency space, a reflection of “temporary price swings across the crypto market,” said TMTG spokeswoman Shannon Devine. She said the price decline “will not diminish our enthusiasm for the enormous potential of the [CRONOS] ecosystem.”

Trump’s coziness with crypto companies hasn’t gone unnoticed by Democrats on the House Judiciary Committee, who issued a scathing report on the topic in November. (The White House scoffed at the report, saying in response to the report that Trump “only acts in the best interests of the American public.”)

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In mid-December, TMTG launched yet another remaking — this time, plunging into the business of fusion power. The instrument is TAE Technologies, a Foothill Ranch-based company working to develop the technology of nuclear fusion as a clean energy source. According to a Dec. 18 announcement, TMTG and TAE will merge, creating what they say is a $6-billion company.

According to the announcement, TMTG will contribute $200 million to the merged company when the deal closes in mid-2026, and an additional $100 million subsequently. Following the merger, TMTG said last month, it will consider spinning off Truth Social into a new publicly traded company.

These arrangements are murky. TAE is privately held and the value of Truth Social is conjectural at best, so TMTG shareholders could be hard-pressed to assess their gains or losses from the merger and spin-off.

What makes them even murkier is the speculative nature of fusion as an electrical power source. Although numerous companies have leaped into the field — and TAE, which has been backed by Alphabet, the parent of Google, is among the oldest — none has shown the capability of generating electrical power at commercial scale with the elusive technology.

Although some researchers say that fusion could become a technically and economically feasible power source within 10 years, only in 2022 did fusion researchers (at Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory) achieve the goal of using fusion to produce more energy than is required to sustain a reaction. They were able to do so only for less than a billionth of a second.

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Others working on the technology have expressed doubts that fusion could become a viable power source before the 2040s. The technical challenges, including how to convert the energy produced by a fusion reactor into electricity, remain daunting.

All this points to the fundamental question of what TMTG is supposed to be. TMTG’s original mission, according to its own publicity statements, was to build Truth Social into an alternative social media platform “to end Big Tech’s assault on free speech by opening up the Internet.”

Spinning off Truth Social would place that goal on the side. TMTG is on its way too becoming a hodgepodge of crypto, fusion and other investments selected without regard to whether they fit together or are even achievable. The only constant is Trump himself.

If you want to invest in him, TMTG may be the best way to do it. But judging from its latest financial disclosure, that’s not the same as being a good way to do it.

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California gas is pricey already. The Iran war could cost you even more

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California gas is pricey already. The Iran war could cost you even more

The U.S. attack on Iran is expected to have an unwelcome impact on California drivers — a jump in gas prices that could be felt at the pump in a week or two.

The outbreak of war in the Middle East, which virtually closed a key Persian Gulf shipping lane, spiked the price of a barrel of Brent crude oil by as much as $10, with prices rising as high as $82.37 on Monday before settling down.

The price of the international standard dictates what motorists pay for gas globally, including in California, with every dollar increase translating to 2.5 cents at the pump, said Severin Borenstein, faculty director of the Energy Institute at UC Berkeley’s Haas School of Business.

That would mean drivers could pay at least 20 cents more per gallon, though how much damage the conflict will do to wallets remains to be seen.

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“The real issue though is the oil markets are just guessing right now at what is going to happen. It’s a time of extreme volatility,” Borenstein said. “We don’t know whether the war will widen or end quickly, and all of those things will drive the price of crude.”

President Trump has lauded the reduction of nationwide gas prices as a validation of his economic agenda despite worries about a weak job market and concerns of persistent inflation.

The upheaval in the Middle East could be more acutely felt in the state.

Californians already pay far more for gas than the rest of the country, with the average cost of a gallon of regular at $4.66, up 3 cents from a week ago and 30 cents from a month ago, according to AAA. The current nationwide average is about $3 per gallon.

The disruption in international crude markets also comes as refiners are switching to producing California’s summer-blend gas, which is less volatile during the state’s hot summers. The switch can drive up the price of a gallon of gas at least 15 cents.

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The prices in California are largely driven by higher taxes and a cleaner, less polluting blend required year-round by regulators to combat pollution — and it’s long been a hot-button issue.

The politics were only exacerbated by recent refinery closures, including the Phillips 66 refinery in Wilmington in October and the idling and planned closure of the Valero refinery in Benicia, Calif., which reduced refining capacity in the state by about 18%.

California also has seen a steady reduction in its crude oil production, making it more reliant on international imports of oil and gasoline.

In 2024, only 23.3% of the crude oil refined in the state was pumped in California, with 13% from Alaska and 63% from elsewhere in the world, including about 30% from the Middle East, said Jim Stanley, a spokesperson for the Western States Petroleum Assn.

“We could see a supply crunch and real price volatility” if the Middle East supply is interrupted, he said.

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The Strait of Hormuz in the Persian Gulf, through which about 20% of the world’s oil passes, was virtually closed Monday, according to reports. Though it produces only about 3% of global oil, Iran has considerable sway over energy markets because it controls the strait.

Also, in response to the U.S. attack, Iran has fired a barrage of missiles at neighboring Persian Gulf states. Saudi Arabia said it intercepted Iranian drones targeting one of its refinery complexes.

California Republicans and the California Fuels & Convenience Alliance, a trade group representing fuel marketers, gas station owners and others, have blamed Gov. Gavin Newsom’s policies for driving up the price of gas.

A landmark climate change law calls for California to become carbon neutral by 2045, and Newsom told regulators in 2021 to stop issuing fracking permits and to phase out oil extraction by 2045. He also signed a bill allowing local governments to block construction of oil and gas wells.

However, last year Newsom changed his stance and signed a bill that will allow up to 2,000 new oil wells per year through 2036 in Kern County despite legal challenges by environmental groups. The county produces about three-fourths of the state’s crude oil.

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Borenstein said he didn’t expect that the new state oil production would do much to lower gas prices because it is only marginally cheaper than oil imported by ocean tankers.

Stanley said the aim of the law was to support the Kern County oil industry, which was facing pipeline closures without additional supplies to ship to state refineries.

Statewide, the industry supports more than 535,000 jobs, $166 billion in economic activity and $48 billion in local and state taxes, according to a report last year by the Los Angeles County Economic Development Corp.

Bloomberg News and the Associated Press contributed to this report.

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Block to cut more than 4,000 jobs amid AI disruption of the workplace

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Block to cut more than 4,000 jobs amid AI disruption of the workplace

Fintech company Block said Thursday that it’s cutting more than 4,000 workers or nearly half of its workforce as artificial intelligence disrupts the way people work.

The Oakland parent company of payment services Square and Cash App saw its stock surge by more than 23% in after-hours trading after making the layoff announcement.

Jack Dorsey, the co-founder and head of Block, said in a post on social media site X that the company didn’t make the decision because the company is in financial trouble.

“We’re already seeing that the intelligence tools we’re creating and using, paired with smaller and flatter teams, are enabling a new way of working which fundamentally changes what it means to build and run a company,” he said.

Block is the latest tech company to announce massive cuts as employers push workers to use more AI tools to do more with fewer people. Amazon in January said it was laying off 16,000 people as part of effort to remove layers within the company.

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Block has laid off workers in previous years. In 2025, Block said it planned to slash 931 jobs, or 8% of its workforce, citing performance and strategic issues but Dorsey said at the time that the company wasn’t trying to replace workers with AI.

As tech companies embrace AI tools that can code, generate text and do other tasks, worker anxiety about whether their jobs will be automated have heightened.

In his note to employees Dorsey said that he was weighing whether to make cuts gradually throughout months or years but chose to act immediately.

“Repeated rounds of cuts are destructive to morale, to focus, and to the trust that customers and shareholders place in our ability to lead,” he told workers. “I’d rather take a hard, clear action now and build from a position we believe in than manage a slow reduction of people toward the same outcome.”

Dorsey is also the co-founder of Twitter, which was later renamed to X after billionaire Elon Musk purchased the company in 2022.

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As of December, Block had 10,205 full-time employees globally, according to the company’s annual report. The company said it plans to reduce its workforce by the end of the second quarter of fiscal year 2026.

The company’s gross profit in 2025 reached more than $10 billion, up 17% compared to the previous year.

Dorsey said he plans to address employees in a live video session and noted that their emails and Slack will remain open until Thursday evening so they can say goodbye to colleagues.

“I know doing it this way might feel awkward,” he said. “I’d rather it feel awkward and human than efficient and cold.”

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