Business
The Federal Work Force Grew Briskly Under Biden. It’s Still Historically Low.
When it comes to the federal payroll, two seemingly contradictory things are true.
One, the Biden administration went on a hiring spree that expanded the government work force at the fastest pace since the 1980s. And two, it remains near a record low as a share of overall employment.
In the four years separating President-elect Donald J. Trump’s two terms, the federal civilian head count has risen by about 4.4 percent, according to the Labor Department, to just over three million, including the Postal Service.
But that’s a much slower pace than private payrolls have grown over the past four years. And it leaves the federal government at 1.9 percent of total employment, down from more than 3 percent in the 1980s.
The incoming administration promises to erase whole sections of the federal bureaucracy: Vivek Ramaswamy, co-chair of what Mr. Trump is calling the Department of Government Efficiency, has said 75 percent of the work force could go, in pursuit of $2 trillion in cuts. But it will be a challenge to find cuts without depleting services.
“When we’re looking at the numbers of the federal work force, it’s still about the same size as it was in the 1960s,” said Max Stier, president of the Partnership for Public Service, a think tank. “The narrative out there is the federal government work force is growing topsy-turvy, and the reality is that it’s actually shrinking.”
Staffing expanded during Mr. Trump’s first term as well, by about 2.9 percent. But some agencies contracted significantly, and had bounced back as of March 2024, the latest data published by the Office of Personnel Management show.
The State Department, which had shrunk through attrition and a hiring freeze imposed by former Secretary of State Rex Tillerson, gained nearly 20 percent from 2020 to early 2024, or about 2,300 workers, not including the Foreign Service. (Some of the gain reflected passport processors, whose numbers had fallen when few people traveled overseas during the pandemic.) The U.S. Agency for International Development, which administers public health and humanitarian grants overseas, grew by 23 percent, to 4,675. U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services, part of the Department of Homeland Security, rebounded to 22,500, the highest level in its history, after a hiring freeze and funding shortfalls.
Other agencies with rising head counts were driven by some of President Biden’s legislative initiatives — especially the Bipartisan Infrastructure Law and the Inflation Reduction Act. Recruiters streamlined hiring procedures to bring on more than 9,000 people, distributed across the agencies handling parts of the laws.
The Treasury Department also expanded as the Internal Revenue Service received an $80 billion infusion — later cut to $40 billion — that allowed it to top 100,000 employees, the highest level since 1997.
But the biggest increase came at the largest agency: the Department of Veterans Affairs, which stands at more than 486,000 employees, up nearly 16 percent since 2020. The growth was driven by the PACT Act, a law passed in 2022 that authorized $797 billion to cover more veterans exposed to toxic substances during their military service.
Veterans Affairs, together with civilian employees of the Pentagon and the military branches, accounts for 1.25 million federal workers. That’s 55 percent of the total, not counting intelligence agencies or the Postal Service. The active-duty military adds nearly 1.4 million, a tick down from 2020.
“You can’t get to $2 trillion in cuts and 75 percent of the federal work force if you’re not going to cut D.O.D.,” said Randy Erwin, national president of the National Federation of Federal Employees, referring to the Department of Defense. “It’s too big — it’s impossible to get to those numbers.”
Hiring at veterans’ hospitals and at field offices to support infrastructure projects has meant that all of the federal staffing growth has happened outside the Beltway. The number of federal workers in the Washington metropolitan area has been flat since 2020, and stands at about 12 percent of the total.
Some of that arises from the trend toward remote work, which allowed agencies to hire specialized talent elsewhere in the country. Although pay varies by locality, for each occupation federal workers make nearly 25 percent less than their private-sector counterparts, according to the Federal Salary Council.
“We are told by hiring managers in the District that particularly for tech occupations, they have a real hard time attracting workers,” said Terry Clower, director of the Center for Regional Analysis at George Mason University, in Northern Virginia. “It’s because a lot of folks are not really keen to move to our area, with its cost of living, for a federal wage.”
Of course, the size of the federal government is measured by more than its payroll. As policymakers have tried to keep the head count low, the number of people doing federal work as employees of federal contractors has ballooned. No one knows how many, but a Brookings Institution scholar estimated the contracted work force at five million in 2020.
Business
Southwest’s open seating ends with final flight
After nearly 60 years of its unique and popular open-seating policy, Southwest Airlines flew its last flight with unassigned seats Monday night.
Customers on flights going forward will choose where they sit and whether they want to pay more for a preferred location or extra leg room. The change represents a significant shift for Southwest’s brand, which has been known as a no-frills, easygoing option compared to competing airlines.
While many loyal customers lament the loss of open seating, Southwest has been under pressure from investors to boost profitability. Last year, the airline also stopped offering free checked bags and began charging $35 for one bag and $80 for two.
Under the defunct open-seating policy, customers could choose their seats on a first-come, first-served basis. On social media, customers said the policy made boarding faster and fairer. The airline is now offering four new fare bundles that include tiered perks such as priority boarding, preferred seats, and premium drinks.
“We continue to make substantial progress as we execute the most significant transformation in Southwest Airlines’ history,” said chief executive Bob Jordan in a statement with the company’s third-quarter revenue report. “We quickly implemented many new product attributes and enhancements [and] we remain committed to meeting the evolving needs of our current and future customers.”
Eighty percent of Southwest customers and 86% of potential customers prefer an assigned seat, the airline said in 2024.
Experts said the change is a smart move as the airline tries to stabilize its finances.
In the third quarter of 2025, the company reported passenger revenues of $6.3 billion, a 1% increase from the year prior. Southwest’s shares have remained mostly stable this year and were trading at around $41.50 on Tuesday.
“You’re going to hear nostalgia about this, but I think it’s very logical and probably something the company should have done years ago,” said Duane Pfennigwerth, a global airlines analyst at Evercore, when the company announced the seating change in 2024.
Budget airlines are offering more premium options in an attempt to increase revenue, including Spirit, which introduced new fare bundles in 2024 with priority check-in and their take on a first-class experience.
With the end of open seating and its “bags fly free” policy, customers said Southwest has lost much of its appeal and flexibility. The airline used to stand out in an industry often associated with rigidity and high prices, customers said.
“Open seating and the easier boarding process is why I fly Southwest,” wrote one Reddit user. “I may start flying another airline in protest. After all, there will be nothing differentiating Southwest anymore.”
Business
Contributor: The weird bipartisan alliance to cap credit card rates is onto something
Behind the credit card, ubiquitous in American economic life now for decades, stand a very few gigantic financial institutions that exert nearly unlimited power over how much consumers and businesses pay for the use of a small piece of plastic. American consumers and small businesses alike are spitting fire these days about the cost of credit cards, while the companies profiting from them are making money hand over fist.
We are now having a national conversation about what the federal government can do to lower the cost of credit cards. Sens. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) and Josh Hawley (R-Mo.), truly strange political bedfellows, have proposed a 10% cap. Now President Trump has too. But we risk spinning our wheels if we do not face facts about the underlying structure of this market.
We should dispense with the notion that the credit card business in the United States is a free market with robust competition. Instead, we have an oligopoly of dominant banks that issue them: JPMorgan Chase, Bank of America, American Express, Citigroup and Capital One, which together account for about 70% of all transactions. And we have a duopoly of networks: Visa and Mastercard, who process more than 80% of those transactions.
The results are higher prices for consumers who use the cards and businesses that accept them. Possibly the most telling statistic tracks the difference between borrowing benchmarks, such as the prime rate, and what you pay on your credit card. That markup has been rising steadily over the last 10 years and now stands at 16.4%. A Federal Reserve study found the problem in every card category, from your super-duper-triple-platinum card to subprime cardholders. Make no mistake, your bank is cranking up credit card rates faster than any overall increase.
If you are a small business owner, the situation is equally grim. Credit cards are a major source of credit for small businesses, at an increasingly dear cost. Also, businesses suffer from the fees Visa and Mastercard charge merchants on customer payments; those have climbed steadily as well because the two dominant processors use a variety of techniques to keep their grip on that market. Those fees nearly doubled in five years, to $111 billion in 2024. Largely passed on to consumers in the form of higher prices, these charges often rank as the second- or third-highest merchant cost, after real estate and labor.
There is nothing divinely ordained here. In other industrialized countries, the simple task of moving money — the basic function of Visa and Mastercard — is much, much less expensive. Consumer credit is likewise less expensive elsewhere in the world because of greater competition, tougher regulation and long-standing norms.
Now some American politicians want caps on card interest rates, a tool that absolutely has its place in consumer protection. A handful of states already have strict limits on interest rates, a proud legacy of an ethos of protecting the most vulnerable people against the biblical sin of usury. Texas imposes a 10% cap for lending to people in that state. Congress in 2006 chose to protect military service members via a 36% limit on interest they can be charged. In 2009, it banned an array of sneaky fees designed to extract more money from card users. Federal credit unions cannot charge more than 18% interest, including on credit cards. Brian Shearer from Vanderbilt University’s Policy Accelerator for Political Economy and Regulation has made a persuasive case for capping credit card rates for the rest of us too.
At the very least, there is every reason to ignore the stale serenade of the bank lobby that any regulation will only hurt the people we are trying to help. Credit still flows to soldiers and sailors. Credit unions still issue cards. States with usury caps still have functioning financial systems. And the 2009 law Congress passed convinced even skeptical economists that the result was a better market for consumers.
If consumers receive such commonsense protections, what’s at stake? Profit margins for banks and card networks, and there is no compelling public policy reason to protect those. Major banks have profit margins that exceed 30%, a level that is modest only compared with Visa and Mastercard, which average a margin of 45%. Meanwhile, consumers face $1. 3 trillion in debt. And retailers squeeze by with a margin around 3%; grocers make do with half that.
The market won’t fix what’s wrong with credit card fees, because the handful of businesses that control it are feasting at everyone else’s expense. We must liberate the market from the grip of the major banks and card processors and restore vibrant competition. Harnessing market forces to get better outcomes for consumers, in addition to smart regulation, is as American as apple pie.
Fortunately, Trump has endorsed — via social media — bipartisan legislation, the Credit Card Competition Act, that would crack open the Visa-Mastercard duopoly by allowing merchants to route transactions over competing networks. Here’s hoping he follows through by getting enough congressional Republicans on board.
That change would leave us with the megabanks still controlling the credit card market. One approach would be consumer-friendly regulation of other means of credit, such as buy-now-pay-later tools or innovative payment applications, by including protections that credit cards enjoy. Ideally, Congress would cap the size of banks, something it declined to do after the 2008 financial crisis, to the enduring frustration of reformers who sought structural change. Trump entered the presidency in 2017 calling for a new Glass-Steagall, the Depression-era law that broke up big banks, but he never pursued it.
Fast forward nine years, and we find rising negative sentiment among American voters, groaning under the weight of credit card debt and a cascade of junk fees from other industries. Populist ire at corporate power is rising. The race between the two major parties to ride that feeling to victory in the November midterm elections and beyond has begun. A movement to limit the power of big banks could be but a tweet away.
Carter Dougherty is the senior fellow for anti–monopoly and finance at Demand Progress, an advocacy group and think tank.
Business
Lockheed Martin, PG&E, Salesforce and Wells Fargo team up to help battle wildfires
Lockheed Martin, PG&E Corp., Salesforce and Wells Fargo are teaming up to help firefighters and emergency responders prevent, detect and fight wildfires more quickly.
On Monday, the four companies said they’re forming a new venture called Emberpoint to advance technology while making wildfire prevention more affordable.
“The ultimate vision is, you know, eliminating megafires in the United States, and maybe beyond that,” said Jim Taiclet, Lockheed Martin’s chief executive, president and chairman, in an interview.
The Emberpoint team and its technologies will be created in the coming months and demonstrations are expected some time this year. Wells Fargo is helping to fund the investment and partners have already committed more than $100 million to the new venture, Taiclet said.
Lockheed Martin already makes aircraft and satellites to fight wildfires, but the company has also worked on integrating data from the space, ground and air to help predict where a fire might start so firefighters and helicopters can better position themselves. A lightning strike, downed power lines, improperly extinguished campfires and other events can spark wildfires. The venture’s first service will focus on firefighting intelligence.
PG&E has wildfire mitigation efforts, such as installing power lines underground in high-risk areas, and has weather stations equipped with AI-powered cameras to help detect wildfires. The company will bring its expertise to this new venture but plans to seek regulatory approval to share information with its partners as part of this new venture.
“We can actually share and return to our customers the investments they’ve made in wildfire technology, and return those investments back to customers while making our own system safer and making the state safer,” PG&E Corp. Chief Executive Patti Poppe said.
San Francisco software company Salesforce, which is behind messaging app Slack and a platform that helps companies deploy AI agents, will help organizations coordinate so they can respond to wildfires faster. The company will also help bring data from different streams into a “unified, real-time response engine.”
AI agents can help firefighters better combat a blaze by providing information such as the blaze’s perimeter and the most dangerous areas, Taiclet said.
The partnership comes as wildfires across the globe become larger and more destructive, damaging homes, businesses and other buildings while also disrupting power. In California, where warmer temperatures, drier air and high winds fuel flames, wildfires have caused billions of dollars in damage and claimed lives. Last year, the Eaton and Palisades fires killed more than two dozen people and destroyed more than 16,000 structures, with the estimated loss totaling more than $250 billion.
The path of destruction left by wildfires has prompted major tech companies such as Nvidia and Google, along with startups and universities, to experiment with artificial intelligence to improve firefighting and detection. Drones, sensors, satellite imagery, autonomous aircraft and cameras are among tools used to manage and fight wildfires.
Lockheed Martin has teamed up with tech companies before to help battle wildfires. The defense and aerospace contractor, headquartered in Maryland, also has offices and employees throughout California, including Silicon Valley. It has roughly 10,000 employees in California.
In 2021, the company partnered with Nvidia along with state and federal forest services to create a digital version of a fire that allows firefighters and incident commanders to better understand how it spreads and find the best ways to put it out.
Last year, the California Department of Forestry and Fire Protection said it was working with Sikorsky, a Lockheed Martin company, on a five-year initiative that would enhance autonomous aerial firefighting technologies. The effort also includes exploring the development of an autonomous Sikorsky S-70i Firehawk helicopter, an aircraft used to drop gallons of water onto flames. Sikorsky has worked with California software company Rain to test out autonomous wildfire suppression technology as well.
And Lockheed Martin has built satellites that help U.S. forecasters get images of wildfires, hurricanes and severe weather conditions.
“If we can get prediction better, detection quicker and response more robust, I think we’ve had a real chance at making a big difference here for safety of both the citizens and the firefighters,” Taiclet said.
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