Business
Robots can make your fries, salads and guacamole. Is this the future of fast food?
Miso Robotics’ lab in downtown Pasadena is filled with robots of the past and present.
There’s Sippy, Chippy and Drippy. The star of the lab: an updated robot named Flippy that can fry French fries and chicken nuggets much faster than humans.
Miso Robotics has a lot riding on its ability to convince fast-food chains to incorporate Flippy — a robotic arm that drops fryer baskets into sizzling oil — into their kitchens. With the restaurant industry buffeted by higher costs driven in part by rising minimum wages in California and other states, Miso is one of several tech startups betting more businesses will be searching for new ways to save money, reduce employee turnover and fill more orders.
“You’re never going to get rid of humans in restaurants, nor would you want to,” Miso Robotics Chief Executive Rich Hull said. “What you’re trying to do is automate the tasks that the humans don’t enjoy doing.” Flippy can process more than 100 fry baskets an hour, notably faster than the 70 or so baskets the company estimates employees can handle during the same time period. The robot also spares workers from the risk of burns from hot oil or slips on grease.
Flippy the French fry making robot at Miso Robotics
Restaurant chains have been experimenting with robots in the kitchen for years. But, while several companies including White Castle, Sweetgreen and Chipotle are currently testing out ways to automate food prep, circuits and software haven’t yet taken over.
“We are at the very, very early stage. The return on investment has not been proven,” said John Gordon, a restaurant industry analyst who founded Pacific Management Consulting Group. “There’s no doubt an opportunity in some restaurants because of the … repetitive work that is done” out of view of diners.
For some businesses, early results are promising. Los Angeles-based fast-casual restaurant Sweetgreen has been testing what the company calls its “Infinite Kitchen” that uses machines to dispense and mix salad ingredients that humans then put the finishing touches on. Two locations that piloted the technology, including one in Huntington Beach, saw improvements in order accuracy and staff turnover, while average sales were 10% higher, executives said during a recent earnings call.
Miso Robotics, founded in 2016, has tested earlier versions of Flippy in roughly 20 restaurants including White Castle, CaliBurger and Jack in the Box. White Castle, a burger chain with locations primarily in the Midwest and the region around New York City, said it expects to follow through on plans announced last year to roll out Flippy in nearly one-third of its approximately 350 restaurants.
Rich Hull, chief executive of Miso Robotics, demonstrates the latest version of Flippy at the company’s Pasadena lab.
(Al Seib / For The Times)
The field of fast-food robotics is littered with companies that failed in their attempts to disrupt the restaurant industry. Last year, Silicon Valley pizza-making startup Zume shuttered after raising $450 million from SoftBank’s Vision Fund and other investors. Among other problems, the company, which was founded in 2015, reportedly had trouble getting its robots to keep melted cheese from falling off pizzas that were being baked in a moving truck en route to customers. And in 2022, food delivery company DoorDash shut down Chowbotics — the company behind a robotic salad-making vending machine — roughly 18 months after it purchased the startup because it didn’t live up to expectations.
Miso Robotics appears to be at a make or break point, analysts said. As of June 2024, the startup had an accumulated deficit of $122.8 million and meager cash reserves of just under $4 million. The company’s negative operating cash flows have raised concerns about its ability to survive, a report filed to the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission says.
Hull and other executives started just last year, and former CEO Michael Bell was terminated in May 2023, another filing shows.
As of March, the company has raised $126.5 million from investors and was in the process of raising additional funds, according to data from Pitchbook. Gordon and other analysts said they believe the company’s immediate future rests largely on its ability to raise more cash as it tries to ramp up sales.
Hull, an early investor in Miso Robotics, is a Hollywood film producer and executive who also founded a Spanish-language streaming company Pongalo, which was later renamed Vix.TelevisaUnivision acquired Vix Inc. in 2021. He said Miso’s board and Ecolab, which invested $15 million in the company, brought him in to grow the startup much like he’s done for the streaming business.
“Innovation is not easy. It’s really hard. Now we have a seven-year head start on everybody else, but it’s messy,” Hull said. “I love messy. That’s always been my thing.”
He said the company recently closed a $20 million round of financing.
The company plans to significantly ratchet up its production capabilities next year, making it able to fill whatever orders it receives, Hull said, adding that Miso is aiming to be profitable by the end of 2026.
Some labor analysts question whether automation will help workers. Brian Justie, a senior research analyst at the UCLA Labor Center, visited a restaurant that used Flippy during the summer.
“Whether or not it’s faster or cheaper than a … traditional restaurant, I think what it very clearly was, it was fewer people doing pretty much the same amount of work or more work with a limited menu,” he said.
During a demonstration at Miso Robotics’ lab, Hull highlighted improvements the company has made to Flippy, including making it smaller so it can fit under the exhaust hood and above the fryers in a compact kitchen. And he said the integration of artificial intelligence technology has cut down on food waste and improved durability with the machine able to fix problems with its operating system or alert a customer service representative if it’s about to break down.
Miso Robotics has tested out other robots, which were meant to pour drinks at the drive-through (Sippy) or cook and season tortilla chips (Chippy), but Hull said its engineers are focused for now on the frying robot. Miso initially designed Flippy to flip burgers when the startup unveiled the robot in 2017, but the company changed course when it saw a bigger revenue opportunity with fried foods, he said.
Miso executives believe the frying technology could be a huge boon for the company, claiming in a government filing that “Flippy’s automation of the fry station represents a potentially massive $3.5 billion revenue opportunity for Miso alone in a market that, importantly, still remains fragmented, underdeveloped, undercapitalized, and ripe with growth opportunities for a company with Miso’s first-mover advantage.”
Restaurants can buy or lease the robot, and the company makes money as well from maintenance, software upgrades and tech support. Most customers lease Flippy for $5,000 to $6,000 per month, but various factors can influence pricing, including the number of fryers in a restaurant.
Several chains, including Panera, Jack in the Box, Chipotle and Buffalo Wild Wings, have been testing Miso’s technology since 2021, SEC filings show. Many of the companies declined to detail whether the robots led to cost savings, but they pointed to other benefits.
At White Castle, for example, Flippy robots have allowed employees to better focus on other aspects that improve a customer’s experiences such as order accuracy and hospitality, said Jamie Richardson, the chain’s vice president of marketing and public relations.
A touch screen enables a worker to operate Flippy’s robotic arm.
(Al Seib / For The Times)
The burger chain turned to Miso after realizing workers assigned to the drive-through and fry station had to juggle multiple responsibilities and orders. White Castle also partnered with SoundHound to test an AI voice assistant named Julia (named after a beloved White Castle host named Julia Joyce from the 1930s) to help take drive-through orders. In June, McDonald’s announced it was ending a similar pilot program with IBM amid reports the technology had struggled with people’s accents.
With many variables at play, White Castle hasn’t measured whether Flippy has improved employee retention, Richardson said. So far, it has gotten positive feedback about the robot from employees.
“People who come to us want hot and tasty, affordable food,” he said. “If you can take the pain points out of that, if you can reduce the friction, everybody wins.”
Curt Garner, chief customer and technology officer at Chipotle, said the restaurant chain tested out Miso’s tortilla chip-making robot in one Orange County location from 2021 to 2023. Even though the pilot ended last year, Garner said the restaurant incorporated what it learned into other products.
For the record:
6:28 p.m. Oct. 30, 2024An earlier version of this story incorrectly said James Jordan is president and board chair of Miso Robotics. He no longer holds those roles.
Chipotle, which has a $100-million venture fund, has invested in other startups including Vebu Labs, which was founded by former Miso Robotics’ president and board chair, James Jordan. The partnership produced Autocado, which cuts, cores and peels avocados before workers hand-mash them to create guacamole. It has also invested in San José-based Hyphen to create what the company calls an “augmented makeline” that uses automated technology to build bowls and salads while Chipotle employees make burritos, tacos, quesadillas and kids’ meals.
Jot Condie, president and chief executive of the California Restaurant Assn., said the COVID-19 pandemic fueled more interest in the use of automation and technology in restaurants.
A lot of the adoption, he anticipates, will happen in fast-casual restaurants where convenience and efficiency are key, rather than in full-service restaurants where the interaction with friendly servers is a more important part of the experience.
“Quick service restaurants like Chipotle that have the ability and the resources to invest and adopt technologies will sort of lead the way,” he said.
Business
In a first for the country, voters in Monterey Park ban data centers
Residents of Monterey Park voted overwhelmingly to ban data centers on election day, making the San Gabriel Valley city the first in the nation to do so by public vote.
As of Wednesday, 86% of votes were in favor of Measure NDC, the city ban, according to the Los Angeles County registrar-recorder/county clerk.
Other cities and towns have passed moratoriums on data centers, as a wave of opposition sweeps the country. But the Monterey Park vote can only be overturned by another ballot measure, making it the most permanent data center ban in a jurisdiction.
Monterey Park’s City Council had already banned data centers by ordinance, after a proposed 247,000-square-foot data center met an outpouring of public anger and concern. The developer withdrew that plan.
That facility would have been less than 500 feet away from the nearest home, and would have used three times the electricity of the entire 60,000-person city. Residents said it would have caused noise and air pollution and driven up electricity rates.
“This ensures long-lasting protections for current and future generations,” Amy Wong, co-founder of the group San Gabriel Valley Progressive Action, said of the vote. “It means that future city councils cannot overturn a data center ban, even if data center developers wanted to spend money to fund pro-data center candidates.”
The measure had no formal opposition. The developer of the proposed facility, investment firm HMC StratCap, said it wouldn’t engage in the ballot fight when it withdrew in March.
The Data Center Coalition, an industry trade group, expressed disappointment in the vote.
“It sends a signal that the area is closed for business, both for data centers and for other significant economic development projects,” state policy director Khara Boender said.
“It deprives local residents of the opportunity to compete for jobs and investment, while also causing the area to relinquish substantial long-term economic investment, high-wage jobs, and critical tax revenue to neighboring areas or other states.”
SGV Progressive Action worked with hyperlocal groups including No Data Center Monterey Park to rally support for the measure.
The group is now focused on stopping data center proposals in the City of Industry and fighting a move by City of Industry, Santa Fe Springs, Vernon and City of Commerce to welcome data centers and other industry with fast-tracked permitting and tax incentives.
City of Industry, in the San Gabriel Valley, and Vernon, south of downtown L.A., are primarily industrial areas, each with around 300 permanent residents. They are employment centers, and tens of thousands of workers commute in daily.
There has been little vocal opposition to data centers among the few residents of these cities. Wong said the protest is primarily coming from the surrounding neighborhoods.
“If a data center gets built in City of Industry, residents across the region would bear the brunt of pollution and increased utility costs,” Wong said, noting that it is surrounded by 16 other cities and unincorporated communities.
Data center proposals have been limited in California compared to Virginia, Texas, Georgia, Illinois and Arizona, which sit at the center of a recent boom in hyperscaler facilities to power artificial intelligence.
California has the third-most data centers in the country, with 300, but high electricity rates, expensive land and regulatory hurdles mean that fewer, and smaller, facilities are currently planned than in other hotspots.
That doesn’t mean opposition hasn’t been fierce. In Coachella and Imperial County, residents are showing up in droves to protest local proposals.
In the San Gabriel Valley, Montebello, El Monte and Baldwin Park have all enacted temporary moratoriums, and Alhambra recently banned data centers as part of a zoning code update.
Wong said she hoped the ballot measure vote would galvanize the opposition. “The vote is a testament to the people power of our region,” she said. “Our region is worth protecting, and we won’t let data centers determine our future.”
Business
Rent-hike ban to protect fire victims ends despite gouging concerns
A rule intended to prevent rent gouging in the wake of the Eaton and Palisades fires has lapsed in Los Angeles County, possibly exposing some renters to hikes.
The executive order that blocked rent increases was issued by Gov. Gavin Newsom amid the devastating wildfires last year. Under the order, landlords couldn’t increase rents by more than 10% above their prefire levels.
The rule, which was supposed to be temporary and was repeatedly extended, ended Friday after a vote to extend it again failed to garner enough votes. Supervisor Lindsey Horvath, whose district includes Pacific Palisades, sounded the alarm in a motion to extend price protections that failed to pass at the Board of Supervisors’ May 19 meeting.
“These price gouging protections continue to be necessary as construction and rebuilding continue, and as thousands of people remain displaced,” the motion said. “Families which signed short-term leases could face drastic price increases of 50% or more without further price gouging protection.”
Los Angeles County is home to more than 1 million rental properties, though not all of them needed protection from the new rule. There are already stricter rent increase caps for many residences, depending on the location, type and age of the building. Despite the rent control in the region, the people of Los Angeles pay among the highest rents in the country.
It is uncertain whether renters will face rapidly rising rents now that the protection has lapsed. But some real estate experts and policymakers said there was no need for the temporary rule that was part of the governor’s state of emergency.
Supervisors Kathryn Barger, Janice Hahn and Holly Mitchell abstained from voting on the motion to extend the protection, while Supervisors Hilda Solis and Horvath supported it.
“I abstained because I did not see sufficient evidence to justify extending this emergency ordinance, nor did I see evidence to eliminate it entirely,” Hahn said.
Barger’s office said she supported allowing the protections to sunset while waiting to see whether new information emerged.
“Market data already shows countywide rents are only about 2% above pre-emergency levels and rental inventory has grown,” Barger representative Helen E. Chavez Garcia said. “The Supervisor is also mindful of the burden these ongoing protections place on small property owners throughout the county.”
Mitchell did not immediately respond to a request for comment.
There haven’t been steep rent hikes in neighborhoods within three miles of the Palisades fire, according to a Times analysis of data from Zillow, the property listing company.
In ZIP Codes within three miles of the Palisades fire, rent increased 4.8% from December 2024 to April 2025. In areas around the Eaton fire, which destroyed swaths of Altadena, rent jumped 5.2% in the same period.
In L.A. County, ZIP Codes farther from the fires saw only about a 2% increase.
A landlords representative, Jesus Rojas of the Apartment Owners Assn. of Greater Los Angeles, told the supervisors during public comment at the meeting that the county’s rent-gouging rules have “long outlived the emergency they were intended to address” and are now being “wrongfully used to harm thousands of rental housing providers throughout the county.”
“There is no proof that multifamily rental housing providers are hugely increasing rents for impacted homeowners,” Rojas said.
Indeed, there are strong signs that the property market in the Los Angeles area has at last begun to cool.
L.A. metro-area rent prices recently fell to a four-year low, with the median rent slipping to $2,167 in December.
Meanwhile, condominium sales had their slowest start of the year in decades. Condo sales in Los Angeles have plummeted to a 20-year low, with fewer than 2,000 units sold in January and February — the worst start to the year since 2005.
Newsom defended the price-gouging protections shortly after they went into effect.
“In the days following the Los Angeles firestorms, we worked quickly to protect Los Angeles survivors from any form of exploitation,” he said in February 2025. “The state has the tools in place to not only block price gouging during this emergency, but also to prosecute bad actors.”
The Los Angeles County Department of Consumer and Business Affairs said it received more than 2,000 complaints after the fires, alleging that retailers and landlords were taking advantage of people put in hardship by their losses, and sent out more than 2,000 cease-and-desist letters to businesses and landlords for alleged price gouging, said Morine Merritt, who oversees department investigations into consumer and real estate fraud.
“Close to 90% of the complaints that we received involved allegations of rent increases,” Merritt said in an interview. Now that the fire-related protections have expired, existing laws and “regular market conditions determine price increases for goods and services, including rents,” she said.
Crackdowns on fire-related rent gouging have been rare, said Chelsea Kirk of the activist organization the Rent Brigade, which analyzed L.A. County’s rental market in the year after the fires. It reported 18,360 potential examples of price gouging in listings but said that few lawsuits had been filed by authorities so far.
Last week, Rent Brigade announced what it said was the first private civil lawsuit brought by a family that claimed to be rent-gouged in the aftermath of the wildfires. Plaintiffs Randall and Candy Renick, whose Altadena home was damaged, said they were charged nearly three times the maximum permitted rate for nearly 10 months. They seek restitution of $96,000 plus civil penalties and attorneys’ fees.
The rental market has probably stabilized since the fires, Kirk said, but other families may still be “locked into illegal rents” that they agreed to pay when they were in a rush to find housing after they were displaced.
Business
Read Nick Bilton’s Letter to Scott Pelley
Dear Mr. Pelley:
I meant what I said in my letter last week to the 60 Minutes team: joining 60 Minutes is the honor of my career and I am grateful to be working alongside the people who have contributed to the most important television journalism brand this country has ever produced. While I’m new to 60 Minutes, I’ve devoted my career to investigative journalism and storytelling. I started this job excited to collaborate and to benefit from the wisdom and experience of the 60 Minutes veterans, with you among them. For that reason, one of the first things I did in my new role was call you to talk and invite you to dinner. It is a profound disappointment that you rejected that overture and chose ambush instead. Yesterday, you hijacked my first meeting with staff to disparage me, my qualifications, and my intentions with remarkable incivility and contempt. I welcome a diversity of viewpoints and respectful debate among the team, but this was nothing of the sort. Yesterday’s performative display of hostility enacted in front of the staff instead of in a civil, private conversation-demonstrated that you have no interest in contributing to the future success of the show, or approaching my new tenure with a mind open to collaboration and progress. I am here to deliver first-in-class news programming, not to make headlines about newsroom drama. I am eager to work alongside those who share this goal.
Despite yesterday’s misconduct, I had hoped that in sitting down with you today we could find a path forward together. You made clear that you are not interested in such a path.
Your antipathy to the future of the show has come through loud and clear. And I have heard you. I therefore write on behalf of CBS News, Inc. (“CBS”) to inform you that your employment with CBS is terminated for cause effective immediately. Enclosed is your formal termination letter.
Sincerely,
Nick Bilton
Executive Producer, 60 Minutes
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