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ICE agents are setting their sights on L.A. What employers need to know

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ICE agents are setting their sights on L.A. What employers need to know

Over the weekend, U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement officials knocked on the doors of a handful of Los Angeles-area homes. And last month, U.S. Border Patrol agents conducted a three-day raid in rural parts of Kern County targeting Latino farmworkers and day laborers soliciting work in the parking lots of big-box stores.

These actions serve as a reminder that ICE and other immigration officials can show up with little or no warning at homes, businesses or in public places.

And given the Trump administration’s stated desire to ratchet up immigration enforcement and deportations, advocacy groups for workplace and immigrant rights say it’s vital for business owners to prepare themselves and their employees for any potential visits from ICE.

“The best way to counteract feeling overwhelmed is to be prepared,” said Giuliana Gabriel, vice president of human resources at the California Employers Assn.

Why might immigration authorities show up?

Among the reasons immigration authorities may visit a workplace include a Form I-9 audit, a raid, or to detain a specific person. Employers might be notified of a visit, or it could happen without warning.

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Having such officials at a work site can feel overwhelming because employees might be “unsure of their rights, the purpose of the search, or what might happen next,” Gabriel said.

Employers, she added, should consider creating a response plan for their managers to follow in the event of an ICE visit.

“Some employers may choose to conduct ‘ICE Drills’ — similar to fire drills — for staff to gauge preparedness and help employees keep calm in the event of a real visit,” she said.

What is a Form I-9 audit?

Federal law requires every employee on a payroll to have a Form I-9 on file. Those documents prove an employee is authorized to work in the U.S., according to the California Employers Assn.

To comply with the law:

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  • The form must be completed within three days of the employee’s hiring date.
  • A completed form must be on file for three years after a person is hired, or one year after the worker’s last day of employment, whichever is later, according to the National Employment Law Project.

“We recommend having strong hiring and onboarding practices to ensure your employee files are as complete and correct as possible,” Gabriel said. “It is also a best practice to conduct periodic audits of I-9 records to identify and correct any discrepancies before ICE shows up.”

ICE or Homeland Security Investigations have the latitude to decide whether to audit Form I-9s.

What are your next steps if an audit is started?

Businesses will be issued a notice of inspection giving them three days to provide records, according to Legal Aid at Work, a workplace rights advocacy group. Employers must also post a notice for employees within 72 hours of receiving it — and it should be in the language or languages usually used to communicate with staff.

The posted notice for employers must include:

  • The name of the immigration agency conducting the audit;
  • The date the employer received the notice of inspection;
  • What documents will be inspected;
  • A copy of the notice of inspection.

If immigration officials identify an employee as potentially lacking proper work authorization, or having deficiencies in their documentation, businesses will be notified and must provide the employee a copy of the findings within 72 hours.

Employers who operate in a union environment also must provide a copy of these notices to the employee’s representatives within that same time frame, according to the California Employers Assn.

According to the National Employment Law Project and the National Immigration Law Center, “If ICE decides you did not follow the Form I-9 rules” businesses may be ordered to stop hiring people who do not have valid work permits, and could face civil and criminal fines or other penalties.

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What’s an ICE raid?

A raid is when ICE agents arrive at a work site without warning the employer. They can be accompanied by other agencies or appear in large numbers, according to the California Employers Assn.

Can ICE go to a worksite to detain a specific person?

ICE agents can go to a business to try to find a particular person, or people, according to the National Immigration Law Center.

How can you prepare for a workplace ICE visit?

The California Employers Assn. recommends creating a four-step response plan that should address the following:

  • Who needs to be alerted if ICE shows up or a notice is received?
  • Who is authorized to speak to law enforcement agents on behalf of the company?
  • What information can be gathered from the agents?
  • Is there a designated place for agents to wait?

Who should be alerted: Alerting management and employee/union representatives within an organization can help reduce workplace disruption and keep employees calm, Gabriel said.

“Rumors and misinformation tend to create panic amongst a workforce and some employees may even try to flee or confront agents,” she said. “Running could give the agents reason to detain or arrest someone, so having an employee representative or member of management to maintain order and keep employees calm is advisable.”

Legal counsel should immediately be notified when ICE shows up because they can help “protect your organization and your employees from agents overstepping their boundaries or taking liberties as far as what they are authorized to do at your workplace,” she added.

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Authorized speakers: Examples of people who can be designated to speak with agents include the business owner or a member of the management team, such as a general manager or human resources representative.

“Ideally it would be someone familiar with your response plan, if you have one, and authorized to speak on behalf of the company,” Gabriel said.

The identified person or people should be able to communicate confidently, clearly and remain composed “while protecting the privacy of your organization and its employees,” she said.

Gathering ICE agent information: You have the right to ask immigration officials which agency they represent as well as for their names, badge numbers and business cards.

“There have been reports of citizens impersonating ICE agents to target, detain and harass others,” Gabriel said.

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Designated waiting area: Find a conference room or office where agents can wait. This can limit workplace disruptions.

What to do when ICE shows up

Businesses should enact their response plan immediately when immigration officials arrive.

Before ICE agents can enter private areas of your business (public areas are parking lots or lobbies) they must present a valid warrant to conduct their search.

A valid warrant must be:

  • Issued by a court;
  • Have the correct name and address of the person being seized;
  • Signed by a judge or magistrate judge.

Businesses should ensure that employees know their rights and that they should refrain from engaging with ICE officials, according to the National Employment Law Project. If ICE agents have questions or requests, workers should not respond and instead direct the officials to speak with their employer.

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In a first for the country, voters in Monterey Park ban data centers

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In a first for the country, voters in Monterey Park ban data centers

Residents of Monterey Park voted overwhelmingly to ban data centers on election day, making the San Gabriel Valley city the first in the nation to do so by public vote.

As of Wednesday, 86% of votes were in favor of Measure NDC, the city ban, according to the Los Angeles County registrar-recorder/county clerk.

Other cities and towns have passed moratoriums on data centers, as a wave of opposition sweeps the country. But the Monterey Park vote can only be overturned by another ballot measure, making it the most permanent data center ban in a jurisdiction.

Monterey Park’s City Council had already banned data centers by ordinance, after a proposed 247,000-square-foot data center met an outpouring of public anger and concern. The developer withdrew that plan.

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That facility would have been less than 500 feet away from the nearest home, and would have used three times the electricity of the entire 60,000-person city. Residents said it would have caused noise and air pollution and driven up electricity rates.

“This ensures long-lasting protections for current and future generations,” Amy Wong, co-founder of the group San Gabriel Valley Progressive Action, said of the vote. “It means that future city councils cannot overturn a data center ban, even if data center developers wanted to spend money to fund pro-data center candidates.”

The measure had no formal opposition. The developer of the proposed facility, investment firm HMC StratCap, said it wouldn’t engage in the ballot fight when it withdrew in March.

The Data Center Coalition, an industry trade group, expressed disappointment in the vote.

“It sends a signal that the area is closed for business, both for data centers and for other significant economic development projects,” state policy director Khara Boender said.

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“It deprives local residents of the opportunity to compete for jobs and investment, while also causing the area to relinquish substantial long-term economic investment, high-wage jobs, and critical tax revenue to neighboring areas or other states.”

SGV Progressive Action worked with hyperlocal groups including No Data Center Monterey Park to rally support for the measure.

The group is now focused on stopping data center proposals in the City of Industry and fighting a move by City of Industry, Santa Fe Springs, Vernon and City of Commerce to welcome data centers and other industry with fast-tracked permitting and tax incentives.

City of Industry, in the San Gabriel Valley, and Vernon, south of downtown L.A., are primarily industrial areas, each with around 300 permanent residents. They are employment centers, and tens of thousands of workers commute in daily.

There has been little vocal opposition to data centers among the few residents of these cities. Wong said the protest is primarily coming from the surrounding neighborhoods.

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“If a data center gets built in City of Industry, residents across the region would bear the brunt of pollution and increased utility costs,” Wong said, noting that it is surrounded by 16 other cities and unincorporated communities.

Data center proposals have been limited in California compared to Virginia, Texas, Georgia, Illinois and Arizona, which sit at the center of a recent boom in hyperscaler facilities to power artificial intelligence.

California has the third-most data centers in the country, with 300, but high electricity rates, expensive land and regulatory hurdles mean that fewer, and smaller, facilities are currently planned than in other hotspots.

That doesn’t mean opposition hasn’t been fierce. In Coachella and Imperial County, residents are showing up in droves to protest local proposals.

In the San Gabriel Valley, Montebello, El Monte and Baldwin Park have all enacted temporary moratoriums, and Alhambra recently banned data centers as part of a zoning code update.

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Wong said she hoped the ballot measure vote would galvanize the opposition. “The vote is a testament to the people power of our region,” she said. “Our region is worth protecting, and we won’t let data centers determine our future.”

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Rent-hike ban to protect fire victims ends despite gouging concerns

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Rent-hike ban to protect fire victims ends despite gouging concerns

A rule intended to prevent rent gouging in the wake of the Eaton and Palisades fires has lapsed in Los Angeles County, possibly exposing some renters to hikes.

The executive order that blocked rent increases was issued by Gov. Gavin Newsom amid the devastating wildfires last year. Under the order, landlords couldn’t increase rents by more than 10% above their prefire levels.

The rule, which was supposed to be temporary and was repeatedly extended, ended Friday after a vote to extend it again failed to garner enough votes. Supervisor Lindsey Horvath, whose district includes Pacific Palisades, sounded the alarm in a motion to extend price protections that failed to pass at the Board of Supervisors’ May 19 meeting.

“These price gouging protections continue to be necessary as construction and rebuilding continue, and as thousands of people remain displaced,” the motion said. “Families which signed short-term leases could face drastic price increases of 50% or more without further price gouging protection.”

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Los Angeles County is home to more than 1 million rental properties, though not all of them needed protection from the new rule. There are already stricter rent increase caps for many residences, depending on the location, type and age of the building. Despite the rent control in the region, the people of Los Angeles pay among the highest rents in the country.

It is uncertain whether renters will face rapidly rising rents now that the protection has lapsed. But some real estate experts and policymakers said there was no need for the temporary rule that was part of the governor’s state of emergency.

Supervisors Kathryn Barger, Janice Hahn and Holly Mitchell abstained from voting on the motion to extend the protection, while Supervisors Hilda Solis and Horvath supported it.

“I abstained because I did not see sufficient evidence to justify extending this emergency ordinance, nor did I see evidence to eliminate it entirely,” Hahn said.

Barger’s office said she supported allowing the protections to sunset while waiting to see whether new information emerged.

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“Market data already shows countywide rents are only about 2% above pre-emergency levels and rental inventory has grown,” Barger representative Helen E. Chavez Garcia said. “The Supervisor is also mindful of the burden these ongoing protections place on small property owners throughout the county.”

Mitchell did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

There haven’t been steep rent hikes in neighborhoods within three miles of the Palisades fire, according to a Times analysis of data from Zillow, the property listing company.

In ZIP Codes within three miles of the Palisades fire, rent increased 4.8% from December 2024 to April 2025. In areas around the Eaton fire, which destroyed swaths of Altadena, rent jumped 5.2% in the same period.

In L.A. County, ZIP Codes farther from the fires saw only about a 2% increase.

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A landlords representative, Jesus Rojas of the Apartment Owners Assn. of Greater Los Angeles, told the supervisors during public comment at the meeting that the county’s rent-gouging rules have “long outlived the emergency they were intended to address” and are now being “wrongfully used to harm thousands of rental housing providers throughout the county.”

“There is no proof that multifamily rental housing providers are hugely increasing rents for impacted homeowners,” Rojas said.

Indeed, there are strong signs that the property market in the Los Angeles area has at last begun to cool.

L.A. metro-area rent prices recently fell to a four-year low, with the median rent slipping to $2,167 in December.

Meanwhile, condominium sales had their slowest start of the year in decades. Condo sales in Los Angeles have plummeted to a 20-year low, with fewer than 2,000 units sold in January and February — the worst start to the year since 2005.

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Newsom defended the price-gouging protections shortly after they went into effect.

“In the days following the Los Angeles firestorms, we worked quickly to protect Los Angeles survivors from any form of exploitation,” he said in February 2025. “The state has the tools in place to not only block price gouging during this emergency, but also to prosecute bad actors.”

The Los Angeles County Department of Consumer and Business Affairs said it received more than 2,000 complaints after the fires, alleging that retailers and landlords were taking advantage of people put in hardship by their losses, and sent out more than 2,000 cease-and-desist letters to businesses and landlords for alleged price gouging, said Morine Merritt, who oversees department investigations into consumer and real estate fraud.

“Close to 90% of the complaints that we received involved allegations of rent increases,” Merritt said in an interview. Now that the fire-related protections have expired, existing laws and “regular market conditions determine price increases for goods and services, including rents,” she said.

Crackdowns on fire-related rent gouging have been rare, said Chelsea Kirk of the activist organization the Rent Brigade, which analyzed L.A. County’s rental market in the year after the fires. It reported 18,360 potential examples of price gouging in listings but said that few lawsuits had been filed by authorities so far.

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Last week, Rent Brigade announced what it said was the first private civil lawsuit brought by a family that claimed to be rent-gouged in the aftermath of the wildfires. Plaintiffs Randall and Candy Renick, whose Altadena home was damaged, said they were charged nearly three times the maximum permitted rate for nearly 10 months. They seek restitution of $96,000 plus civil penalties and attorneys’ fees.

The rental market has probably stabilized since the fires, Kirk said, but other families may still be “locked into illegal rents” that they agreed to pay when they were in a rush to find housing after they were displaced.

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Read Nick Bilton’s Letter to Scott Pelley

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Read Nick Bilton’s Letter to Scott Pelley

Dear Mr. Pelley:

I meant what I said in my letter last week to the 60 Minutes team: joining 60 Minutes is the honor of my career and I am grateful to be working alongside the people who have contributed to the most important television journalism brand this country has ever produced. While I’m new to 60 Minutes, I’ve devoted my career to investigative journalism and storytelling. I started this job excited to collaborate and to benefit from the wisdom and experience of the 60 Minutes veterans, with you among them. For that reason, one of the first things I did in my new role was call you to talk and invite you to dinner. It is a profound disappointment that you rejected that overture and chose ambush instead. Yesterday, you hijacked my first meeting with staff to disparage me, my qualifications, and my intentions with remarkable incivility and contempt. I welcome a diversity of viewpoints and respectful debate among the team, but this was nothing of the sort. Yesterday’s performative display of hostility enacted in front of the staff instead of in a civil, private conversation-demonstrated that you have no interest in contributing to the future success of the show, or approaching my new tenure with a mind open to collaboration and progress. I am here to deliver first-in-class news programming, not to make headlines about newsroom drama. I am eager to work alongside those who share this goal.

Despite yesterday’s misconduct, I had hoped that in sitting down with you today we could find a path forward together. You made clear that you are not interested in such a path.

Your antipathy to the future of the show has come through loud and clear. And I have heard you. I therefore write on behalf of CBS News, Inc. (“CBS”) to inform you that your employment with CBS is terminated for cause effective immediately. Enclosed is your formal termination letter.

Sincerely,

Nick Bilton

Executive Producer, 60 Minutes

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