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Commentary: These federal judges are building a legal wall against Trump’s assault on transgender rights

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Commentary: These federal judges are building a legal wall against Trump’s assault on transgender rights

President Trump wasted no time before turning the right wing’s cherished assault on transgender rights into government policy.

On the very day of his inauguration, he issued an executive order titled, “Defending Women from Gender Ideology Extremism and Restoring Biological Truth to the Federal Government.”

The order purported to “recognize two sexes, male and female,” as federal policy. “These sexes are not changeable,” it stated. It labeled “gender ideology” and “gender identity” as a “false claim.”

Congress never authorized a roving mandate to regulate and alter state-licensed medical care.

— U.S. Judge Mark Kearney of Philadelphia

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The order directed federal agencies to “remove all statements, policies, regulations, forms, communications, or other internal and external messages that promote or otherwise inculcate gender ideology.”

About a week later, Trump posted an order banning federal spending on gender-affirming therapies for children, which he defined as “mutilation” based on “junk science.”

Under Atty Gen. Pam Bondi, Trump’s Justice Department took action. On July 9, Bondi boasted of having sent “more than 20 subpoenas to doctors and clinics involved in performing transgender medical procedures on children.”

In her news release, Bondi said the subpoenas targeted “medical professionals and organizations that mutilated children in the service of a warped ideology.”

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That’s when Trump’s campaign ran into a judicial brick wall. In recent weeks at least three federal judges blocked some of these subpoenas as flagrantly illicit overreach.

At least two questioned the DOJ’s actions in these cases, with one warning that a federal official’s inaccurate declaration could be interpreted as perjury. Another implied that a DOJ filing in his courtroom might have reflected “deliberate misuse … of court procedure.” (I am indebted to Chris Geidner of Lawdork.com for pulling these facts together.)

These cases raise questions about the professionalism of Trump’s DOJ that have been raised by other federal courts on other topics. Those include the invalidation of the appointments of three U.S. Attorneys put in place to pursue criminal charges against Trump’s political enemies, and the rejection by grand juries of indictments proposed by Trump-appointed prosecutors.

“The Department has defeated many of these lawsuits all the way up to the Supreme Court and will continue to defend the President’s agenda with the utmost professionalism,” a DOJ spokeswoman told me by email.

The transgender cases may have a more personal effect on millions of struggling youths and families. As I’ve written, the Trumpian hand-wringing over the “mutilation” of children via gender-affirming therapy or surgery melds medical ignorance with fantasy.

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Therapies such as puberty blockers or hormone treatments typically are administered to minors only after painstaking medical consultations, and actual surgeries aren’t commonly performed on minors by reputable medical providers.

Trump made an assault on transgender treatments a plank in his campaign platform, spinning a weird claim that schools had been subjecting innocent children to secret operations. “The school decides what’s gonna happen with your child,” he said. “And you know, many of these childs [sic] 15 years later say, ‘What the hell happened? Who did this to me?’” None of that happens in the real world.

After the Supreme Court invalidated bans on same-sex marriage in 2015, Republican strategists found “the struggle over trans rights” to be “an especially potent wedge issue,” observes political scientist Paisley Currah, a professor of women’s and gender studies at Brooklyn College, in a new report in the New York Review of Books.

Their target, Currah writes, is “a very small proportion of the population (roughly 2.8 million people above the age of thirteen), not well understood by most Americans, living in ways that confounded common assumptions about sex.”

For the most part, this war has unfolded at the state level. North Carolina passed its notorious “bathroom bill,” requiring residents to use only the bathrooms designated for the sex on their birth certificates, in 2016. The measure drew widespread threats of boycotts by sports leagues and corporations, prompting its repeal the following year.

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Legislators soon found an approach more tolerable for the public: banning transgender women from participating in women’s sports. In 2015 there were 21 antitrans bills introduced in state legislatures; in 2025 there were more than 1,000.

In June the Supreme Court’s six-member conservative majority appeared to bless this approach by turning away a challenge to a Tennessee law that bans puberty blockers and hormones for trans youth, even when parents and physicians prescribe them. With this ruling, Justice Sonia Sotomayor wrote in a ringing dissent, “the Court abandons transgender patients and their families to political whims.”

She might have added that Trump’s intimidation works. Medical providers coast-to-coast, including Children’s National Hospital in Washington, D.C., and Kaiser Permanente, ended gender-affirming care for minors to avoid legal hassles; some institutions even ended such care for adults, although that care isn’t targeted by the government.

None of that means that there aren’t guardrails on the federal antitrans campaign, which brings us back to the judges placing a collar on the DOJ.

In the most recent ruling issued Nov. 21, federal Judge Mark Kearney of Philadelphia took aim at subpoenas Bondi served on Children’s Hospital of Philadelphia. Purporting to be investigating the mislabeling and misuse of puberty blockers and hormones, the DOJ demanded the hospital’s “billing and insurance records, communications with manufacturers and sales representatives, and the names and complete medical and psychological records of children receiving gender-affirming care,” Kearney wrote.

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The hospital acceded to most of this request, but did not provide the identities of its child patients and their families and their confidential medical files.

Kearney quashed those subpoenas, ruling that the privacy rights of the children and their families “substantially outweighs” the DOJ’s “need to know the children’s names, addresses, and treatment.”

Kearney noted that federal law left questions about medical care entirely to the states; policy disagreements such as those pitting the DOJ against the hospital are not federal crimes. “Congress never authorized a roving mandate to regulate and alter state-licensed medical care,” he wrote.

He also focused on a declaration filed in court on Oct. 6 by DOJ official Lisa K. Hsiao, stating that “the government is aware of a lawsuit filed just this year” with “allegations of a minor being put on puberty blockers after his first visit and cross-sex hormones after his second with no meaningful assessment.”

As it happens, there is no such lawsuit. The day after Hsaio’s declaration was filed “under penalty of perjury,” Kearney observed, it was withdrawn and replaced with one that removed the reference to a lawsuit and substituted the claim that the government was aware only of “concerning allegations” about the treatment.

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The hospital said in court that it hadn’t been served with any such lawsuit. Kearney questioned “the veracity of Director Hsiao’s sworn statements” and noted that DOJ lawyers agreed with him that “false statements may be subject to a perjury investigation.”

Kearney’s ruling followed one issued Sept. 9 by federal Judge Myong Joun of Boston. Joun quashed the entire subpoena issued to Boston Children’s Hospital seeking extensive information about its personnel and medical records of patients, including their Social Security numbers and home addresses.

“It is abundantly clear,” he wrote, that the administration’s “true purpose” is to interfere with the state’s right to authorize gender-affirming care, “to harass and intimidate BCH to stop providing such care, and to dissuade patients from seeking such care.”

In the third case, federal Judge Jamal Whitehead of Seattle on Oct. 27 threw out a subpoena the government served on QueerDoc, a telehealth provider serving patients in the West. The subpoena demanded complete personnel files for all QueerDoc employees and all private information about patients for whom it prescribed puberty blockers or hormones.

Whitehead concluded that the subpoena — compounded by Bondi’s news release — was aimed “not to investigate legal violations but to intimidate and coerce providers into abandoning lawful medical care.” (Emphasis his.)

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Whitehead also found that a legal filing in which the DOJ cited legal gounds for the subpoena “represents a fundamental misunderstanding — or deliberate misuse — of court procedure”: Filings of its kind generally were used to correct minor clerical errors in a previously filed document, he noted, not for making new legal arguments after the deadline. In this case the filing underscored that the government was targeting “the provision of gender-affirming care itself, not any legitimate federal violation.”

The government appealed the Joun and Whitehead rulings though not, as yet, Kearney’s action. The battle to protect treatment for transgender youths is plainly not over.

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Rent-hike ban to protect fire victims ends despite gouging concerns

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Rent-hike ban to protect fire victims ends despite gouging concerns

A rule intended to prevent rent gouging in the wake of the Eaton and Palisades fires has lapsed in Los Angeles County, possibly exposing some renters to hikes.

The executive order that blocked rent increases was issued by Gov. Gavin Newsom amid the devastating wildfires last year. Under the order, landlords couldn’t increase rents by more than 10% above their prefire levels.

The rule, which was supposed to be temporary and was repeatedly extended, ended Friday after a vote to extend it again failed to garner enough votes. Supervisor Lindsey Horvath, whose district includes Pacific Palisades, sounded the alarm in a motion to extend price protections that failed to pass at the Board of Supervisors’ May 19 meeting.

“These price gouging protections continue to be necessary as construction and rebuilding continue, and as thousands of people remain displaced,” the motion said. “Families which signed short-term leases could face drastic price increases of 50% or more without further price gouging protection.”

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Los Angeles County is home to more than 1 million rental properties, though not all of them needed protection from the new rule. There are already stricter rent increase caps for many residences, depending on the location, type and age of the building. Despite the rent control in the region, the people of Los Angeles pay among the highest rents in the country.

It is uncertain whether renters will face rapidly rising rents now that the protection has lapsed. But some real estate experts and policymakers said there was no need for the temporary rule that was part of the governor’s state of emergency.

Supervisors Kathryn Barger, Janice Hahn and Holly Mitchell abstained from voting on the motion to extend the protection, while Supervisors Hilda Solis and Horvath supported it.

“I abstained because I did not see sufficient evidence to justify extending this emergency ordinance, nor did I see evidence to eliminate it entirely,” Hahn said.

Barger’s office said she supported allowing the protections to sunset while waiting to see whether new information emerged.

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“Market data already shows countywide rents are only about 2% above pre-emergency levels and rental inventory has grown,” Barger representative Helen E. Chavez Garcia said. “The Supervisor is also mindful of the burden these ongoing protections place on small property owners throughout the county.”

Mitchell did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

There haven’t been steep rent hikes in neighborhoods within three miles of the Palisades fire, according to a Times analysis of data from Zillow, the property listing company.

In ZIP Codes within three miles of the Palisades fire, rent increased 4.8% from December 2024 to April 2025. In areas around the Eaton fire, which destroyed swaths of Altadena, rent jumped 5.2% in the same period.

In L.A. County, ZIP Codes farther from the fires saw only about a 2% increase.

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A landlords representative, Jesus Rojas of the Apartment Owners Assn. of Greater Los Angeles, told the supervisors during public comment at the meeting that the county’s rent-gouging rules have “long outlived the emergency they were intended to address” and are now being “wrongfully used to harm thousands of rental housing providers throughout the county.”

“There is no proof that multifamily rental housing providers are hugely increasing rents for impacted homeowners,” Rojas said.

Indeed, there are strong signs that the property market in the Los Angeles area has at last begun to cool.

L.A. metro-area rent prices recently fell to a four-year low, with the median rent slipping to $2,167 in December.

Meanwhile, condominium sales had their slowest start of the year in decades. Condo sales in Los Angeles have plummeted to a 20-year low, with fewer than 2,000 units sold in January and February — the worst start to the year since 2005.

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Newsom defended the price-gouging protections shortly after they went into effect.

“In the days following the Los Angeles firestorms, we worked quickly to protect Los Angeles survivors from any form of exploitation,” he said in February 2025. “The state has the tools in place to not only block price gouging during this emergency, but also to prosecute bad actors.”

The Los Angeles County Department of Consumer and Business Affairs said it received more than 2,000 complaints after the fires, alleging that retailers and landlords were taking advantage of people put in hardship by their losses, and sent out more than 2,000 cease-and-desist letters to businesses and landlords for alleged price gouging, said Morine Merritt, who oversees department investigations into consumer and real estate fraud.

“Close to 90% of the complaints that we received involved allegations of rent increases,” Merritt said in an interview. Now that the fire-related protections have expired, existing laws and “regular market conditions determine price increases for goods and services, including rents,” she said.

Crackdowns on fire-related rent gouging have been rare, said Chelsea Kirk of the activist organization the Rent Brigade, which analyzed L.A. County’s rental market in the year after the fires. It reported 18,360 potential examples of price gouging in listings but said that few lawsuits had been filed by authorities so far.

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Last week, Rent Brigade announced what it said was the first private civil lawsuit brought by a family that claimed to be rent-gouged in the aftermath of the wildfires. Plaintiffs Randall and Candy Renick, whose Altadena home was damaged, said they were charged nearly three times the maximum permitted rate for nearly 10 months. They seek restitution of $96,000 plus civil penalties and attorneys’ fees.

The rental market has probably stabilized since the fires, Kirk said, but other families may still be “locked into illegal rents” that they agreed to pay when they were in a rush to find housing after they were displaced.

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Read Nick Bilton’s Letter to Scott Pelley

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Read Nick Bilton’s Letter to Scott Pelley

Dear Mr. Pelley:

I meant what I said in my letter last week to the 60 Minutes team: joining 60 Minutes is the honor of my career and I am grateful to be working alongside the people who have contributed to the most important television journalism brand this country has ever produced. While I’m new to 60 Minutes, I’ve devoted my career to investigative journalism and storytelling. I started this job excited to collaborate and to benefit from the wisdom and experience of the 60 Minutes veterans, with you among them. For that reason, one of the first things I did in my new role was call you to talk and invite you to dinner. It is a profound disappointment that you rejected that overture and chose ambush instead. Yesterday, you hijacked my first meeting with staff to disparage me, my qualifications, and my intentions with remarkable incivility and contempt. I welcome a diversity of viewpoints and respectful debate among the team, but this was nothing of the sort. Yesterday’s performative display of hostility enacted in front of the staff instead of in a civil, private conversation-demonstrated that you have no interest in contributing to the future success of the show, or approaching my new tenure with a mind open to collaboration and progress. I am here to deliver first-in-class news programming, not to make headlines about newsroom drama. I am eager to work alongside those who share this goal.

Despite yesterday’s misconduct, I had hoped that in sitting down with you today we could find a path forward together. You made clear that you are not interested in such a path.

Your antipathy to the future of the show has come through loud and clear. And I have heard you. I therefore write on behalf of CBS News, Inc. (“CBS”) to inform you that your employment with CBS is terminated for cause effective immediately. Enclosed is your formal termination letter.

Sincerely,

Nick Bilton

Executive Producer, 60 Minutes

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Aspiration co-founder sentenced to 14 years for fraud

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Aspiration co-founder sentenced to 14 years for fraud

The co-founder of Aspiration, Joseph Sanberg, was sentenced to 14 years in prison on Monday after defrauding investors and lenders of over $248 million.

The startup, an eco-friendly digital banking company boasting fossil fuel-free investments, carbon offsets for gas purchases, and a debit card with cash-back benefits for shopping at clean companies, was founded by Sanberg and Andrei Cherny. Cherny left the company in 2022 and has not been charged.

Sanberg, an Orange County native, pleaded guilty to wire fraud in October after being arrested in March last year. Aspiration subsequently filed for bankruptcy and liquidated all of its assets by July.

Sanberg and venture capitalist Ibrahim AlHusseini, who also faces charges, together forged a series of bank statements in order to obtain loans. From 2020 to 2021, the pair forged AlHusseini’s bank statements to show millions of dollars in assets in order to obtain millions of dollars from lenders.

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Additionally, they forged a letter from their audit committee stating that $250 million in funds were available, when in reality Aspiration had less than $1 million. The amount of loans defrauded exceeded $248 million.

In 2021, Sanberg artificially inflated Aspiration’s 2021 revenue by $44 million by recruiting 27 fake customers to sign letters of intent pledging tens of thousands of dollars per month for tree planting services. Sanberg himself funded the contracts and used the inflated revenue numbers to obtain more loans.

The charges sparked an NBA investigation into salary cap allegations due to Aspiration’s connections with Clippers owner Steve Ballmer.

Ballmer personally invested $60 million in Aspiration, all of which was lost. He is now the target of a civil lawsuit alleging his participation in the scheme. Ballmer denies the allegations.

The team announced a $300-million sponsorship deal with Aspiration, and Clippers player Kawhi Leonard signed a four-year, $28-million marketing contract with the company, which reportedly performed no duties. The issue has raised concerns about how players are circumventing the NBA’s salary cap.

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The team lost the $300-million sponsorship deal and an additional $20 million paid for carbon offset purchases.

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