Business
Commentary: How the Carolina wildfires are, perversely, good news for California
To address the most important point up front: The wildfires currently spreading across North and South Carolina are tragic.
Thousands of acres have been burned by hundreds of fires since Saturday, taking property and placing livelihoods at risk. There are no reports of fire-driven deaths, as yet, but evacuations have been ordered and emergency declarations made. Firefighters continue to struggle to bring the blazes under control. The causes include unusually dry conditions and wind gusts of up to 40 mph.
That said, the Carolina fires may have a positive result that will be felt coast to coast, and especially in California: They’re likely to quell all that stupid talk about attaching strings to federal wildfire disaster relief.
The moment Texas or Florida or Mississippi experiences a disaster, that idea will vanish.
— Sen. Brian Schatz (D-Hi.) on the idea of attaching strings to California disaster aid
That threat has been made by Trump; his disaster czar, Ric Grenell; House Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.); Sen. John Barrasso (R-Wyo.), a member of that chamber’s GOP leadership; and Rep. Byron Donalds (R-Fla.), among many others. Also pitching in are members of the right-wing peanut gallery, such as Fox News mouthpieces Sean Hannity and Jesse Watters.
What they’ve tend to have in common is a focus on California policies that had nothing to do with the fires in Pacific Palisades and Altadena but have been long-term targets of conservatives and Republicans.
Grenell called for the California Coastal Commission to be “defunded,” for instance. He didn’t explain what that had to do with the fires, but he called its policies “crazy woke left,” whatever that means. (The commission’s authority to regulate real estate development in the coastal zone, thus angering the developers who are among the GOP’s patrons, may have more to do with Grenell’s complaint.)
The others’ points were equally nonsensical. Trump rehearsed his long-discredited claim that California’s water supply has been wasted to serve the interests of the tiny delta smelt, an innocent bystander. Johnson talked of “our concerns with the governance of the state of California,” which he airily blamed for “complicity … in the scope of disaster.” Donalds said that “if a state is so grossly mismanaged that the initial disaster is not quickly contained, then we have a responsibility to do common-sense things.”
On the CBS program “Face the Nation,” Barrasso asserted that “the policies of the liberal administration” in California “have made these fires worse.”
Before examining the natural disasters that have afflicted these blowhards’ own backyards, it’s proper to note that this isn’t California’s first encounter with political shortsightedness on this majestic scale.
In 1905, a flawed canal cut on the banks of the Colorado River produced a massive flood that threatened to destroy the Imperial Valley, which already was producing crops worth $2 million a year. By the mid-1920s, the valley’s efforts had placed a bill before Congress to pay for a high dam on the Colorado to hold back any further flood threats while providing water for irrigation.
The measure ran into opposition from President Coolidge and his Treasury secretary, the multimillionaire Andrew Mellon, who thought private enterprise should take on the task. Across the Southeast, farmers and their elected officials raised further objections. Cotton growers objected to irrigating 1 million acres in the Imperial Valley, corn farmers objected to a million more acres of corn, and wheat growers to a million competing acres of wheat.
But then nature intervened, with a massive flood in 1927 that killed 246 residents of the Mississippi River valley and breached levees along a thousand-mile stretch of the river. Rep. Phil Swing, who had been elected by Imperial Valley voters with the express goal of bringing the dam measure past the goal line, made sure that nobody overlooked the parallels between the 1927 flood and the disaster at home.
Trainloads of New Orleans business and civic leaders came to Washington to plead for relief. “I took on the New Orleans men,” Swing recalled, “putting to them again and again whether they could see any difference between the Mississippi’s flood threat to their people and the Colorado River flood threat to the people of the Imperial Valley.”
Two landmark federal measures were born as a result: the Flood Control Act of 1928, which created a levee construction program costing an unprecedented $300 million, and the Boulder Canyon Project Act, which authorized the construction of a $165-million high dam on the Colorado, eventually to be christened Hoover Dam.
That brings us back to the present day, and the old adage, “What goes around comes around.”
Republican politicians, to be fair, aren’t unanimous about calling for strings to be attached to disaster relief for California. Among the holdouts are many members of the North and South Carolina delegations, in part because the most recent hurricanes to sweep across the region killed 200 people and caused more than $10 billion in damage — and that happened only last September.
“I would ask those folks to put themselves in the same position as people of western North Carolina,” Sen. Thom Tillis (R-N.C.) said of colleagues who have raised the prospect of withholding aid to California. “You got to be consistent on disaster supplement, period.” Congress passed a$100-billion disaster relief bill after the hurricanes, no strings attached.
But other Republicans either have blinders on or short memories. Consider Barrasso’s home state, Wyoming. “Billion-dollar natural disasters are up 360% in Wyoming over the last 20 years,” according to a study funded by LendingTree and cited by LaramieLive.com. The state is especially vulnerable to wildfires, including a wind-blown fire in 2020 that scorched 177,000 acres, destroyed 66 properties and threatened Cheyenne’s drinking water with contamination.
Louisiana, Johnson’s home state? Since 2004, it’s been hit by 13 hurricanes as well as floods requiring federal assistance. If Johnson were to stick with his insistence that “governance” were to be a factor in the disbursement of federal assistance, observes Louisiana journalist Greg LaRose, the state might “no longer be entitled to federal assistance after hurricanes because state policy has allowed the fossil fuel industry to carve up its coastal marshes, making south Louisiana more susceptible to storm damage.”
The Census Bureau reported that Louisiana had the highest percentage of residents displaced by natural disasters of any state in 2023 — about 8.3%, compared with the national average of 1.6%.
Every state in the union has received federal disaster aid in recent years. How many of them would like to see political strings attached to the funding?
(Carnegie Endowment)
Florida? it might as well be called the “hurricane state,” with the damage caused by more than 20 hurricanes requiring federal aid since 2004, including last year’s Hurricane Milton, which brought some $1.5 billion in federal assistance in its aftermath.
Louisiana and Florida ranked first and second in the level of direct assistance from the Federal Emergency Management Agency and other government agencies from 2003 through 2024, according to an aid tracker compiled by the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. Louisiana received $47 billion and Florida received $28 billion. California was in the middle of the pack, at $7.6 billion. Every single state received some level of federal assistance.
Barrasso, Donalds and Johnson didn’t reply to questions I sent through their congressional offices about their advocacy of attaching strings to assistance.
It isn’t only the cynicism of GOP politicians claiming to know the factors underlying disasters such as the California wildfires; it’s their evident ignorance of what those factors are.
They talk with cocksure confidence about the virtues of clearing forest floors, moving water hundreds of miles to get to the fire zone, to “crazy woke left” coastal policies, and on and on. But they don’t mention the most important factor: global warming, which they would prefer to wish away.
But they must know deep down that they’re spouting partisan claptrap. Sen. Brian Schatz (D-Hawaii), whose home state residents received $660 million in FEMA assistance after the Maui fire of 2023, according to the Carnegie database, knows how asinine, counterproductive and short-lived the idea of conditions on disaster relief will be in the end. “It’s never going to happen,” Schatz told HuffPost. “The moment Texas or Florida or Mississippi experiences a disaster, that idea will vanish.”
Business
In a first for the country, voters in Monterey Park ban data centers
Residents of Monterey Park voted overwhelmingly to ban data centers on election day, making the San Gabriel Valley city the first in the nation to do so by public vote.
As of Wednesday, 86% of votes were in favor of Measure NDC, the city ban, according to the Los Angeles County registrar-recorder/county clerk.
Other cities and towns have passed moratoriums on data centers, as a wave of opposition sweeps the country. But the Monterey Park vote can only be overturned by another ballot measure, making it the most permanent data center ban in a jurisdiction.
Monterey Park’s City Council had already banned data centers by ordinance, after a proposed 247,000-square-foot data center met an outpouring of public anger and concern. The developer withdrew that plan.
That facility would have been less than 500 feet away from the nearest home, and would have used three times the electricity of the entire 60,000-person city. Residents said it would have caused noise and air pollution and driven up electricity rates.
“This ensures long-lasting protections for current and future generations,” Amy Wong, co-founder of the group San Gabriel Valley Progressive Action, said of the vote. “It means that future city councils cannot overturn a data center ban, even if data center developers wanted to spend money to fund pro-data center candidates.”
The measure had no formal opposition. The developer of the proposed facility, investment firm HMC StratCap, said it wouldn’t engage in the ballot fight when it withdrew in March.
The Data Center Coalition, an industry trade group, expressed disappointment in the vote.
“It sends a signal that the area is closed for business, both for data centers and for other significant economic development projects,” state policy director Khara Boender said.
“It deprives local residents of the opportunity to compete for jobs and investment, while also causing the area to relinquish substantial long-term economic investment, high-wage jobs, and critical tax revenue to neighboring areas or other states.”
SGV Progressive Action worked with hyperlocal groups including No Data Center Monterey Park to rally support for the measure.
The group is now focused on stopping data center proposals in the City of Industry and fighting a move by City of Industry, Santa Fe Springs, Vernon and City of Commerce to welcome data centers and other industry with fast-tracked permitting and tax incentives.
City of Industry, in the San Gabriel Valley, and Vernon, south of downtown L.A., are primarily industrial areas, each with around 300 permanent residents. They are employment centers, and tens of thousands of workers commute in daily.
There has been little vocal opposition to data centers among the few residents of these cities. Wong said the protest is primarily coming from the surrounding neighborhoods.
“If a data center gets built in City of Industry, residents across the region would bear the brunt of pollution and increased utility costs,” Wong said, noting that it is surrounded by 16 other cities and unincorporated communities.
Data center proposals have been limited in California compared to Virginia, Texas, Georgia, Illinois and Arizona, which sit at the center of a recent boom in hyperscaler facilities to power artificial intelligence.
California has the third-most data centers in the country, with 300, but high electricity rates, expensive land and regulatory hurdles mean that fewer, and smaller, facilities are currently planned than in other hotspots.
That doesn’t mean opposition hasn’t been fierce. In Coachella and Imperial County, residents are showing up in droves to protest local proposals.
In the San Gabriel Valley, Montebello, El Monte and Baldwin Park have all enacted temporary moratoriums, and Alhambra recently banned data centers as part of a zoning code update.
Wong said she hoped the ballot measure vote would galvanize the opposition. “The vote is a testament to the people power of our region,” she said. “Our region is worth protecting, and we won’t let data centers determine our future.”
Business
Rent-hike ban to protect fire victims ends despite gouging concerns
A rule intended to prevent rent gouging in the wake of the Eaton and Palisades fires has lapsed in Los Angeles County, possibly exposing some renters to hikes.
The executive order that blocked rent increases was issued by Gov. Gavin Newsom amid the devastating wildfires last year. Under the order, landlords couldn’t increase rents by more than 10% above their prefire levels.
The rule, which was supposed to be temporary and was repeatedly extended, ended Friday after a vote to extend it again failed to garner enough votes. Supervisor Lindsey Horvath, whose district includes Pacific Palisades, sounded the alarm in a motion to extend price protections that failed to pass at the Board of Supervisors’ May 19 meeting.
“These price gouging protections continue to be necessary as construction and rebuilding continue, and as thousands of people remain displaced,” the motion said. “Families which signed short-term leases could face drastic price increases of 50% or more without further price gouging protection.”
Los Angeles County is home to more than 1 million rental properties, though not all of them needed protection from the new rule. There are already stricter rent increase caps for many residences, depending on the location, type and age of the building. Despite the rent control in the region, the people of Los Angeles pay among the highest rents in the country.
It is uncertain whether renters will face rapidly rising rents now that the protection has lapsed. But some real estate experts and policymakers said there was no need for the temporary rule that was part of the governor’s state of emergency.
Supervisors Kathryn Barger, Janice Hahn and Holly Mitchell abstained from voting on the motion to extend the protection, while Supervisors Hilda Solis and Horvath supported it.
“I abstained because I did not see sufficient evidence to justify extending this emergency ordinance, nor did I see evidence to eliminate it entirely,” Hahn said.
Barger’s office said she supported allowing the protections to sunset while waiting to see whether new information emerged.
“Market data already shows countywide rents are only about 2% above pre-emergency levels and rental inventory has grown,” Barger representative Helen E. Chavez Garcia said. “The Supervisor is also mindful of the burden these ongoing protections place on small property owners throughout the county.”
Mitchell did not immediately respond to a request for comment.
There haven’t been steep rent hikes in neighborhoods within three miles of the Palisades fire, according to a Times analysis of data from Zillow, the property listing company.
In ZIP Codes within three miles of the Palisades fire, rent increased 4.8% from December 2024 to April 2025. In areas around the Eaton fire, which destroyed swaths of Altadena, rent jumped 5.2% in the same period.
In L.A. County, ZIP Codes farther from the fires saw only about a 2% increase.
A landlords representative, Jesus Rojas of the Apartment Owners Assn. of Greater Los Angeles, told the supervisors during public comment at the meeting that the county’s rent-gouging rules have “long outlived the emergency they were intended to address” and are now being “wrongfully used to harm thousands of rental housing providers throughout the county.”
“There is no proof that multifamily rental housing providers are hugely increasing rents for impacted homeowners,” Rojas said.
Indeed, there are strong signs that the property market in the Los Angeles area has at last begun to cool.
L.A. metro-area rent prices recently fell to a four-year low, with the median rent slipping to $2,167 in December.
Meanwhile, condominium sales had their slowest start of the year in decades. Condo sales in Los Angeles have plummeted to a 20-year low, with fewer than 2,000 units sold in January and February — the worst start to the year since 2005.
Newsom defended the price-gouging protections shortly after they went into effect.
“In the days following the Los Angeles firestorms, we worked quickly to protect Los Angeles survivors from any form of exploitation,” he said in February 2025. “The state has the tools in place to not only block price gouging during this emergency, but also to prosecute bad actors.”
The Los Angeles County Department of Consumer and Business Affairs said it received more than 2,000 complaints after the fires, alleging that retailers and landlords were taking advantage of people put in hardship by their losses, and sent out more than 2,000 cease-and-desist letters to businesses and landlords for alleged price gouging, said Morine Merritt, who oversees department investigations into consumer and real estate fraud.
“Close to 90% of the complaints that we received involved allegations of rent increases,” Merritt said in an interview. Now that the fire-related protections have expired, existing laws and “regular market conditions determine price increases for goods and services, including rents,” she said.
Crackdowns on fire-related rent gouging have been rare, said Chelsea Kirk of the activist organization the Rent Brigade, which analyzed L.A. County’s rental market in the year after the fires. It reported 18,360 potential examples of price gouging in listings but said that few lawsuits had been filed by authorities so far.
Last week, Rent Brigade announced what it said was the first private civil lawsuit brought by a family that claimed to be rent-gouged in the aftermath of the wildfires. Plaintiffs Randall and Candy Renick, whose Altadena home was damaged, said they were charged nearly three times the maximum permitted rate for nearly 10 months. They seek restitution of $96,000 plus civil penalties and attorneys’ fees.
The rental market has probably stabilized since the fires, Kirk said, but other families may still be “locked into illegal rents” that they agreed to pay when they were in a rush to find housing after they were displaced.
Business
Read Nick Bilton’s Letter to Scott Pelley
Dear Mr. Pelley:
I meant what I said in my letter last week to the 60 Minutes team: joining 60 Minutes is the honor of my career and I am grateful to be working alongside the people who have contributed to the most important television journalism brand this country has ever produced. While I’m new to 60 Minutes, I’ve devoted my career to investigative journalism and storytelling. I started this job excited to collaborate and to benefit from the wisdom and experience of the 60 Minutes veterans, with you among them. For that reason, one of the first things I did in my new role was call you to talk and invite you to dinner. It is a profound disappointment that you rejected that overture and chose ambush instead. Yesterday, you hijacked my first meeting with staff to disparage me, my qualifications, and my intentions with remarkable incivility and contempt. I welcome a diversity of viewpoints and respectful debate among the team, but this was nothing of the sort. Yesterday’s performative display of hostility enacted in front of the staff instead of in a civil, private conversation-demonstrated that you have no interest in contributing to the future success of the show, or approaching my new tenure with a mind open to collaboration and progress. I am here to deliver first-in-class news programming, not to make headlines about newsroom drama. I am eager to work alongside those who share this goal.
Despite yesterday’s misconduct, I had hoped that in sitting down with you today we could find a path forward together. You made clear that you are not interested in such a path.
Your antipathy to the future of the show has come through loud and clear. And I have heard you. I therefore write on behalf of CBS News, Inc. (“CBS”) to inform you that your employment with CBS is terminated for cause effective immediately. Enclosed is your formal termination letter.
Sincerely,
Nick Bilton
Executive Producer, 60 Minutes
-
Hawaii2 minutes agoGov. Green responds to lawsuit challenging Hawaiian Homes program | Maui Now
-
Idaho7 minutes ago
Idaho State Police: Driver runs stop sign, hits hay-stacker truck in Twin Falls
-
Illinois14 minutes agoConsumer advocacy groups oppose Illinois American Water $142.4M rate hike and potential major acquisition
-
Indiana17 minutes agoPHOTOS | Restored fountains at Garfield Park Sunken Garden
-
Iowa22 minutes agoWaukee Northwest beats Urbandale in Iowa boys soccer state semifinal
-
Kansas29 minutes agoKansas City, Missouri, police searching for missing 11-year-old girl
-
Kentucky32 minutes agoKentucky Lottery Cash Ball, Pick 3 Evening winning numbers for June 3, 2026
-
Louisiana37 minutes agoDHS watchdog finds use-of-force issues and safety and sanitation concerns at Louisiana ICE center