Business
Column: DeSantis notches a courthouse win against Disney, thanks to a Trumpian right-wing judge
On the face of it, Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis achieved an important victory Wednesday in his two-year battle with Walt Disney Co., as a federal judge tossed Disney’s lawsuit contending that DeSantis moved against the company in retaliation for its criticism of an anti-gay state law.
DeSantis certainly thought so. “The Corporate Kingdom is over,” his spokesman crowed. “The days of Disney controlling its own government and being placed above the law are long gone…. In short — as long predicted, case dismissed.”
Disney was circumspect about its loss. As my colleagues Christi Carras and Ryan Faughnder reported, the company appealed the judge’s order Thursday to the U.S. 11th Circuit Court of Appeals. “This is an important case with serious implications for the rule of law, and it will not end here. If left unchallenged, this would set a dangerous precedent and give license to states to weaponize their official powers to punish the expression of political viewpoints they disagree with.”
Yet there’s more to the story than that. Although most reports on the judge’s decision noted that the judge, Allen Winsor, was appointed to the federal bench by Donald Trump, they didn’t take a closer look at his record. And that record suggests he came to the case with preconceived notions that worked strongly against Disney.
Assessing judges’ decisions by citing the presidents who appointed them hasn’t always been a useful approach; it hasn’t been uncommon for appointees to confound the politics of their appointers.
But it’s been more useful with Trump appointees, because on the whole they’ve been more openly ideological than their colleagues on the bench, and less qualified too. That may be the case here.
Before turning to Winsor’s record, let’s delve into the lawsuit itself.
As I’ve reported before, the issue was a law pushed by DeSantis and enacted by his supine GOP-controlled state legislature that effectively liquidated the special district that the state created in 1967 to give Disney near-dictatorial control over the 43-square-mile site of Walt Disney World and its related theme parks and resorts outside Orlando.
The Reedy Creek Improvement District, governed by a board handpicked by Disney, kept the site in manicured comeliness for more than a half-century.
But the Parental Rights in Education law, which was signed by DeSantis in March 2022, created a breach between DeSantis and the company that is his state’s largest public employer.
The law, dubbed “Don’t Say Gay” by its critics, suppresses, even outlaws, discussions about “sexual orientation or gender identity” in Florida schools through third grade and places limits on those discussions in upper grades.
The law was part of DeSantis’ campaign to eradicate what he called “woke” ideology from Florida, a stance plainly designed to appeal to a conservative voting bloc as he prepared an ultimately fruitless campaign for the GOP nomination for president. After some hesitation and goaded by its own diverse workforce, Disney came out publicly against the Don’t Say Gay law.
DeSantis and his legislative henchpersons were perfectly candid about their motivations in dissolving the Reedy Creek district: It was retaliation for Disney’s outspokenness.
In its lawsuit challenging the dissolution, the company quoted a sponsor of the Reedy Creek dissolution bill as saying, “This bill does target one company. It targets the Walt Disney Company.”
In his campaign autobiography, “The Courage to Be Free,” DeSantis called Disney’s position on the Don’t Say Gay law “a textbook example of when a corporation should stay out of politics.” He added, “Disney … clearly crossed a line in its support of indoctrinating very young schoolchildren in woke gender identity politics.”
Anyway, the law passed, Reedy Creek was refashioned as the Central Florida Tourism Oversight District, and DeSantis replaced Disney’s board of handpicked corporate functionaries with his own handpicked Republican functionaries.
Amusingly enough, one of the new board members is Bridget Ziegler, a co-founder of the notoriously bluenosed book-banning organization Moms for Liberty and the wife of the then-chairman of the Florida Republican Party, Christian Ziegler.
As it happens, the Zieglers have since become embroiled in a sex scandal involving a three-way tryst and resulting in possible criminal charges against Christian Ziegler. He has been ousted as GOP chairman, but his wife is still on the district board.
That brings us back to Winsor and his ruling on the Disney lawsuit. In a letter opposing his 2018 nomination to the federal bench, the Leadership Conference on Civil and Human Rights called him “a young, conservative ideologue who has attempted to restrict voting rights, LGBT equality, reproductive freedom, environmental protection, criminal defendants’ rights, and gun safety.”
That’s quite a litany, but it falls entirely within the wheelhouse of typical Trump appointees and the ideology of the Federalist Society, the right-wing lawyers organization that placed many candidates for judicial appointments on Trump’s desk. Winsor joined the Federalist Society in 2005, according to a questionnaire he submitted to the Senate upon his judicial nomination.
As Florida’s solicitor general during the governorship of Republican Rick Scott, Winsor submitted a federal court brief defending the state’s ban on same-sex marriage asserting, among other arguments, “a clear and essential connection between [heterosexual] marriage and responsible procreation and childrearing.” The judge in that case called the arguments “an obvious pretext for discrimination” and ruled the ban unconstitutional.
Winsor also defended a Florida election law that obstructed voter registration in a way that cost 14,000 Floridians their right to vote, with the burden falling mostly on minorities. The law was ultimately enjoined by a federal judge as a violation of the 1st and 14th amendments.
Winsor also defended a Florida law mandating a 24-hour waiting period before an abortion could be performed. He argued that, due to the law, “rather than facing a rushed decision in the presence of a provider standing ready to abort the pregnancy immediately … a woman has an opportunity to consider her decision in private, away from the potentially coercive environment of a clinic.”
Asked at his confirmation hearing what evidence supported his assertion about the “coercive environment” of an abortion clinic, he acknowledged that “there was not an evidentiary record developed on that assertion.”
In his Disney ruling, Winsor found that Disney had no grounds to challenge the state law as motivated by an attack on free speech because the state law was “facially constitutional.” He asserted that the law dissolving Reedy Creek doesn’t “explicitly” single out Disney or Reedy Creek as its targets; even though Disney cited “the clear, consistent, and proud declarations” of legislative leaders that their goal was to punish the company, that wasn’t enough, he ruled, to prove their motivations were “constitutionally impermissible.”
The law, Winsor wrote, citing an earlier judicial ruling, “is not pinpointed against a named individual or group; it is general in its wording and impact.”
To the layperson, that sounds like Winsor has failed to notice what is near at hand, which is the essential element of farce, and in this case amounts to the triumphalist boasting by legislators and DeSantis that they scored a direct hit on Disney as a political adversary.
From Disney’s standpoint, the unfortunate irony is that its lawsuit was originally assigned to an Obama appointee on the federal bench in Florida who had ruled against DeSantis in other matters, but he recused himself on the grounds that he owned some Disney stock. The wheel turned and Winsor inherited the case.
It’s been said that bad cases make bad law, but so can bad luck. DeSantis has won this first skirmish against Disney, but where things go from here is anyone’s guess.
Business
Trump orders federal agencies to stop using Anthropic’s AI after clash with Pentagon
President Trump on Friday directed federal agencies to stop using technology from San Francisco artificial intelligence company Anthropic, escalating a high-profile clash between the AI startup and the Pentagon over safety.
In a Friday post on the social media site Truth Social, Trump described the company as “radical left” and “woke.”
“We don’t need it, we don’t want it, and will not do business with them again!” Trump said.
The president’s harsh words mark a major escalation in the ongoing battle between some in the Trump administration and several technology companies over the use of artificial intelligence in defense tech.
Anthropic has been sparring with the Pentagon, which had threatened to end its $200-million contract with the company on Friday if it didn’t loosen restrictions on its AI model so it could be used for more military purposes. Anthropic had been asking for more guarantees that its tech wouldn’t be used for surveillance of Americans or autonomous weapons.
The tussle could hobble Anthropic’s business with the government. The Trump administration said the company was added to a sweeping national security blacklist, ordering federal agencies to immediately discontinue use of its products and barring any government contractors from maintaining ties with it.
Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, who met with Anthropic’s Chief Executive Dario Amodei this week, criticized the tech company after Trump’s Truth Social post.
“Anthropic delivered a master class in arrogance and betrayal as well as a textbook case of how not to do business with the United States Government or the Pentagon,” he wrote Friday on social media site X.
Anthropic didn’t immediately respond to a request for comment.
Anthropic announced a two-year agreement with the Department of Defense in July to “prototype frontier AI capabilities that advance U.S. national security.”
The company has an AI chatbot called Claude, but it also built a custom AI system for U.S. national security customers.
On Thursday, Amodei signaled the company wouldn’t cave to the Department of Defense’s demands to loosen safety restrictions on its AI models.
The government has emphasized in negotiations that it wants to use Anthropic’s technology only for legal purposes, and the safeguards Anthropic wants are already covered by the law.
Still, Amodei was worried about Washington’s commitment.
“We have never raised objections to particular military operations nor attempted to limit use of our technology in an ad hoc manner,” he said in a blog post. “However, in a narrow set of cases, we believe AI can undermine, rather than defend, democratic values.”
Tech workers have backed Anthropic’s stance.
Unions and worker groups representing 700,000 employees at Amazon, Google and Microsoft said this week in a joint statement that they’re urging their employers to reject these demands as well if they have additional contracts with the Pentagon.
“Our employers are already complicit in providing their technologies to power mass atrocities and war crimes; capitulating to the Pentagon’s intimidation will only further implicate our labor in violence and repression,” the statement said.
Anthropic’s standoff with the U.S. government could benefit its competitors, such as Elon Musk’s xAI or OpenAI.
Sam Altman, chief executive of OpenAI, the company behind ChatGPT and one of Anthropic’s biggest competitors, told CNBC in an interview that he trusts Anthropic.
“I think they really do care about safety, and I’ve been happy that they’ve been supporting our war fighters,” he said. “I’m not sure where this is going to go.”
Anthropic has distinguished itself from its rivals by touting its concern about AI safety.
The company, valued at roughly $380 billion, is legally required to balance making money with advancing the company’s public benefit of “responsible development and maintenance of advanced AI for the long-term benefit of humanity.”
Developers, businesses, government agencies and other organizations use Anthropic’s tools. Its chatbot can generate code, write text and perform other tasks. Anthropic also offers an AI assistant for consumers and makes money from paid subscriptions as well as contracts. Unlike OpenAI, which is testing ads in ChatGPT, Anthropic has pledged not to show ads in its chatbot Claude.
The company has roughly 2,000 employees and has revenue equivalent to about $14 billion a year.
Business
Video: The Web of Companies Owned by Elon Musk
new video loaded: The Web of Companies Owned by Elon Musk

By Kirsten Grind, Melanie Bencosme, James Surdam and Sean Havey
February 27, 2026
Business
Commentary: How Trump helped foreign markets outperform U.S. stocks during his first year in office
Trump has crowed about the gains in the U.S. stock market during his term, but in 2025 investors saw more opportunity in the rest of the world.
If you’re a stock market investor you might be feeling pretty good about how your portfolio of U.S. equities fared in the first year of President Trump’s term.
All the major market indices seemed to be firing on all cylinders, with the Standard & Poor’s 500 index gaining 17.9% through the full year.
But if you’re the type of investor who looks for things to regret, pay no attention to the rest of the world’s stock markets. That’s because overseas markets did better than the U.S. market in 2025 — a lot better. The MSCI World ex-USA index — that is, all the stock markets except the U.S. — gained more than 32% last year, nearly double the percentage gains of U.S. markets.
That’s a major departure from recent trends. Since 2013, the MSCI US index had bested the non-U.S. index every year except 2017 and 2022, sometimes by a wide margin — in 2024, for instance, the U.S. index gained 24.6%, while non-U.S. markets gained only 4.7%.
The Trump trade is dead. Long live the anti-Trump trade.
— Katie Martin, Financial Times
Broken down into individual country markets (also by MSCI indices), in 2025 the U.S. ranked 21st out of 23 developed markets, with only New Zealand and Denmark doing worse. Leading the pack were Austria and Spain, with 86% gains, but superior records were turned in by Finland, Ireland and Hong Kong, with gains of 50% or more; and the Netherlands, Norway, Britain and Japan, with gains of 40% or more.
Investment analysts cite several factors to explain this trend. Judging by traditional metrics such as price/earnings multiples, the U.S. markets have been much more expensive than those in the rest of the world. Indeed, they’re historically expensive. The Standard & Poor’s 500 index traded in 2025 at about 23 times expected corporate earnings; the historical average is 18 times earnings.
Investment managers also have become nervous about the concentration of market gains within the U.S. technology sector, especially in companies associated with artificial intelligence R&D. Fears that AI is an investment bubble that could take down the S&P’s highest fliers have investors looking elsewhere for returns.
But one factor recurs in almost all the market analyses tracking relative performance by U.S. and non-U.S. markets: Donald Trump.
Investors started 2025 with optimism about Trump’s influence on trading opportunities, given his apparent commitment to deregulation and his braggadocio about America’s dominant position in the world and his determination to preserve, even increase it.
That hasn’t been the case for months.
”The Trump trade is dead. Long live the anti-Trump trade,” Katie Martin of the Financial Times wrote this week. “Wherever you look in financial markets, you see signs that global investors are going out of their way to avoid Donald Trump’s America.”
Two Trump policy initiatives are commonly cited by wary investment experts. One, of course, is Trump’s on-and-off tariffs, which have left investors with little ability to assess international trade flows. The Supreme Court’s invalidation of most Trump tariffs and the bellicosity of his response, which included the immediate imposition of new 10% tariffs across the board and the threat to increase them to 15%, have done nothing to settle investors’ nerves.
Then there’s Trump’s driving down the value of the dollar through his agitation for lower interest rates, among other policies. For overseas investors, a weaker dollar makes U.S. assets more expensive relative to the outside world.
It would be one thing if trade flows and the dollar’s value reflected economic conditions that investors could themselves parse in creating a picture of investment opportunities. That’s not the case just now. “The current uncertainty is entirely man-made (largely by one orange-hued man in particular) but could well continue at least until the US mid-term elections in November,” Sam Burns of Mill Street Research wrote on Dec. 29.
Trump hasn’t been shy about trumpeting U.S. stock market gains as emblems of his policy wisdom. “The stock market has set 53 all-time record highs since the election,” he said in his State of the Union address Tuesday. “Think of that, one year, boosting pensions, 401(k)s and retirement accounts for the millions and the millions of Americans.”
Trump asserted: “Since I took office, the typical 401(k) balance is up by at least $30,000. That’s a lot of money. … Because the stock market has done so well, setting all those records, your 401(k)s are way up.”
Trump’s figure doesn’t conform to findings by retirement professionals such as the 401(k) overseers at Bank of America. They reported that the average account balance grew by only about $13,000 in 2025. I asked the White House for the source of Trump’s claim, but haven’t heard back.
Interpreting stock market returns as snapshots of the economy is a mug’s game. Despite that, at her recent appearance before a House committee, Atty. Gen. Pam Bondi tried to deflect questions about her handling of the Jeffrey Epstein records by crowing about it.
“The Dow is over 50,000 right now, she declared. “Americans’ 401(k)s and retirement savings are booming. That’s what we should be talking about.”
I predicted that the administration would use the Dow industrial average’s break above 50,000 to assert that “the overall economy is firing on all cylinders, thanks to his policies.” The Dow reached that mark on Feb. 6. But Feb. 11, the day of Bondi’s testimony, was the last day the index closed above 50,000. On Thursday, it closed at 49,499.50, or about 1.4% below its Feb. 10 peak close of 50,188.14.
To use a metric suggested by economist Justin Wolfers of the University of Michigan, if you invested $48,488 in the Dow on the day Trump took office last year, when the Dow closed at 48,448 points, you would have had $50,000 on Feb. 6. That’s a gain of about 3.2%. But if you had invested the same amount in the global stock market not including the U.S. (based on the MSCI World ex-USA index), on that same day you would have had nearly $60,000. That’s a gain of nearly 24%.
Broader market indices tell essentially the same story. From Jan. 17, 2025, the last day before Trump’s inauguration, through Thursday’s close, the MSCI US stock index gained a cumulative 16.3%. But the world index minus the U.S. gained nearly 42%.
The gulf between U.S. and non-U.S. performance has continued into the current year. The S&P 500 has gained about 0.74% this year through Wednesday, while the MSCI World ex-USA index has gained about 8.9%. That’s “the best start for a calendar year for global stocks relative to the S&P 500 going back to at least 1996,” Morningstar reports.
It wouldn’t be unusual for the discrepancy between the U.S. and global markets to shrink or even reverse itself over the course of this year.
That’s what happened in 2017, when overseas markets as tracked by MSCI beat the U.S. by more than three percentage points, and 2022, when global markets lost money but U.S. markets underperformed the rest of the world by more than five percentage points.
Economic conditions change, and often the stock markets march to their own drummers. The one thing less likely to change is that Trump is set to remain president until Jan. 20, 2029. Make your investment bets accordingly.
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