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Column: Can gun insurance mandates stem America’s torrent of firearm violence?

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Column: Can gun insurance mandates stem America’s torrent of firearm violence?

Maybe probably the most heart-rending story popping out of the July 4 bloodbath in Highland Park, Sick., is that of Aidan McCarthy, the 2-year-old boy discovered on the scene of the tragedy on the lookout for his dad and mom.

They had been among the many seven folks killed by a rooftop sniper as they watched an Independence Day parade.

Aiden is now within the care of his grandparents. He’s additionally the beneficiary of a GoFundMe marketing campaign that, as of this writing, has raised $2.3 million from 42,600 donations.

As a substitute of the state being the arbiter of who will get to personal which types of weapons, the market performs the position.

— Heidi Li Feldman, Georgetown College

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These circumstances underscore not solely the horror and tragedy of the July 4 assault, however the query about who ought to pay the price for America’s seemingly countless torrent of gun violence — in addition to the feebleness of the official response to the disaster.

If politicians stay in thrall to the Nationwide Rifle Assn. and subsequently are unwilling to take motion in opposition to gun violence, maybe the market can step in.

That’s the concept behind laws being contemplated in a number of states, together with California, to require gun house owners to hold legal responsibility insurance coverage.

Just one such legislation has been handed up to now — by the town of San Jose, which was the scene of a mass capturing at a regional rail yard in Could 2021 wherein 10 folks died, together with the shooter. It enacted an insurance coverage mandate in February.

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Even earlier than the town ordinance was handed, it got here below assault from gun rights advocates; their lawsuit searching for to invalidate the ordinance is at the moment earlier than U.S. Decide Beth Labson Freeman of San Jose. The ordinance requires all gun house owners to hold legal responsibility insurance coverage “particularly protecting losses or damages ensuing from any unintentional use of the Firearm, together with however not restricted to loss of life, harm or property injury.” The ordinance additionally imposes an annual charge anticipated to be about $25 on gun house owners to fund a municipal program for “gun hurt discount.”

A legal responsibility insurance coverage mandate was launched within the state Legislature final month by Sen. Nancy Skinner (D-Berkeley), requiring that gun house owners carry legal responsibility insurance coverage explicitly protecting injury or harm from the negligent or unintentional discharge of a firearm (most house owner insurance policies implicitly cowl these circumstances, however don’t say so particularly).

A measure requiring legal responsibility protection of a minimum of $1 million has been launched in New York state.

These measures have a number of objectives. The obvious is to offer that gun house owners, moderately than victims of shootings or the general public, bear the prices of gun violence. One other is in impact to outsource the regulation of gun security to the non-public market, and to take action in methods which might be immune from constitutional challenges.

“Authorities is probably not the perfect entity to do the regulating,” says San Jose Mayor Sam Liccardo. “Typically the non-public sector can achieve this extra successfully.”

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Essentially the most usually cited analogue is auto security. The San Jose ordinance states that auto insurance coverage used premiums to “reward good driving and incentivize use of airbags and different security options,” contributing to a discount in auto fatalities per mile by practically 80% from 1967 by 2019.

“Insurers have an actual incentive to grasp the dangers, what will increase the danger of a automotive accident, what steps may be taken to cut back it, after which to determine whether or not they underwrite the price,” says Peter Kochenburger, an professional in insurance coverage legislation on the College of Connecticut College of Legislation. “The hope is that insurers will serve a personal governance or non-public regulatory perform — non-public as a result of they’ll’t inform anybody what to do, they’ll simply make selections about what to insure and at what value.”

This doesn’t place insurers within the position of police, says Heidi Li Feldman of Georgetown College Legislation Heart, however moderately “privatizes the promotion of gun security…. We create market mechanisms that enable folks some vary of alternative, and let the market determine what the prices shall be for individuals who wish to have interaction in dangerous habits. We do that with all types of merchandise.”

The makers of merchandise carrying inherent risks, whether or not child cribs or gasoline heaters, may be sued for accidents they trigger. That authorized publicity is mirrored in the price of the merchandise themselves.

Gun producers, nevertheless, have been largely immunized from the identical publicity by the Safety of Lawful Commerce in Arms Act, or PLCAA, a infamous legislation that in impact barred civil lawsuits in opposition to gun producers for the “legal or illegal misuse” of their merchandise.

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The legislation was signed by George W. Bush in 2005 after it had been championed by the NRA, which declared its passage “an historic victory.”

Gun producers, consequently, haven’t constructed the price of compensating injured folks into their merchandise.

“Given the facility of the gun foyer,” Feldman says, “one different is to make gun house owners, who’re additionally within the potential chain of violence, bear among the price of attempting to stop that violence…. We’re asking that individuals take part in a market mechanism that precisely displays the risks and prices of proudly owning weapons and specific forms of weapons.”

With solely the San Jose legislation on the books, it isn’t but clear how insurers will assess these prices. Conceivably, nevertheless, they might base premiums for legal responsibility protection on issues already utilized to house owner insurance policies (akin to whether or not a house has recognized perils akin to a pool or trampoline or canine breeds recognized for biting) or auto insurance policies (akin to whether or not a driver has a report of rushing or has taken and handed a driver coaching course).

Insurers may contemplate the forms of weapons in a family, whether or not they’re secured in a protected, and whether or not the family consists of folks recognized to indicate an elevated threat of violence, whether or not due to a police report or age and gender.

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Legal guidelines like San Jose’s and the proposals in California and different states won’t preserve occasions just like the July 4 bloodbath in Highland Park from recurring, as soon as a decided killer bought his or her fingers on a weapon. However they could restrict that entry by driving up the price of possession: Increased premiums may lead gun patrons to assume twice about buying an assault weapon or a number of weapons or place the worth of these weapons out of attain.

So far, insurers haven’t made a lot of an effort to develop knowledge on what components contribute to a better chance of misuse. That’s largely as a result of they haven’t wanted to. “What creates insurers’ need or want for info is what dangers they’ve,” Kochenburger advised me. “In legal responsibility insurance coverage, you possibly can solely be sued if the legislation says you’re liable.”

Gun house owners’ legal responsibility for a way their weapons are used isn’t deeply ingrained within the legislation, so violent outcomes don’t essentially current a legal responsibility underwriting concern.

The overwhelming majority of firearm deaths, in keeping with the Facilities for Illness Management and Prevention, are suicides (53.7%) or homicides (42.9%). Solely about 1.2% — or 535 deaths out of a complete of 45,222 firearm deaths in 2020 — are categorized as “unintentional,” the class that may mostly be lined by insurance coverage.

“Insurance coverage firms have minimal pores and skin on this recreation,” Kochenburger says.

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An more and more necessary consideration is how the Supreme Courtroom may view gun insurance coverage mandates. Below regular circumstances, Feldman says, these legal guidelines can be largely unchallenged.

“As a substitute of the state being the arbiter of who will get to personal which types of weapons, the market performs the position,” she says. “Both it turns into prohibitively costly for folks to purchase sure forms of insurance coverage, or prohibitively costly for insurers to supply sure forms of insurance coverage. That’s a really small-d-democratic method to cope with an exercise that throws off numerous threat on different folks.”

Might the Supreme Courtroom overturn these legal guidelines on 2nd Modification grounds? “We have now an extremist Supreme Courtroom on the 2nd Modification and I feel they want to constitutionalize all types of legal guidelines that contact on weapons,” Feldman says. “Do I feel that the 2nd Modification in any method requires the invalidation of legal guidelines like this? Completely not. They’re not a direct regulation of weapons, however of the circumstances of conserving weapons in your property.”

The Supreme Courtroom’s current 2nd Modification circumstances, particularly its June 23 choice overturning a 117-year-old New York legislation regulating permits for the carrying of weapons in public, create “numerous uncertainty about what this court docket would do,” Feldman says. “That makes folks nervous about enacting these legal guidelines. You’re a metropolis, you don’t have some huge cash, you don’t actually wish to get caught up in constitutional litigation. That may deter you from passing the legislation.”

Because it occurs, the plaintiffs within the lawsuit difficult the San Jose ordinance cited the Supreme Courtroom choice the day after it was handed down. The decide has given the plaintiffs and the town till Friday to submit briefs on its relevance. The town has mentioned prior to now that its guidelines don’t impinge on 2nd Modification rights as a result of they don’t contain any components “straight affecting residents’ capacity to maintain and bear arms for self-defense.”

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Till the Supreme Courtroom ruling, curiosity in gun legal responsibility legal guidelines was rising. The seemingly impermeable safety PLCAA gave gun producers had even been damaged by a lawsuit introduced by dad and mom of the victims of the 2012 Sandy Hook Elementary College capturing in Connecticut, which took the lives of 20 youngsters ages 6 and seven, and 6 adults. Remington Arms, which made the assault weapon used within the bloodbath, settled with the plaintiffs for $73 million after courts dominated that state legislation was not preempted by PLCAA.

However the desperation to seek out some method to stem gun violence might carry the day.

“Clearly, the Supreme Courtroom choice darkens the sky over gun regulation nationally,” Liccardo advised me. “However the court docket hasn’t mentioned something to counsel that we can’t enact laws to make gun possession safer.”

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California drops zero-emission truck rules after inaction by Biden's EPA

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California drops zero-emission truck rules after inaction by Biden's EPA

California government’s plan to phase out heavy-duty diesel trucks and diesel locomotives has been derailed.

The ambitious plan aimed at reducing local pollution and global greenhouse gases required special waivers from the federal government. The Biden administration hadn’t granted the waivers as of this week, and rather than face almost certain denial by the incoming Trump administration, the state withdrew its waiver request.

That means the far-reaching regulations issued by the California Air Resources Board in 2022 to ban new diesel truck sales by 2036 and force fleet owners to take them off the road by 2042 won’t be enforced. Known as the Advanced Clean Fleets rule, the idea was to replace those trucks with electric and hydrogen-powered versions, which dramatically reduce emissions but are currently two to three times more expensive.

“While we are disappointed that U.S. EPA was unable to act on all the requests in time, the withdrawal is an important step given the uncertainty presented by the incoming administration that previously attacked California’s programs to protect public health and the climate and has said will continue to oppose those programs,” CARB Chair Liane Randolph said in a prepared statement.

Environmentalists reacted with deep disappointment.

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“To meet basic standards for healthy air, California has to shift to zero-emissions trucks and trains in the coming years. Diesel is one of the most dangerous kinds of air pollution for human health,” Paul Cort, director of Earthjustice’s Right to Zero campaign, said in a prepared statement. “We’ll be working tirelessly in the coming years — and calling on Gov. [Gavin] Newsom, state legislators, and our air quality regulators to join us — to clean up our freight system and fix the mess [U.S.] EPA’s inaction has created.”

The trucking industry is pleased at the result, but hopes to continue working with California on environmental issues.

“This rule was flawed, and was not reflective of reality,” said Matt Schrap, chief executive at the Harbor Trucking Assn. “Ideally this is an opportunity to take a step back and look at a program that would be more sustainable.”

Trucking representatives had filed a lawsuit to block the rules, arguing they would cause irreparable harm to the industry and the wider economy. Train operators said no zero-emission locomotives exist on the commercial market.

Schrap said “the most important thing is the EPA could have issued the waiver and they didn’t.”

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The EPA said it acknowledges California’s withdrawal of the waiver requests “and as a result is taking no further action on CARB’s prior requests and considers these matters closed.”

President-elect Donald Trump is a champion of the fossil fuel industry, making it unlikely that his administration would have approved the California waivers. The state could, however, pursue waivers at some point in the future.

Under the federal Clean Air Act, California is allowed to set its own air standards, and other states are allowed to follow California’s lead. But federal government waivers are required. Most of California’s waivers have been granted, including approval in December of a California ban on new sales of gas-powered cars and light trucks by 2035.

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Elon Musk, Mark Zuckerberg and Jeff Bezos to Attend Trump’s Inauguration

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Elon Musk, Mark Zuckerberg and Jeff Bezos to Attend Trump’s Inauguration

Corporate America had already raced to donate big sums to Donald Trump’s record-breaking inaugural fund. Now some of its leaders appear eager to jockey for prominent positions at the inauguration next week.

It’s a new reminder that for some of the nation’s biggest businesses, forging close ties to a president-elect who is promising hard-hitting policies like tariffs is a priority this time around.

Jeff Bezos and Mark Zuckerberg are expected to be on the inauguration dais, according to NBC News, alongside Elon Musk and several cabinet picks.

The presence of Musk isn’t a surprise, given the Tesla chief’s significant support of and huge influence over Trump. But the other tech moguls have only more recently been seen as supporters of the administration. (Indeed, Bezos frequently sparred with Trump during his first presidential term.)

It’s the latest effort by Bezos and Zuckerberg to burnish their Trump credentials. At the DealBook Summit in December, Bezos — whose Amazon has faced scrutiny under the Biden administration and whose Blue Origin is hoping to win government rocket contracts — said that he was “very hopeful” about Trump’s efforts to reduce regulation.

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And Zuckerberg recently announced significant changes to Meta’s content moderation policy, including relaxing restrictions on speech seen as protecting groups including L.G.B.T.Q. people that won praise from Trump and other conservatives. On the inauguration front, Zuckerberg is also co-hosting a reception alongside the longtime Trump backers Miriam Adelson, Tilman Fertitta and Todd Ricketts.

Both tech moguls have visited Mar-a-Lago since the election, with Zuckerberg having done so more than once.

Coca-Cola took a different tack. The drinks giant’s C.E.O., James Quincey, gave Trump what an aide called the “first ever Presidential Commemorative Inaugural Diet Coke bottle.”

More broadly, business leaders want a piece of the inauguration action. The Times previously reported that the Trump inaugural fund had surpassed $170 million, a record, and that even major donors have been wait-listed for events.

Others are throwing unofficial events around Washington, including an “Inaugural Crypto Ball” that will feature Snoop Dogg, with tickets starting at $5,000, The Wall Street Journal reports.

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It’s a reminder that C.E.O.s are reading the room, and preparing their companies for a president who has proposed creating an “External Revenue Service” to oversee what he has promised will be wide-ranging tariffs.

David Urban, a longtime Trump adviser who’s hosting a pre-inauguration event, told The Journal, “This is the world order, and if we’re going to succeed, we need to get with the world order.”

  • In other Trump news: The president-elect is expected to appear via videoconference at the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland, which starts on Inauguration Day, according to Semafor.

Investors brace for the latest inflation data. The Consumer Price Index report, due out at 8:30 a.m. Eastern, is expected to show that inflation ticked up last month, most likely because of climbing food and fuel costs. Global bond markets have been rattled as slow progress on slowing inflation has prompted the Fed to slash its forecast for interest rate cuts.

More Trump cabinet picks will appear before the Senate on Wednesday. Senator Marco Rubio of Florida, the choice for secretary of state, is expected to field questions about his views on the Middle East, Ukraine and China, but is expected to be confirmed. Russell Vought, the pick to run the Office of Management and Budget, will most likely be asked about his advocacy for drastically shrinking the federal government, a key Trump objective. And Sean Duffy, the Fox Business host chosen to lead the Transportation Department, will probably face questions on how he would oversee matters including aviation safety and autonomous vehicles, the latter of which is a priority for Elon Musk.

Meta plans to lay off another 5 percent of its employees. Mark Zuckerberg, the tech giant’s C.E.O., told staff members to prepare for “extensive performance-based cuts” as the company braces for “an intense year.” The social media giant faces intense competition in the race to commercialize artificial intelligence.

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A new bill would give TikTok a reprieve from a ban in the United States. Senator Ed Markey, Democrat of Massachusetts, said he planned to introduce the Extend the TikTok Deadline Act, which would give the video platform 270 additional days to be divested from its Chinese parent, ByteDance before being blacklisted. It’s the latest effort to buy TikTok time, as the app faces a Jan. 19 deadline set by a law; President-elect Donald Trump has opposed the potential ban as well.

JPMorgan Chase and BlackRock, the giant money manager, just reported earnings. (In short: Both handily beat analyst expectations.)

But the Wall Street giants are likely to face questioning on a particular issue on Wednesday: Which top lieutenants are in line to replace their larger-than-life C.E.O.s, Jamie Dimon and Larry Fink.

Who’s out:

  • Daniel Pinto, who had long been Dimon’s right-hand man, said he would officially drop his responsibilities as JPMorgan’s C.O.O. in June and retire at the end of 2026. Jenn Piepszak, the co-C.E.O. of the company’s core commercial and investment bank, has become C.O.O.

  • And Mark Wiedman, the head of BlackRock’s global client business and a top contender to succeed Fink, is planning to leave, according to news reports.

What Wall Street is gossiping about JPMorgan: Even in taking the C.O.O. role, JPMorgan said that Piepszak wasn’t interested in succeeding Dimon “at this time.” DealBook hears that while she genuinely appears not to want to pursue the top job, the phrasing covers her in case she changes her mind.

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For now, that means the most likely candidates for the top spot are Marianne Lake, the company’s head of consumer and community banking; Troy Rohrbaugh, the other co-head of the commercial and investment bank; and Doug Petno, a co-head of global banking.

The buzz around BlackRock: Wiedman reportedly didn’t want to keep waiting to succeed Fink and is expected to seek a C.E.O. position elsewhere. (So sudden was his departure that he’s forfeiting about $8 million worth of stock options and, according to The Wall Street Journal, he doesn’t have another job lined up yet.)

Fink said on CNBC on Wednesday that Wiedman’s departure had been in the works for some time, with the executive having expressed a desire to leave about six months ago.

Other candidates to take over for Fink include Martin Small, BlackRock’s C.F.O.; Rob Goldstein, the firm’s C.O.O.; and Rachel Lord, the head of international.

But Dimon and Fink aren’t going anywhere just yet. Dimon, 68, said only last year that he might not be in the role in five years. And Fink, 72, said in July that he was working on succession planning: “When I do believe the next generation is ready, I’m out.”

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Another battle between Elon Musk and the S.E.C. erupted on Tuesday, with the agency suing the tech mogul over his 2022 purchase of Twitter.

It’s unclear what happens to the lawsuit once President-elect Donald Trump, who counts Musk as a close ally, takes office. But the agency’s reputation as an independent watchdog may be at stake.

A recap: The S.E.C. accused Musk of violating securities laws in his $44 billion acquisition of the social media company.

The agency said that Musk had failed to disclose his Twitter ownership stake for a pivotal 11-day stretch before revealing his intentions to purchase the company. That breach allowed him to buy up at least $150 million worth of Twitter shares at a lower price — to the detriment of existing shareholders, the agency argues.

The S.E.C. isn’t just seeking to fine Musk. It wants him to pay back the windfall. “That’s unusual,” Ann Lipton, a professor at Tulane Law School, told DealBook.

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Alex Spiro, Musk’s lawyer, called the latest action a “sham” and accused the agency of waging a “multiyear campaign of harassment” against him.

The showdown sets up a tough question for the S.E.C. Will Paul Atkins, the president-elect’s widely respected pick to lead the agency, drop the case? Such a move could call the bedrock principle of S.E.C. independence into question.

Jay Clayton, who led the agency during Trump’s first term, earned the respect of the business community for running it in a largely drama-free manner. It was under Clayton that the S.E.C. sued Musk over his statements about taking Tesla private.

Musk, who is set to become Trump’s cost-cutting czar and is expected to have office space in the White House complex, has called for the “comprehensive overhaul” of agencies like the S.E.C. The billionaire said he would also like to see “punitive action against those individuals who have abused their regulatory power for personal and political gain.”

  • In related news: The Consumer Financial Protection Bureau sued Capital One, accusing it of cheating its depositors out of $2 billion in interest payments.

Deals

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  • DAZN, the streaming network backed by the billionaire businessman Len Blavatnik, is closing in on funding from Saudi Arabia’s sovereign wealth fund as the kingdom continues to expand its sports footprint. (NYT)

  • The Justice Department sued KKR, accusing the investment giant of withholding information during government reviews for several of its deals. KKR filed a countersuit. (Bloomberg)

  • OpenAI added Adebayo Ogunlesi, the billionaire co-founder of the infrastructure investment firm Global Infrastructure Partners, to its board. (FT)

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For uninsured fire victims, the Small Business Administration offers a rare lifeline

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For uninsured fire victims, the Small Business Administration offers a rare lifeline

As wildfires continue to burn around Southern California, thousands of business owners, homeowners and renters are confronting the daunting challenge of rebuilding from the ashes. For some number of them, the road ahead will be all the more difficult because they didn’t have any or enough insurance to cover their losses. For them, the U.S. Small Business Administration is a possible lifeline.

The SBA, which offers emergency loans to businesses, homeowners, renters and nonprofits, is among the few relief options for those who don’t have insurance or are underinsured. Uninsured Angelenos can also apply for disaster assistance through the Federal Emergency Management Agency, or FEMA.

The current wildfires are ravaging a state that was already in the midst of a home insurance crisis. Thousands of homeowners have lost their insurance in recent years as providers pull out of fire-prone areas and jack up their prices in the face of rising risk.

“For those who are not going to get that insurance payout, this is available,” Small Business Administration head Isabella Casillas Guzman said in an interview during a recent trip to the fire areas. “The loans are intended to fill gaps, and that is very broad.”

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About one-third of businesses don’t have insurance and three-quarters are underinsured, Guzman said.

“There will be residual effects around the whole community,” she said. “Insurance will not cover this disaster.”

Businesses, nonprofits and small agricultural cooperatives can apply for an economic injury loan or a physical damage loan through SBA. Homeowners are eligible for physical damage loans. Economic injury loans are intended to help businesses meet ordinary financial demands, while physical damage loans provide funds for repairs and restoration. People can apply online and loans must be repaid within 30 years.

Renters can receive up to $100,000 in assistance, homeowners up to $500,000 and businesses up to $2 million, according to Guzman. Homeowners and renters who cannot get access to credit elsewhere can qualify for loans with a interest rate of 2.5%. The SBA determines an applicant has no credit available elsewhere if they do not have other funds to pay for disaster recovery and cannot borrow from nongovernment sources.

Interest rates for homeowners and renters who do have access to credit elsewhere are just over 5%. Loans for businesses could come with interest rates of 4% or 8% depending on whether the business has other credit options.

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An applicant must show they are able to repay their loan and have a credit history acceptable to the SBA in order to be approved. The loans became available following President Biden’s declaration of a major disaster in California.

“We’ve already received hundreds of applications from individuals and businesses interested in exploring additional support,” Guzman said. “We know the economic disruption may not be contained to the footprint of any evacuation zones or power outages.”

People who don’t have insurance or whose insurance doesn’t cover the entirety of their losses are eligible for loans, Guzman said. While many will use the funds to start from scratch after losing their property to the fires, businesses that are still standing can also apply for support to cover lost revenue.

Guzman was not able to estimate the total value of loans they expect to offer in California but said the organization is on solid financial footing after temporarily running out of funds in October.

“Funding has been replenished by Congress, and we expect to be able to coordinate closely with Congress,” Guzman said. “We’re fully funded and in a good position to provide support.”

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