North Carolina
Parental rights or patient privacy? NC bill would limit medical confidentiality for minors
By Rachel Crumpler and Grace Vitaglione
Patient-doctor dynamics in an exam room could soon change for minors.
Republican lawmakers in the state House of Representatives have introduced a bill seeking to limit confidentiality between minors and their health providers — and to grant parents greater access to their children’s medical records and decision-making.
Lead bill sponsor Rep. Jennifer Balkcom (R-Hendersonville) introduced House Bill 519 at the House Rules Committee on May 5, where it passed. Supporters say the bill, also known as the Parents’ Medical Bill of Rights, will help parents make informed decisions about their children’s health care and restore parental authority.
Over two dozen Republican lawmakers are co-sponsoring the bill, including three co-chairs of the House Health Committee: Reps. Larry Potts (R-Lexington), Donny Lambeth (R-Winston-Salem) and Donna White (R-Clayton).
Under the current state law, minors can independently consent to some medical care — for diagnosis and treatment of sexually transmitted diseases, pregnancy, substance use and mental health.
The bill would roll back the law to only allow minors to consent for treatment related to pregnancy, excluding abortion. Parental consent would be required for any other medical care or treatment, except in some limited scenarios outlined in the bill, such as in an emergency or if a medical provider believes a child could be experiencing parental abuse or neglect.
One exception would allow minors age 16 or older to access treatment for venereal disease without parental consent if the disease can be treated with a prescription duration of 10 days or less.
Becky Lew-Hobbs, a mother of three and chair of the Wake County chapter of Moms for Liberty, spoke in support of the bill at a House Judiciary meeting on April 29. She voiced her frustration with the current law, explaining that when she took her 14-year-old son to the emergency room for hurting himself, she was asked to leave the room so the doctor could ask him questions about his mental health and family alone.
“We as parents were treated as the enemy,” Lew-Hobbs said. “The doctor excluded us, preventing us from being part of the solution all because current North Carolina statute is used to exclude parents from their medical care.”
Bianca Allison, a pediatric primary care provider in the Triangle, said that confidentiality is the “cornerstone” of adolescent health care — it fosters open communication. And she added that confidentiality is not completely counter to parental rights — the goal isn’t to shut parents out. Instead, Allison said medical providers are often actively encouraging teens to involve their parents and help them work through why they may be hesitant to talk with them about their concerns.
Sometimes a health care provider is a more comfortable starting point to discuss sensitive topics, she said.
“Even as we provide that care confidentially to an adolescent, often we are having at the same time a conversation asking them, ‘Who is a trusted adult in your life who can help you navigate this situation? Can we help you have a conversation with your parents either here in the room or can I help give you a way to navigate that conversation outside of the exam room?’” Allison explained.
Change from decades-old law
When heard in committee, several doctors, including the president of the North Carolina Pediatric Society, quickly voiced opposition. They based their concerns on how the changes could worsen health outcomes for young people. They said teens would likely skip going to a provider in the first place if sensitive information, such as their sexual activity, will automatically be disclosed to a parent.
Erica Pettigrew, a family physician in the Triangle, explained to lawmakers that the conversations and questions she fields from teens won’t happen — or won’t be honest — if parents are in the exam room or have access to all communication. That will push teens to seek out information from unreliable sources such as TikTok instead, she said.
The state Department of Health and Human Services has also expressed opposition to this bill.
“The Parents’ Medical Bill of Rights would result in fewer children and youth seeking needed health care services, including mental health, substance use, services to treat sexually transmitted diseases and pregnancy prevention,” a DHHS spokesperson said in a statement to NC Health News.
Young people in North Carolina have had the ability to consent to these services since 1977.
The American Academy of Pediatrics, the professional association of U.S. pediatricians, stated in an April 2024 position statement that confidentiality is an “essential component of high-quality health care for adolescents.” Other medical organizations support this stance.
However, state laws on consent and privacy for adolescents vary widely, according to a May 2022 analysis published in the Journal of the American Academy of Pediatrics. The analysis found that many do not reflect pediatric professionals’ standards of care.
A Planned Parenthood South Atlantic spokesperson said in a statement that, “This bill would mark a departure from historical and national trends around informed, medical consent for young people.”
Doctors, advocates push back
Allison worries about the risk of harm to youth in unsupportive environments if their parents were to have full access to medical records. Even though the number has dropped over the years, there are still tragedies within families. Of the 99 child homicides that took place in North Carolina in 2022, 31 of them were at the hands of a parent or caregiver, according to the N.C. Office of the Chief Medical Examiner.
“Removing confidentiality protections doesn’t necessarily, by default, foster open communication between parents and children,” Allison said. “Parents should still be attempting to build the skills and creating an environment where open conversations can happen, regardless of whether or not these confidential protections are in place.”
Erica, a mother of three in Moore County, including a transgender daughter, said she’s worried about the impact of taking away a trusted space for children to go.
“I’m a mom, so of course I want my children to be upfront and honest with me, and I try to facilitate an environment where they can talk to me about anything,” said Erica, who asked to only use her first name for privacy and safety concerns. “But some parents aren’t like that, and some kids aren’t like that, and they need to have an outlet to share. Otherwise it’s going to cause issues — physically and mentally.”
Allison emphasized that she and other medical providers don’t take lightly the responsibility that they might be the first to hear about sensitive topics during otherwise routine screenings with teenagers. Often those discussions are around sexual orientation, gender identity and sexual health.
“There’s a lot of benefits to confidential care in terms of open communication with physicians and the ability for a physician to potentially be seen as another trusted adult in this young person’s life, their ability to ask questions in an environment that is nonjudgmental, that doesn’t have the same implications of them potentially asking these things of their parents,” Allison said.
‘Undermine care’
Allison said this bill is part of the larger trend of state lawmakers seeking to dictate medical practice, particularly around controversial treatments.
In the last legislative session, lawmakers passed increased abortion restrictions over the objections of many doctors and several medical associations. The General Assembly also banned gender-affirming care for minors in North Carolina — except for those who had already started care before the law change.
“I just think that medical decisions should really be driven by best practices and the needs of individual patients — not politics and political ideology. As a provider, I just want my patients to know that they are seen, respected and safe,” Allison said. “Legislation like this can really threaten the sense of safety and undermine care for really everyone that we take care of — even if individuals aren’t necessarily coming in for more sensitive care and treatment right now.
“If and when it becomes relevant to them, they may fear.”
North Carolina
North Carolina Rep. Valerie Foushee holds narrow lead over challenger Nida Allam
Nida Allam in 2022; Rep. Valerie Foushee (D-NC) in 2025.
Jonathan Drake/Reuters; Andrew Harnik/Getty Images
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Jonathan Drake/Reuters; Andrew Harnik/Getty Images
Incumbent Rep. Valerie Foushee holds a narrow lead over challenger Nida Allam in the Democratic primary for North Carolina’s 4th Congressional district as ballots continue to be counted.
In a race seen as an early test of whether Democratic voters desire generational change within the party, Foushee holds a lead of just over 1,000 votes with 99% of results in so far, according to the Associated Press.
Under state law, provisional votes will be counted in the coming days in a district that includes Durham and Chapel Hill. If the election results end up within a 1% margin, Allam could request a recount.
Successfully ousting an incumbent lawmaker is often extremely difficult and rare. However, there have been recent upsets in races as some voters are calling for new leaders and several sitting members of Congress face primary challengers this cycle.
Allam, a 32-year-old Durham County Commissioner, is running to the left of Foushee, 69, framing her candidacy as part of a broader rejection of longtime Democratic norms.
On the campaign trail, Allam ran on an anti-establishment message, pledging to be a stronger fighter than Foushee in Congress, both in standing up against President Trump’s agenda and when pushing for more ambitious policy.
“North Carolina is a purple state that often gets labeled red, but we’re not a red state,” she told NPR in an interview last month, emphasizing the need to address affordability concerns. “We are a state of working-class folks who just want their elected officials to champion the issues that are impacting them.”
She drew a contrast with the congresswoman on immigration, voicing support for abolishing U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement. Foushee has declined to go that far, advocating instead for ICE to be defunded and for broader reforms to the federal immigration system.
Allam also clashed with Foushee over U.S. policy towards Israel. As a vocal opponent of Israel’s war in Gaza, Allam swore off campaign donations from pro-Israel lobbying groups, such as AIPAC, and repeatedly criticized Foushee for previously accepting such funds.
Though Foushee announced last year that she would not accept AIPAC donations this cycle, she and Allam continued to spar over the broader role of outside spending in the race.
Their matchup comes four years after the candidates first squared off in 2022, when Allam lost to Foushee in what became the most expensive primary in the state’s history, with outside groups spending more than $3.8 million.
However, this year is poised to break that record. Outside groups have reported spending more than $4.4 million on the primary matchup, according to Federal Election Commission filings.
WUNC’s Colin Campbell contributed to this report.
North Carolina
Building for tomorrow’s storms: North Carolina updates flood strategy
North Carolina is beginning to plan for floods that have not happened yet.
State officials this year advanced the next phase of the state’s Flood Resiliency Blueprint, incorporating updated modeling that factors in heavier rainfall, future development and sea-level rise — a shift away from relying solely on historic data and FEMA’s regulatory maps.
“We can make decisions and plan for that future, not just the exposure to flooding that we see now,” said Stuart Brown, who manages the Flood Resiliency Blueprint for the North Carolina Department of Environmental Quality.
For a state that has endured record-breaking rainfall from Hurricane Helene in the mountains to Tropical Storm Chantal in the Triangle, the move reflects a growing recognition: past standards no longer capture present risk.
Beyond outdated flood lines
Multiple North Carolina studies have found that between 43% and 60% of flood damage occurs outside FEMA’s regulatory flood zones. Those maps shape insurance requirements and local zoning decisions, yet they are largely based on historical rainfall data.
“A lot of the regulatory floodplains really haven’t kept up with what we know is happening,” said Elizabeth Losos, executive in residence at Duke University’s Nicholas Institute for Energy, Environment and Sustainability.
Climate data show rainfall intensity in the Triangle has increased by about 21% since 1970. Warmer air holds more moisture, fueling heavier downpours that overwhelm drainage systems designed for a different climate.
“Fixing what we know is flooding right now is good,” Losos said. “It’s better than nothing, but it’s definitely not enough.”
Brown said the blueprint incorporates projections for future precipitation and development — a critical factor in one of the fastest-growing states in the country.
“Development can be an issue for flooding in two categories,” Brown said. “One is when that development is occurring in areas that are flood prone. The other is when that development is done in ways that don’t account for the additional stormwater that will be produced.”
Thousands of projects, limited dollars
Unlike states that rely on massive levee systems, North Carolina’s flood risk is scattered across river basins, coastal plains and rapidly developing suburbs. Brown said resilience here will require thousands of localized projects.
“We were asked by the General Assembly to provide specific, actionable projects,” Brown said. “We want to know what specific geography and what specific action is proposed.”
That planning push comes as federal support for flood research and mitigation is shrinking.
The Trump administration has proposed a roughly 30% cut to NOAA’s 2026 budget, targeting climate research and ocean services that provide the rainfall and coastal data states use to model flood risk. At FEMA, the administration has cut staff by more than 6%, reduced funding for local hazard mitigation projects and added new approval layers for grants.
For North Carolina, that means fewer dollars for buyouts, drainage upgrades and flood control projects — and less federal data to guide long-term planning — just as the state is trying to build a more forward-looking flood strategy.
Brown said North Carolina is trying to “leverage the limited dollars that we have in the state with any federal sources that are available” and embed resilience into routine investments in transportation, water treatment and conservation.
“Funding is always going to be an issue,” Brown said.
The policy gap
Researchers have long argued that resilience investments save money. Studies show every $1 spent on mitigation can yield $4 to $13 in avoided losses.
“The problem is that the policies don’t align the people who pay the cost with the people who get the benefit,” Losos said.
A developer may not directly benefit from downstream flood reduction. A town may shoulder upfront infrastructure costs while insurers, neighboring communities or future taxpayers capture part of the savings.
Without policy changes that align costs and benefits, resilience can remain politically and financially difficult.
“In the most severe cases, there are some communities that will have to eventually abandon if they don’t begin to think about how they can adapt to these conditions,” Losos said.
North Carolina now has updated tools to better measure future flood risk. Whether the state can secure stable federal support — and align its own policies with the risks ahead — will determine how effectively communities prepare for the next storm rather than recover from the last one.
North Carolina
North Carolina primary could mean Roy Cooper vs Michael Whatley in pivotal fall Senate race
RALEIGH, N.C. — North Carolina’s primary will be the official starting gun for one of the country’s most closely watched U.S. Senate campaigns, likely pitting former Democratic Gov. Roy Cooper against former Republican National Committee Chairman Michael Whatley.
Each candidate is the most high-profile contender for their party’s nomination, which should be sealed on Tuesday. Scores of other races also are on the ballot, including for the U.S. House, state legislature and judicial seats.
North Carolina, a traditional battleground where Democrats have been able to hold the governor’s seat even as voters helped send President Donald Trump to the White House, is one of three states kicking off this year’s midterm elections, along with Texas and Arkansas. Tuesday’s slate of primaries comes against the backdrop of the U.S. and Israel attack on Iran.
The war, which began over the weekend, has killed at least six U.S. service members, spiraled into a regional confrontation as Iran retaliated and sent oil and natural gas prices soaring. The president, who campaigned on an isolationist “America First” agenda and went to war without authorization from Congress, faces mounting questions over its rationale and an exit strategy.
North Carolina’s election this year could be crucial for determining which party controls the U.S. Senate, where Republicans currently have the majority. The seat is open because Sen. Thom Tillis decided to retire after clashing with President Donald Trump. Political experts say a typhoon of outside money could make the race the most expensive Senate campaigns in U.S. history, perhaps reaching $1 billion.
Many Democrats see Cooper, who served two terms as governor and has been successful in state politics for decades, as the party’s best shot at victory. Democrats need to pick up four seats to take back control of the Senate, and they view the most likely path as winning in North Carolina, Maine, Alaska and Ohio.
Cooper faces five lesser-known rivals on Tuesday. Other Republicans on the Senate ballot include Navy officer Don Brown and Michele Morrow, who was the party’s nominee for state schools chief in 2024.
Republican U.S. Senate candidate Michael Whatley, arrives to an early voting site to cast his vote on Thursday, Feb. 12, 2026, in Gastonia, N.C. Credit: AP/Erik Verduzco
Cooper formally entered the race weeks after Tillis announced last summer he wouldn’t seek a third term, as did Whatley, who was buoyed by Trump’s backing when the president’s daughter-in-law Lara Trump declined to enter. The two candidates have been campaigning for months against each other with little focus on intraparty opposition.
Whatley promises to keep pushing Trump’s agenda if elected, one that he says has cut taxes and spending and restored U.S. military might.
“It’s very important for us to have a conservative champion and for President Trump to have an ally in the Senate,” he said while voting early in Gastonia. “We’re going to be fighting for every family and every community in North Carolina.”
Some primary voters say Congress needs Democratic control as a counterweight to Trump and what they consider disastrous policies.
President Donald Trump listens as Michael Whatley speaks to soldiers and their families at Fort Bragg, N.C., Friday, Feb. 13, 2026. Credit: AP/Matt Rourke
“I think we need to send a message. And I think the more Democrats that show up, and the more independents that show up for this midterm election, and the more seats we can take from the Republicans, the more he might get the message,” said Lisa Frucht, 67, said as she cast a ballot for Cooper at an early voting site north of Raleigh.
Republican voter Gary Grimes, who chose Whatley, said Democratic control of Congress could lead to more impeachment efforts against Trump that ultimately won’t succeed.
“It’ll be a repeat of what they did to Trump in the first term,” said Grimes, 71, “And they can’t see anything except getting Trump, at any cost.”
A Democrat hasn’t won a Senate race in North Carolina since 2008. Meanwhile, Cooper, 68, hasn’t lost a North Carolina election going back to first running for the state House in the mid-1980s, leading to 16 years as attorney general and eight as governor through 2024.
Whatley, 57, previously worked in President George W. Bush’s administration, for then-North Carolina Sen. Elizabeth Dole and as an energy lobbyist.
Cooper and his allies have centered campaign attacks on Whatley’s allegiance to the president and Trump policies, saying he backs higher tariffs and Medicaid spending reductions and must take blame for slow Hurricane Helene recovery aid.
Voting recently in Raleigh, Cooper said he wants to “make sure that I’m a strong, independent senator who can work with this president when I can, stand up to him when I need to and recognize that people are struggling right now.”
Whatley, Trump and other Republicans have blistered Cooper on criminal justice matters, accusing him of promoting soft-on-crime policies while governor. They’ve repeatedly highlighted last August’s fatal stabbing of Ukrainian refugee Iryna Zarutska on a Charlotte light-rail train. Trump identified Zarutska’s mother in attendance at last week’s State of the Union address.
Cooper told reporters recently that his career is about “prosecuting violent criminals and keeping thousands of them behind bars.”
Tuesday’s election also includes primary elections in all but one of North Carolina’s U.S. House districts. They include a five-candidate GOP primary in the northeastern 1st Congressional District, which is currently represented by Democratic Rep. Don Davis, who faced no primary opposition.
The Republican-controlled General Assembly created last fall a more right-leaning 1st District to join Trump’s multistate redistricting campaign ahead of the 2026 elections to retain the House. Davis won in 2024 by less than 2 percentage points.
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