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Montenegro pursues values-driven EU enlargement process

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Montenegro pursues values-driven EU enlargement process

The opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not represent in any way the editorial position of Euronews.

The President of Montenegro outlines four scenarios in which candidate countries may engage with EU enlargement, with only one – in which both sides play their role fully in the democratisation process – is ideal.

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It is encouraging that one of the seven priorities of the new European Commission explicitly focuses on enlargement, envisioning a Europe that is not only larger but also stronger on the world stage.

 From the perspective of candidate countries, we are encouraged by the renewed momentum in Brussels and across the EU. This momentum has sparked a genuine appetite for new member states, and I find this inspiring. When I was elected President of Montenegro last year, I set an ambitious yet achievable goal: Montenegro, as a frontrunner among the candidate countries, to become the 28th EU member state by 2028.

 Montenegro is the country that already holds NATO membership, has been in line with the EU’s common foreign and security policy for the last decade, has the euro as a currency (though unilaterally), and what I like to stress: has a strong civil sector and free, independent media. The country naturally has challenges and political turbulence, as any other democratic, pluralistic society has, but these are part of a democratisation process, rather than the consequence of its failure.

 The reforms in Montenegro have been strongly driven by the promise of EU membership and the legitimacy that political parties derive from it. In fact, most, if not all, political parties in Montenegro are publicly committed to EU integration. Although one may question the sincerity of these commitments and whether they are merely declarative or truly substantive, nevertheless, considering that more than 80 percent of the population supports EU membership, it is clear why EU accession is such an important source of political legitimacy in Montenegrin politics.

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However, the transformative power of the EU pathway is not unique to Montenegro; we have seen similar effects in other countries—Croatia (our only approximate neighbour that is already a member), Slovenia, another country with whom we shared a joint history for some time, as well as many other countries throughout Central and Eastern Europe. During my previous career as an economist at the EBRD, I observed first-hand the EU’s transformative power in these countries, a power unmatched by the influence of any other external actors.

In considering how enlargement might unfold, there are four main scenarios, each with lasting consequences for both the EU and the candidate countries:

Scenario One: The candidate country fails to utilize the EU accession process for democratic or institutional progress, and as a result, the EU does not admit it. The outcome is a clear lose-lose, leaving the EU with incomplete democracies at its borders and the candidate country without the benefits of EU membership, with de-democratisation forces taking the lead forward. It goes without saying that this scenario is also welcomed by the EU’s adversaries, who can then fully exert their influence.

Scenario Two: The candidate country uses the accession process productively—building institutions and advancing democratic standards—yet is still not accepted by the EU. History shows that this scenario often leads to regression and the reversal of democratic gains. Here, too, both sides ultimately lose in the long run. Yet some may be more capable of continuing along a positive path and building a stable democracy rooted in the rule of law. Unfortunately, history teaches us otherwise.

Scenario Three: The candidate country shows insufficient democratic progress, yet the EU admits it anyway based solely on geopolitical considerations. Some advocate for this approach, regardless of the state of reforms. While this might appear to satisfy both the EU’s enlargement drive and the candidate countries’ ambitions, especially for bigger sources of funding for development, in reality, it is not sustainable. Over the long term, both the EU and the country suffer, as core values like the rule of law and effective governance are sidelined. Moreover, this scenario could also benefit adversaries, providing them with opportunities to exert influence within the EU.

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Scenario Four (The Win-Win Scenario): Both parties do their part. The candidate country leverages the accession process to achieve genuine democratic progress and build robust institutions, while also depoliticizing its public administration, enabling a free media environment, and focusing on sustainable economic development, and then is welcomed into the EU. This is the ideal outcome—one that ensures shared growth, resilience, and stability. It is this scenario that I believe we must all strive to achieve.

This is precisely what I envision for Montenegro. We have to use the EU accession process—this powerful external anchor—to drive reforms and fortify our democracy, ensuring that we join the EU as a fully prepared and committed member state. It is therefore essential to make the most of the accession process now.

For this aim, enlargement should not only be about financial gain—as there are countless global avenues for attracting investment with perhaps fewer conditions required. What we should value most about the EU is the set of principles it upholds. We seek to build a society anchored in the rule of law, good governance, and equal opportunities. These core values make EU membership a goal worth pursuing.

As President of Montenegro, I am committed to guiding my country through this critical phase of our European journey. I hope that both the EU and candidate countries will work together to achieve a truly win-win scenario—one that not only enhances the Union’s strength and unity but also helps candidates become responsible, democratic members of the European family.

I am deeply convinced that Montenegro’s accession to the EU is a political milestone greater than itself; it would show that the process is alive, that reforms truly pay off, that new political culture pays off, and could become a success story and an example for all other candidate countries, if we all commit to the genuine reform agenda ahead.

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Stellan Skarsgård Crashes Two Alexander Skarsgård Sketches on ‘SNL,’ Playing a Screaming Dad and a Goofy Dramatic Actor

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Stellan Skarsgård Crashes Two Alexander Skarsgård Sketches on ‘SNL,’ Playing a Screaming Dad and a Goofy Dramatic Actor

Alexander Skarsgård was joined, on his “Saturday Night Live” hosting debut, by his father.

Skarsgård had been stoic about what’s going on in his career: He didn’t mention his new films “Pillion” or “The Moment” in his monologue, during which he mimed playing the sax along with the “SNL” band.

Later, in a sketch seeming to play off Stellan Skarsgård‘s success this year in “Sentimental Value,” Alexander and Chloe Fineman played cast members in a Scandinavian drama (titled “Stench of a Family”) who couldn’t help but cut up between takes, laughing at the absurdity of the story and their situation. Their characters’ father, who wants to die, is lying in a bathtub waiting to say goodbye. Once the two walk into the bathroom set, they find Stellan, concealed beneath the water with a fake Incredible Hulk prop on his hand. He provides the scene’s final joke, breaking the tension once and for all by raising his Hulk fist into the air.

Watch the sketch below.

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Stellan proved himself to play against his image there, and in a sketch lampooning the practices of immigrant parents, in which Alexander played a stoic Finn, whose only memory of affection from his father was accidentally touching knees in a sauna. He was joined, at the end of the sketch, by his real-life father, screaming, “The shame is yours! Live with it!”

The episode’s musical guest, Cardi B, showed up in this sketch as well, playing the wife of the character played by Marcello Hernández. In a wig with rollers in, Cardi grabbed the cigarette out of Hernández’s hand and made her own case as a potential future host.

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State Department issues security alert amid ‘heavy gunfire’ near US Embassy in Haiti

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State Department issues security alert amid ‘heavy gunfire’ near US Embassy in Haiti

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The U.S. Embassy in Port-au-Prince, Haiti on Saturday alerted U.S. citizens of ongoing security operations north and south of the embassy and in Croix-de-Bouquets. 

Heavy gunfire was reported in the Haitian capital, prompting U.S. government personnel to halt all movements, according to an alert from the Department of State.

The embassy remains open for emergency services.

Officials urged nearby U.S. citizens to avoid the area and monitor local media for updates.

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Police patrol the streets of Port-au-Prince amid rampant gang violence, in Port-au-Prince, Haiti. (Reuters/Ralph Tedy Erol/File Photo)

UN STAFF IN HAITI TOLD TO STAY OFF STREETS AFTER GANG COALITION FLEXES MUSCLE, US MARINES FACE GUNFIRE

Armed gangs control large portions of Port-au-Prince and surrounding areas, according to the U.S. State Department and the United Nations Integrated Office in Haiti (BINUH). 

Croix-de-Bouquets, one of the areas referenced in Saturday’s security alert, has long been considered a “400 Mawozo” gang stronghold.

“400 Mawozo” gang leader Joly Germine, 34, of Croix-des-Bouquets, Haiti, was sentenced to life in prison in December for his role in the 2021 abduction of 16 American citizens, including five children, Fox News Digital previously reported.

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Police stop at a car to inspect in Port-au-Prince, Haiti.  (AP Photo/Ramon Espinosa)

US MARINES EXCHANGED GUNFIRE WITH SUSPECTED GANG MEMBERS IN HAITI, OFFICIAL SAYS

The victims, with Ohio-based Christian Aid Ministries, were on their way back from an orphanage when they were taken hostage, according to the Justice Department.

The State Department currently maintains a Level 4 “Do Not Travel” advisory for Haiti, citing kidnapping, crime, terrorist activity, civil unrest and limited health care.

Residents run past burning tires in Port-au-Prince, Haiti. (Clarens Siffroy/AFP via Getty Images)

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The State Department did not immediately respond to Fox News Digital’s request for comment.

Fox News Digital’s Ashley Carnahan contributed to this report.

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Campaign to boycott Israel looks to future after Gaza ‘ceasefire’

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Campaign to boycott Israel looks to future after Gaza ‘ceasefire’

Israel’s genocidal war on Gaza has pushed the plight of the Palestinian people to the forefront of global attention. For more than two years, the world has witnessed the mass killing, disease and starvation imposed upon the enclave by Israel.

Faced with a sense of helplessness, calls have grown for boycotts of Israeli goods, for companies profiting from Israel or its settlements in the occupied West Bank to divest, and for politicians to expand sanctions that some have already imposed on Israeli ministers.

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However, with other world events, such as the war in Ukraine and the United States’s face-off with Iran now dominating much of the world’s headlines, the Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions (BDS) movement faces a challenge to keep attention on Gaza and Israel’s illegal occupation of Palestine.

Gains made

The war on Gaza has led to Israel facing unprecedented condemnation from around the world.

Israel has moved closer to pariah status for its attacks not just in Gaza – killing more than 70,000 Palestinians – but in Lebanon and elsewhere in the Middle East.

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The country’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, as well as former Defence Minister Yoav Gallant now find themselves facing International Criminal Court arrest warrants for war crimes.

At home, at least two of Israel’s far-right government ministers, Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich and National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir, have also been sanctioned by governments worldwide.

And on top of that hangs the judgement of the International Court of Justice in January 2024, that the state of Israel may plausibly be engaged in genocide, in an ongoing case brought by South Africa.

Pro-Palestinian students at the UCLA campus set up an encampment in support of Gaza in protest against Israel’s attacks on the enclave, in Los Angeles, California [Grace Yoon/Anadolu Agency]

Criticism of Israel has also entered the mainstream culturally in Western countries, particularly among young people horrified by the death rained upon Gaza.

And importantly, there have been economic consequences for Israel and some of those doing business in it – echoing the boycott movement against apartheid South Africa in the 1980s.

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Companies such as the French supermarket chain Carrefour were forced to close a number of outlets in the Middle East amid public anger over its links to Israeli firms operating in illegal settlements in the occupied West Bank.

Other companies associated with Israel’s actions, including Airbnb – which allows Israelis in illegal settlements to rent their properties – and Microsoft, whose Azure cloud services have supported the Israeli military, have all faced internal dissent and reputational damage because of their ties to the Israeli government.

As a consequence of public pressure, pension funds from around the world, including Spain, Norway, Denmark, France and Ireland, have divested from Israeli assets linked to settlements, or withdrawn investments from companies tied to Israel.

“BDS and boycotts have changed Israel’s global trade landscape,” Avi Balashnikov, chairman of the Israel Export Institute, conceded in September 2024.

“We fight every day, hour by hour, for Israeli industry abroad,” he added. “Economic boycotts and BDS organisations present major challenges, and in some countries, we are forced to operate under the radar.”

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Moving spotlight

Despite a US-brokered “ceasefire“, Israeli attacks on Gaza have killed more than 500 people since the agreement was reached in October, including at least 31 on Saturday. The fact that Israel has continued to kill Palestinians, while much of the world looks away, highlights the difficulty now facing the BDS movement and whether it can maintain the energy it has gained.

“It is not uncommon for the observance of a boycott to rise and fall according to the prominence of an issue and success of specific campaigns to raise awareness or promote adherence to the boycott,” Nick Cull, a historian and authority on cultural boycotts at the University of Southern California, told Al Jazeera.

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A protester holds a placard reading, ‘This Company Supports Israeli Genocide, Join The Boycott’, for lunchtime shoppers to see during a demonstration outside Coca-Cola-owned Costa Coffee [Martin Pope/SOPA Images/LightRocket via Getty Images]

“I think that the power of a boycott is cumulative,” Cull continued. “Just as advertising associates a brand with good feelings and positive experiences – think how over many decades Coca-Cola link their drink to ideas of friendship – as part of the ‘buy-me’ message, so a boycott’s ‘don’t buy’ message becomes a negative branding associating a product and its place of origin with negative feelings: training a revulsion impulse rather than a logical inner debate over the merits of a particular case.”

“Since the ceasefire, a less-visible form of genocide has been unfolding,” Saleh Hijazi, Policy Coordinator with the BDS movement, told Al Jazeera, pointing to the mounting death toll in Gaza from Israeli attacks and the restrictions that Israel was imposing on access to food and medicine.

“Israel and the US, a full partner in this genocide, have used the so-called ceasefire as an attempt to rescue apartheid Israel from a downward spiral, to launder its global image and muffle international outrage. It’s meant to push Palestinians out of the headlines, weaken calls for boycotts and sanctions, and make our struggle seem less urgent,” Hijazi said.

Protesters hold a banner and Palestinian flags during the
Protesters hold a banner and Palestinian flags during the ‘Stop Israel’ demonstration against Israel’s participation in the Eurovision Song Contest due to its ongoing offensive in Gaza, in Malmo, Sweden [Johan Nilsson/TT News Agency via Reuters]

Lasting damage

However, while the media spotlight may have broadened from its formerly sharp focus on Gaza, the reputational damage inflicted on companies trading with Israel as a result of its genocide, as well as new initiatives to culturally isolate it, are gaining ground.

“I still feel odd about brands demonised during [South Africa’s] apartheid and artists who violated the boycott,” Cull added, emphasising the lasting reputational damage of boycotts. “This training of people into a negative reflex is what makes boycotts so powerful.”

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More initiatives are now taking hold, attempting to build on the sense of cultural isolation many in Israel feel.

One, Game Over Israel, led by political strategist Ashish Prashar, aims to remove Israel from European football.

“We launched our campaign to kick Israel out of football with a huge billboard in Times Square on September 16, the same day the UN’s [Commission of Inquiry] report on genocide came out,” Prashar said.

“The idea is to appeal to what they call the ‘integrity of the game,’” he said, explaining that the campaign would continue despite the “ceasefire”. “We’re running a campaign the same way we would an election strategy. Our next target is to go after [European football’s governing body] UEFA in Switzerland.”

A billboard in Times Square displays the message
A billboard in Times Square displays the message ‘Soccer Federations: Boycott Israel’ as part of the campaign by Game Over Israel calling for a boycott of Israel by national football federations over the war in Gaza, in New York City, United States [Jeenah Moon/Reuters]

“Ninety percent of Israel’s games are played through UEFA,” Prashar said. “Suspending them would probably help lots of the clubs, their towns and the fans. Just the cost of policing an Israeli game … costs a fortune. Most councils can’t afford that. Other stadiums are closed off, which means that fans can’t go and clubs lose the ticket money, or they’re moved, which means no one makes any money.”

“It’s not about football,” he said. “It’s about not accepting the normalisation of Israel. It’s the institutional resistance to this that’s frightening. This shouldn’t be on people or small groups of activists. This should be on governments.”

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